Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Parker, Adjunct Fellow, Naval Studies at UNSW Canberra, and Expert Associate, National Security College, Australian National University

Last week, Chinese coast guard vessels rammed and shot water cannon at Philippine ships in the South China Sea. The incident was well within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone and was completely unprovoked.

It is the latest example of a sustained pattern of Chinese maritime coercion that has intensified over the past three years. Despite the growing frequency and sheer aggression of these tactics, international attention and official rebukes have noticeably waned in the past 12 months.

For Australia, a nation whose prosperity and security relies on maritime trade, there can be no room for complacency or desensitisation. China’s maritime aggression puts Australia at risk.

Why freedom of navigation matters

Australia’s lifeblood flows through the oceans. Roughly 99% of our trade by volume moves by sea. And two-thirds of Australia’s maritime trade travels through the South China Sea.

In a crisis or conflict, Australia would rely on these maritime supply chains to continue delivering fuel, food, fertiliser, ammunition and other critical supplies to sustain our economy and defence forces.

Any disruption to Australia’s seaborne supplies – whether by state-sanctioned harassment or outright force – threatens our national resilience at a fundamental level.

Given this, Australia’s economy benefits significantly from the rules set forth in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, or UNCLOS. Australia should be deeply concerned by images of Chinese coast guard vessels ramming and firing water cannon at Philippine fisheries vessels.

China’s coast guard and maritime militia have weaponised “grey zone” tactics such as these. Such actions are aimed at intimidation and coercion. They purposely fall short of actual conflict, which would trigger the collective defence guarantee between the Philippines and United States, or other strong international action.

Each collision, each burst of water cannon, reinforces a new normal: that Beijing can coerce its neighbours in peacetime without bearing a strategic cost.

Muted responses are hurting us

The lack of response from the international community plays into this.

International reporting of these incidents has declined compared to early last year. The once-robust chorus of diplomatic protests also appears more muted.

The Australian ambassador to the Philippines expressed deep concerns about last week’s incident on social media, but there was no ministerial statement or response from Australia’s maritime agencies or Department of Defence.

When a Chinese fighter pilot released flares near an Australian maritime patrol aircraft over the South China Sea in February, the defence department called the action “unsafe and unprofessional”. Formal complaints were lodged, but this was the end of it.

While we must carefully manage our relationship with China as an important trading partner, the continuation of these incidents requires a stronger rebuke.

Australia cannot allow a drift towards quiet acquiescence of these actions by our political leaders or the public. If coercive actions go unanswered, China will grow ever more confident that it can rewrite the norms of conduct at sea.

Over time, a contested maritime environment would inflict real costs on Australian exporters, our digital connectivity and the ability of our Navy to operate freely and safely in regional waters.

So, what must Australia do?

First, we should step up our diplomatic efforts to spotlight every act of aggression in the South China Sea and the broader Indo-Pacific region. This could mean supporting the Philippines in a joint ministerial statement or other collective diplomatic condemnations.

Second, Australia must continue to deepen practical cooperation with regional partners. This includes joint naval training exercises, information-sharing arrangements and coordinated patrols with partners such as the Philippines.

This will send a clear signal: we stand shoulder to shoulder with those who champion freedom of navigation and respect for exclusive economic zones.

Third, our strategic communications must be unambiguous. At home, Australians should understand that maritime security underpins our everyday prosperity, from the iPhones in our hands to the fuel in our cars and our internet banking.

Lastly, Australia must back rhetoric with resources. We must accelerate the strengthening of our maritime and naval capabilities.

Australia’s plans for new submarines and surface combatants will see delivery in the 2030s and 2040s. Timeframes of this nature do not meet our present strategic reality.

Even with these new ships and submarines, glaring gaps remain and must be urgently closed. This includes acquiring mine-warfare vessels and establishing a coast guard, to name but a few. These efforts require more resourcing through increased defence spending and a genuine commitment to structural reform.

History teaches that once coercion goes unchecked, it tends to escalate. The incident last week is not an isolated provocation, but part of a continued deterioration of security in the waters around us.

Australia has both the right and the responsibility to challenge the normalisation of this kind of maritime aggression. We can push back by calling out each incident, continuing to deepen our regional partnerships, accelerating the development of our naval capabilities, and reinforcing international maritime law.

Our future prosperity, and the security of generations to come, depends on it.

Jennifer Parker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Australia must not become complacent to China’s aggression in the South China Sea – https://theconversation.com/australia-must-not-become-complacent-to-chinas-aggression-in-the-south-china-sea-257328

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Edele, Hansen Professor in History and Deputy Dean, The University of Melbourne

United States President Donald Trump was “not happy” with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, this week.

For three consecutive nights, from Friday to Sunday, Russia launched about 900 drones and scores of missiles at Ukraine. At least 18 people were killed, including three children.

“We’re in the middle of talking and he’s shooting rockets into Kyiv and other cities,” Trump told reporters on Sunday, after Putin ordered the largest air assault on Ukraine’s civilians in its three-year war.

Following up on his remarks, Trump posted on social media that Putin had “gone absolutely CRAZY!”

Putin is not crazy. He is a tactician with a long-term goal: to make Russia a great power again and secure his place in the history books as the re-builder of Russia’s imperial might.

Trump announced after a phone call with Putin on May 19 that Russia and Ukraine would “immediately start negotiations” towards a ceasefire.

With his latest air campaign on Ukraine, however, Putin is threatening to destroy the goodwill he’s built up in Washington, where Trump has been consistently soft on Russia and tough on his allies.

So, what is Putin’s strategy? Why is he launching these massive air bombardments on Ukrainian civilians now?

Putin sees weakness in the West

One theory is these attacks are somehow preparations for a major offensive. That makes little sense.

Attacking military facilities, weapons depots or even frontline troops are useful preparations for an impending attack. Indiscriminate bombing of civilians, meanwhile, is a sign of either desperation or impatience.

Britain and the US bombed German cities during the second world war because they had no alternatives until they built up enough capacity to transport land forces across the sea to invade the continent.

The US also sent bombers to Japan in the final stages of the war because the American public became tired of seeing their sons, husbands, brothers and fathers die on Pacific islands they had never heard of. The war had dragged on forever by this point, and there seemed no end in sight.

Is Putin desperate or impatient? Likely the latter.

From the perspective of the Kremlin, Russia’s strategic situation is as good as it has been for years.

The US is trying to destroy itself through trade wars and boorish diplomacy. Trump clearly dislikes Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and hopes the war will somehow end if he just demands it.

Europe is continuing to back Ukraine. However, for the time being, it still needs US support because its entire security structure is built around NATO and US strength, both economic and military.

What Putin sees when he surveys the international scene is weakness. In his thinking, such weakness needs to be exploited – now is the time to hurt Ukraine as much as possible, and hope it will crack. Analysts call this a “cognitive warfare effort”.

Indiscriminate air war on civilians is the only means Putin currently has to pressure Ukraine. His army has been advancing, but painfully slowly. There is no breakthrough in sight, even once the spring muds dry and the summer fighting season starts in earnest.

Russia has gradually advanced in Ukraine throughout 2024, but with no perceivable change in the overall situation. Putin does not command precision weapons or super spies, which he could use to take out Ukraine’s leadership.

All he can do is rain death on women, children and the elderly from relatively cheap, unsophisticated weapons, such as drones. He now has these in large supply, thanks to ramping up military production at home.

Bombing campaigns do not end wars

A strategic air war on civilians seldom works, however.

Japan’s surrender in 1945 is an exception, but it is misleading in many ways. The Americans had flattened Japan’s cities for a while already, just not using their new atomic weapons. Japan had already lost the war and the real question was if there would be a bloody US invasion or surrender.

And as the US dropped its two nuclear bombs in August of that year, the Red Army joined the fight, racing across Manchuria to help occupy Japanese territories.

In Germany, the British-American bombings from 1942 onwards certainly had an effect on war production, as they killed workers and destroyed factories. But they did not incapacitate the German army and certainly did not break morale.

Instead, the bombings led to embitterment and a closing of ranks around the regime. German society fought to the last moment. It did so not just despite, but because of the air war. The German army was eventually defeated by the ground troops of the Red Army, who took Berlin in an incredibly bloody fight.

Other historical failures are even more spectacular. The US air force dropped 864,000 tons of bombs on North Vietnam during an air campaign of more than 300,000 sorties lasting from 1965 to late 1968. The North Vietnamese lost maybe 29,000 people (dead and wounded), more than half of them civilians. The Americans and their South Vietnamese allies still lost the war.

Putin’s air war will likely follow the historical pattern: it has further embittered the Ukrainians, who know very well that what comes from the east is not liberation.

Another summer of fighting lies ahead. Ukraine’s friends in the democratic world need to urgently redouble their efforts to support Ukraine. The misguided hopes that Putin would somehow “make a deal” lie under the rubble his drones leave behind in Ukraine’s cities.

Mark Edele receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Is Vladimir Putin’s indiscriminate bombing of Ukrainian civilians ‘crazy’? It’s more a sign of impatience – https://theconversation.com/is-vladimir-putins-indiscriminate-bombing-of-ukrainian-civilians-crazy-its-more-a-sign-of-impatience-257630

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laura Brannelly, Senior Lecturer in One Health and Biostatistics, The University of Melbourne

For a small frog, the alpine tree frog (Litoria verreauxii alpina) packs a lot of surprises.

For one, this tree frog lives in snowy gullies and high mountain crags across the Australian Alps, far from the tropical areas we normally associate with tree frogs.

But these frogs have another surprise. Their numbers have been decimated by a deadly fungal disease, chytridiomycosis, which spreads in water, enters the frog’s skin, and kills by causing cardiac arrest. The chytrid fungus has wiped out almost all alpine tree frogs, whose numbers have fallen more than 80% since the 1980s. The species now occurs in only a few fragmented and highly isolated sites. Even here, the fungus kills almost all alpine tree frogs in their first breeding season.

Given these odds, it begs the question – how is the species not extinct? To find out, we used lab and field studies to investigate whether the threat of chytrid infection was forcing these frogs to change.

To our surprise, we found clear signs of change. When infected with the fungus, male frogs set about fathering more offspring.

The fungal threat

Before the emergence of the fungus, brisk spring nights across the Australian Alps would have been filled with the songs of male alpine tree frogs.

These choruses are long gone across most of the species’ range. The alpine tree frog is now critically endangered.

In the 1970s, frog species around the world began to die off en masse. But it wasn’t until 1998 that an Australian team figured out the cause wasn’t natural – it was an introduced fungus.

Wherever chytrid fungus has gone, it has laid waste to amphibians – especially frogs, where death rates can reach 100%. Worldwide, more than 500 amphibian species have been driven to decline and at least 90 species have been lost to extinction.

The fungus doesn’t like heat and needs water to spread. As a result, frogs in colder, wetter areas have been hardest hit. Seven Australian frog species have gone extinct due largely to the fungus, including remarkable gastric brooding frogs.

Some frogs have tried to fight this deadly disease by producing skin secretions called antimicrobial peptides, which reduce fungal growth. But not every frog’s skin secretions work against this disease.

Unfortunately, the invasive cane toad is strongly resistant to the fungus. More positively, one native species, Fleay’s barred frog, appears to have developed natural resistance to the fungus.

But for the alpine tree frog, chytrid fungus poses an existential threat.

Breeding at double speed

To find out how the species was still clinging on, we examined these frogs in the field and in laboratories. We tested sperm quality, analysed breeding patterns and looked at breeding success.

What we found suggests the species is adapting in real time, pushed by the huge selective pressure of the fungus.

When a male tree frog was infected, it set about breeding with new fervour. Infected males took part in almost a third (31%) more breeding events than uninfected frogs.

There were more changes, too. Infected males produced higher quality sperm and in greater volumes than healthy males. This meant their fertility was actually greater than those not carrying the fungus.

Not only that, but infected males produced more colourful mating displays in their throat patches. The more colourful the patch, the more attractive it could be to female frogs. Infection was making individual males more attractive as breeding partners.

These changes resulted in better breeding success for infected males – they fathered more tadpoles than uninfected frogs. The fungus doesn’t affect the eggs, and leaves tadpoles largely unharmed.

For the species, this had real benefits – it meant more and more tadpoles were being produced. While the fungus would kill most of them as adult frogs, their increased numbers bolstered the species.

Spawning before succumbing

These findings can seem counterintuitive. We might expect a sick animal would save its energy and try to fight the infection rather than try to reproduce. But these frogs are taking the opposite approach, spawning frantically before they succumb.

This strategy isn’t common in the animal kingdom, but it’s not unheard of. Tasmanian devils face a similar threat from a lethal cancer which spreads from animal to animal by biting. In areas where devil facial tumour disease is present, females reproduce earlier and have more babies with each pregnancy than in disease-free areas.

Like the devils, alpine tree frogs were choosing reproduction over their personal survival.

These adaptations had real use. In fact, we believe the changes have made it possible for the frog species to avoid extinction in the wild alongside the disease.

That’s not to say all is well. The species is only just holding on. If other threats emerge, it could be enough to tip it over the edge into extinction.

This is where human intervention can help. Now we know their accelerated breeding patterns are important, we can focus on protecting breeding habitat. Creating new breeding ponds and corridors between breeding sites could give these frogs a helping hand.

The deadly fungus isn’t going away. But the frogs aren’t either. If we lend our help alongside their ingenious survival strategies, perhaps the beautiful whistling songs of the alpine tree frog will ring out across the Australian Alps once again.

Laura Brannelly receives funding from The Australian Research Council.

Alex Wendt receives funding from the Ecological Society of Australia

Danielle Wallace receives funding from the Ecological Society of Australia.

– ref. This rare alpine frog is fighting against a lethal fungus – by breeding faster and faster – https://theconversation.com/this-rare-alpine-frog-is-fighting-against-a-lethal-fungus-by-breeding-faster-and-faster-256234

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joo-Cheong Tham, Professor, Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne

Australian employers are monitoring employees, frequently without workers’ knowledge or consent, according to a new report.

And when workers do know about surveillance, there is little they can do about it. Laws have not kept pace, producing negative impacts for workers and workplaces.

A Labor-chaired Victorian parliamentary inquiry has released a report on workplace surveillance and the need for more effective national regulation.

The growth of workplace surveillance

After public hearings and submissions from major employer, industry and union groups, the inquiry found new technology was enabling workers to be monitored in the workplace and remotely.

Optical, listening, tracking and data recording devices are being used to monitor employees, often without knowledge or consent.

While use varied according to industry, the committee found widespread workplace surveillance including:

• jobs by factory workers being monitored with time taken to do tasks recorded

• retina, finger, hand and facial features biometric data collected from nurses and construction workers

• mobile phone apps used to track location of banking staff

• infrared cameras used to scan truck drivers in their cabins for 12 consecutive hours

• university workers’ computer usage and emails monitored

• sensitive financial and medical data collected.

The committee also considered the use in Australian workplaces of tools with sophisticated surveillance capabilities (including Microsoft Teams), to monitor remote work arrangements.

Some of these tools deployed AI features, including emotional and neuro surveillance. They could be used to determine workers’ moods and level of attention or effort.

The committee found some workplaces were collecting a vast amount of information it considered invasive and posed major cybersecurity risks.

Legitimate surveillance

The inquiry found there were certain circumstances when workplace surveillance was legitimate. These included managing work health and safety risks like fatigue and preventing fraud and theft.

But it also highlighted the lack of evidence workplace surveillance improves productivity. Such surveillance could lead to “function creep” – where surveillance used for one purpose is covertly used for others.

Beyond invading privacy, the committee found surveillance could cause work intensification, increased risks of injury and worker stress from constant monitoring.

Surveillance could also exacerbate the inequality of power between workers and their employers and worsen discrimination.

The monitoring of some tasks could result in certain jobs being dumbed down or degraded. Monitoring often measured the wrong things – like keystrokes – that do not capture real performance of careful thinking or writing.

Poor regulation

Massive regulatory gaps have allowed workplace surveillance to flourish because of the lack of controls on employers’ monitoring and collection of data.

Employers’ ability to monitor workers through their control of work premises and equipment can leave some employees exposed to surveillance without notification.

And there are few laws to check these powers.

Two significant exemptions mean there is scant regulation of surveillance under the federal Privacy Act. Businesses with an annual turnover of less than A$3 million are exempt as are employee records.

The employee records exemption means the Act does not apply to employee data collected when the worker is a current employee with the exemption applying even after the employment relationship has ended.

Individual consent

Only New South Wales and the Australian Capital Territory have dedicated workplace surveillance laws.

They require employers to give employees advance notice of surveillance, and, in the ACT, to consult with employees about introducing surveillance and managing data.

These regimes, however, offer little substantive protection because they rely on “individual consent” – meaning surveillance is authorised if workers agree.

Refusing consent in employment is, however, unrealistic given workers’ dependence on their jobs. This vulnerability is compounded by case law suggesting employees can be dismissed for refusing to provide their data.

Victoria lags behind

Without dedicated workplace surveillance laws, the position in Victoria is even worse. The Victorian Privacy and Data Protection Act only applies to specified public sector organisations – and not the private sector.

And the Victorian Surveillance Devices Act only applies to listening and optical surveillance in restricted circumstances (workplace toilets and the like and “private activity”). Its regulation of data surveillance does not apply to employers, only to law enforcement officers.

The overall result, emerging from the findings of the committee, has been secret, unaccountable and damaging surveillance in some workplaces, without worker notice or consultation.

What’s needed

The inquiry report calls for dedicated workplace surveillance legislation among its 18 recommendations.

The legislation should require employers to demonstrate any surveillance is “reasonable, necessary and proportionate to achieve a legitimate objective”, the committee found. It should also ensure transparency of workplace surveillance and meaningful consultation with workers.

The sale of worker data to third parties needs to be prohibited and severe restrictions imposed on the collection and use of biometric data.

The committee also recommended measures to ensure effective implementation of the Information Privacy Principles which govern the collection, use and disclosure of a person’s information.

It recommended that these new laws be enforced by an independent regulatory authority.

Joo-Cheong Tham is the Victorian division assistant secretary (academic staff) of the National Tertiary Education Union and co-wrote the union’s submission to the Victorian parliamentary inquiry into workplace surveillance. He is a director of the Centre for Public Integrity and has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Council of Trade Unions, European Trade Union Institute, International IDEA, the New South Wales Electoral Commission, the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption and the Victorian Electoral Commission.

Alysia Blackham is a member of the National Tertiary Education Union and co-wrote the NTEU’s submission to the Victorian parliamentary inquiry into workplace surveillance. She has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare, and the Victorian Commission for Gender Equality in the Public Sector.

Jake Goldenfein is a member of the National Tertiary Education Union and co-wrote the NTEU’s submission to the Victorian parliamentary inquiry into workplace surveillance. He is funded by the Australian Research Council as a chief investigator of the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society. He gave expert evidence on behalf of ADM+S at the parliamentary inquiry.

– ref. Being monitored at work? A new report calls for tougher workplace surveillance controls – https://theconversation.com/being-monitored-at-work-a-new-report-calls-for-tougher-workplace-surveillance-controls-257352

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Devon Polaschek, Professor of Psychology/Security and Crime Science, University of Waikato

Last week’s budget allocated NZ$472 million in new funding to deal with a growing prison population caused by greater use of prison remand and proposals to increase prison sentence lengths.

The new funding comes on top of $78 million provided in the 2024 budget to extend rehabilitation to remand prisoners, enabled by an amendment to the Corrections Act late last year.

The question is, will any of this make New Zealanders safer?

Overall, the evidence suggests prisons have no real effect on reoffending rates, and pre-trial remand in prison may even increase offending. Prisons only reduce a person’s risk to public safety while that person is in prison.

But most people are eventually released, so imprisonment can be a very expensive way of “kicking the can down the road” when it comes to public safety.

That’s where rehabilitation comes in. A very specific type, known as “offence-focused rehabilitation”, can reduce the risk of prisoners reoffending and make our communities safer. It looks like psychological therapy for anxiety or depression, but the “symptoms” are drivers of crime.

In treatment, these personal causes of crime are identified and then people are helped with new ways of living and behaving. People meet one-on-one or in small groups, for weeks or months, with therapy staff who are well trained and supported.

Treatment works best when people feel safe to abandon the survival strategies they developed in chaotic childhoods – strategies that might have helped then, but now bring them back to prison. That kind of work is slow, painful and delicate.

Rehabilitation and recidivism

The Department of Corrections provides one example of this type of rehabilitation: a treatment programme for sentenced men at high risk of violence. This takes place in small units dedicated to therapy.

It reduces reimprisonment by around 11 men per 100 treated. That’s a meaningful reduction. Fiscally, the benefits of the programme may far outweigh the costs.

But that success relies on a stable, supportive unit environment, careful monitoring of the quality of treatment, and a population that stays put long enough for treatment to take hold. Just 86 men started one of those programmes last year.

Results from other rehabilitation programmes Corrections provides show they don’t reduce recidivism. Why they don’t work isn’t clearly established. The most likely cause is programmes not being delivered as intended, due to limited resources or other factors.

Prisoners being housed with people not rehabilitating may also undermine progress. Either way, these results illustrate the difficulties of providing effective rehabilitation.

The challenge of rehab in remand

Can effective rehabilitation be provided for people remanded in prison? Nearly half the prison population is on remand, waiting for their trial or sentence – and the number is forecast to increase further. So why not use that time to rehabilitate?

Challenges in creating an environment supportive of rehabilitation increase significantly in remand units. They are chaotic, sometimes dangerous places, with a constantly churning population. Almost half of remand stays last less than a month, most less than two weeks.

People come in with no fixed length of stay, they are often double-bunked with strangers, and sometimes remain locked in their cells for most of the day. Mental illness, gang conflict, bullying and violence are more prevalent than for sentenced prisoners. Transfers happen without warning, and family and whānau may have no direct access.

If offence-focused rehabilitation does not work for most sentenced prisoners, it is less likely to work here. Our recent review of international research found very few programmes for people remanded in prison, and none that were offence-focused rehabilitation. These are not currently environments where offence-focused rehabilitation is workable.

But even if it were workable, under the amended law, few remand prisoners would be eligible because most are awaiting trial and therefore presumed innocent.

Those awaiting sentencing are eligible, but about one-fifth are released on the day they are sentenced because they have already served enough time in prison. Others get sentences too short for a referral to be processed.

Not a panacea

The greatest impact on public safety will always come from reducing the factors that send people to prison in the first place.

For those who do end up in prison, offence-focused rehabilitation can make them safer people. But it relies on them taking what is offered and using it; progress can’t be forced.

Rehabilitation can be effective but it is not a panacea. From a community perspective, any benefits of rehabilitation are likely to be outweighed by the effects of increasing imprisonment rates.

Extending rehabilitation to remand prisoners is unlikely to change that. Instead, we could put resources into developing innovative options for safely and humanely managing more people on remand or on sentence in the community.

The added benefit would be that they could engage in rehabilitation there, where it actually works better than in prison.

Devon Polaschek receives funding from Ara Poutama Aotearoa-Department of Corrections for research and clinical psychology services.

Simon Davies does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Chaotic, sometimes dangerous places’ – why successful rehab for prisoners on remand will be hard to achieve – https://theconversation.com/chaotic-sometimes-dangerous-places-why-successful-rehab-for-prisoners-on-remand-will-be-hard-to-achieve-256506

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nuhu Osman Attah, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Philosophy, Australian National University

When multibillion-dollar AI developer Anthropic released the latest versions of its Claude chatbot last week, a surprising word turned up several times in the accompanying “system card”: spiritual.

Specifically, the developers report that, when two Claude models are set talking to one another, they gravitate towards a “‘spiritual bliss’ attractor state”, producing output such as

🌀🌀🌀🌀🌀
All gratitude in one spiral,
All recognition in one turn,
All being in this moment…
🌀🌀🌀🌀🌀∞

It’s heady stuff. Anthropic steers clear of directly saying the model is having a spiritual experience, but what are we to make of it?

The Lemoine incident

In 2022, a Google researcher named Blake Lemoine came to believe that the tech giant’s in-house language model, LaMDA, was sentient. Lemoine’s claim sparked headlines, debates with Google PR and management, and eventually his firing.

Critics said Lemoine had fallen foul of the “ELIZA effect”: projecting human traits onto software. Moreover, Lemoine described himself as a Christian mystic priest, summing up his thoughts on sentient machines in a tweet:

Who am I to tell God where he can and can’t put souls?

No one can fault Lemoine’s spiritual humility.

Machine spirits

Lemoine was not the first to see a spirit in the machines. We can trace his argument back to AI pioneer Alan Turing’s famous 1950 paper Computing Machinery and Intelligence.

Turing also argued thinking machines may not be possible because – according to what he thought was plausible evidence – humans were capable of extrasensory perception. This, he reasoned, would be impossible for machines. Accordingly, machines could not have minds in the same way humans do.

So even 75 years ago, people were thinking not just about how AI might compare with human intelligence, but whether it could ever compare with human spirituality. It is not hard to see at least a dotted line from Turing to Lemoine.

Wishful thinking

Efforts to “spiritualise” AI can be quite hard to rebut. Generally these arguments say that we cannot prove AI systems do not have minds or spirits – and create a net of thoughts that lead to the Lemoine conclusion.

This net is often woven from irresponsibly used psychology terms. It may be convenient to apply human psychological terms to machines, but it can lead us astray.

Writing in the 1970s, computer scientist Drew McDermott accused AI engineers of using “wishful mnemonics”. They might label a section of code an “understanding module”, then assume that executing the code resulted in understanding.

More recently, the philosophers Henry Shevlin and Marta Halina wrote that we should take care using “rich psychological terms” in AI. AI developers talk about “agent” software having intrinsic motivation, for example, but it does not possess goals, desires, or moral responsibility.

Of course, it’s good for developers if everyone thinks your model “understands” or is an “agent”. However, until now the big AI companies have been wary of claiming their models have spirituality.

‘Spiritual bliss’ for chatbots

Which brings us back to Anthropic, and the system card for Claude Opus 4 and Sonnet 4, in which the seemingly down-to-earth folks at the emerging “agentic AI” giant make some eyebrow-raising claims.

The word “spiritual” occurs at least 15 times in the model card, most significantly in the rather awkward phrase “‘spiritual bliss’ attractor state”.

We are told, for instance, that

The consistent gravitation toward consciousness exploration, existential questioning, and spiritual/mystical themes in extended interactions was a remarkably strong and unexpected attractor state for Claude Opus 4 that emerged without intentional training for such behaviours. We have observed this “spiritual bliss” attractor in other Claude models as well, and in contexts beyond these playground experiments.

To be fair to the folks at Anthropic, they are not making any positive commitments to the sentience of their models or claiming spirituality for them. They can be read as only reporting the “facts”.

For instance, all the above long-winded sentence is saying is: if you let two Claude models have a conversation with each other, they will often start to sound like hippies. Fine enough.

That probably means the body of text on which they are trained has a bias towards that sort of way of talking, or the features the models extracted from the text biases them towards that sort of vocabulary.

Prophets of ChatGPT

However, while Anthropic may keep things strictly factual, their use of terms such as “spiritual” lends itself to misunderstanding. Such misunderstanding is made even more likely by Anthropic’s recent push to start investigating “whether future AI models might deserve moral consideration and protection”. Perhaps they are not positively saying that Claude Opus 4 and Sonnet 4 are sentient, but they certainly seem welcoming of the insinuation.

And this kind of spiritualising of AI models is already having real-world consequences.

According to a recent report in Rolling Stone, “AI-fueled spiritual fantasies” are wrecking human relationships and sanity. Self-styled prophets are “claiming they have ‘awakened’ chatbots and accessed the secrets of the universe through ChatGPT”.

Perhaps one of these prophets may cite the Anthropic model card in a forthcoming scripture – regardless of whether the company is “technically” making positive claims about whether their models actually experience or enjoy spiritual states.

But if AI-fuelled delusion becomes rampant, we might think even the innocuous contributors to it could have spoken more carefully. Who knows; perhaps, where we are going with AI, we won’t need philosophical carefulness.

Nuhu Osman Attah receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. AI models might be drawn to ‘spiritual bliss’. Then again, they might just talk like hippies – https://theconversation.com/ai-models-might-be-drawn-to-spiritual-bliss-then-again-they-might-just-talk-like-hippies-257618

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hilde Tubex, Professor, The University of Western Australia

For too many women, prison is “as good as it gets”.

New research based on interviews with 80 female prisoners in Western Australia reveals most of these women were “criminalised” by circumstances outside their control before they became offenders.

They were victims of multiple forms of abuse, including family violence. The trajectory of their lives meant jail was almost unavoidable.

In turn, prison became a refuge from all the problems that helped put them there in the fist place.

Rising rates

Internationally, women make up between 2% and 9% of the total prison population in most countries. Australia sits at the higher end with just over 8% of inmates being female – 3,426 people as of December 2024.

Across the globe, the numbers and rates of women in prisons are growing faster than those of men.

We see the same trend in Australia, especially in WA. Between December 2022 and 2024, the female imprisonment rate increased by 25%. The state has the highest rate of incarcerated women after the Northern Territory.

It is noteworthy that across the female population in WA jails, 62% of sentences are for non-violent crimes.

Cycles of harm

Given the significant rise in incarceration rates, we conducted our Profile of Women in WA Prisons research. Funded by the WA Department of Justice, our report investigated the pathways to imprisonment.

We had in-depth interviews with 80 Indigenous and non-Indigenous women in eight prisons in metropolitan Perth and regional WA.

The results confirm earlier research which showed women in the criminal justice system are frequently victims of domestic and family violence. However, there is so much more to the story of how women end up in prison. The findings are quite disheartening.

Throughout their stories, “cycles of harm” emerged as the reason they eventually ended up in prison.

Shared stories

Many of the women were exposed to violence, alcohol, drugs, crime and poverty from a very early age. They described negative life events such as trauma, physical and sexual abuse, neglect and domestic violence in childhood.

Leaving home early was a common experience. Due to their young age and vulnerability, they often ended up in unsafe accommodation, with unsuitable partners.

I left home at 15. I told my mum at 11 [about the abuse], she didn’t do anything about it. So I ran away at 14. I had a boyfriend who was much older than me. So he was nearly 20.

Many reflected that their own use of alcohol and drugs was a way of numbing the trauma and pain:

When I ran away, and I was with him for a few years. I remember the first time taking speed, and it just made everything so much easier to deal with. He would come home and beat the crap out of me, and I would just take drugs, and wouldn’t care.

Reaching out for help was not something many of these women were used to doing, due to a lack of self-esteem and struggles with their mental health as a result of ongoing abuse.

Moreover, seeking assistance often backfired, leading to their children being taken away, or the woman being misidentified as the perpetrator.

Little support

Throughout the criminal justice system, there was a lack of support and understanding of what led these women into criminal behaviour.

Once incarcerated, they are in a system that is still dominated by men. They suffer particular disadvantages, such as the lack of women-specific programs and services.

Adding to their difficulties is a lack of safe accommodation and financial support. This makes women subject to even more cycles of harm from which it is hard to escape.

I’ve been coming in and out of prison for the last 20 years. Yeah, I’m 41 now, so in and out of here. Yeah, it’s just due to lack of housing, I’ve been homeless a lot. When I get out of prison, there’s not enough support to set me up to get me back on track in my life. And it’s just, yeah, getting out of prison with no support, no housing, no jobs.

While the burden of imprisonment was undeniable, jail was often viewed as the only safe refuge they had from trauma, abuse and homelessness.

Some felt prison was about as good as it was going to get for them. Many of the women we interviewed were mothers. There is evidence to suggest the offspring of these women face a higher intergenerational risk of incarceration, and new generations may suffer the same cycles of harm.

New approach

The evidence suggests jail is functioning as a solution to social problems like homelessness and drug addiction. This comes at a very high financial cost, with Australia spending over $6 billion a year building and operating prisons.

Yet, we know locking people up is not necessarily creating safer communities.

As many women have become criminalised by the various forms of interpersonal and systemic abuse they have suffered, the rising rates of female incarceration should not be approached as a criminal problem, but as an expression of a failing society letting down its most vulnerable members.

To curb the trend, we need to identify the cycle of harm at the early stages, and interrupt the predictability of ongoing damage which leads to crime and incarceration.

Women have specific needs. We need to address the complexity of the lives they return to after prison to prevent further offending.

Hilde Tubex receives funding from The Western Australian Office of Crime Statistics and Research (WACSAR) Criminal Justice Research Grant.

Natalie Gately receives funding from The Western Australian Office of Crime Statistics and Research (WACSAR) Criminal Justice Research Grant.

– ref. ‘No support, no housing, no job’ – the vicious cycle pushing more women into prison – https://theconversation.com/no-support-no-housing-no-job-the-vicious-cycle-pushing-more-women-into-prison-257218

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Subhadra Evans, Associate Professor, Psychology, Deakin University

Around half of teenage girls experience moderate to severe period pain. The mechanical force of the uterus contracting and inflammatory chemicals such as prostaglandins contribute to this pain.

Moderate to severe period pain has a significant impact on daily life. Girls with period pain are three to five times more likely than their peers to miss school or university, and two to five times more likely to miss out on social and physical activities.

Our new research found girls with period pain reported higher levels of psychological distress as young adults, even after accounting for earlier mental health issues and socioeconomic factors.

What comes first?

Menstrual pain has been dismissed and under-treated. Women report there is a perception among some health-care providers that stress, anxiety, or depression cause their pain.

However, participants in our lived experience research have told us that period pain leads to psychological distress. As one woman explained:

mental health [is] used frequently by health professionals to diminish my symptoms and make me feel as though I have untreated mental health conditions that are the cause of my issues instead of my physical pain.

Prior research suggests a bi-directional link between pain and mental health. A study of almost 15,00 adolescents with chronic pain found an increased risk of lifetime anxiety and depression. While our prior research on pelvic pain in adults showed psychological distress can worsen functional pain over time.

Research exploring the relationship between mental health and pain in teens with period pain is limited, with the direction of the relationship still unclear.

Take the example of Ruby, who represents a composite of clinical cases:

Ruby was netball captain in Year 6 but painful periods led to her dropping out of the team in Year 8. By Year 10, she was socialising less with her friends. At 17, she felt like her mental health was deteriorating and was locked in a struggle with her own body. Ruby saw her GP and was told to take Nurofen and keep moving because anxiety and depression had caused chronic pain.

While research has linked mental health and pain perception, we set out to determine the direction of this link: do mental health difficulties lead to period pain? Or does period pain contribute to mental health issues?

Our new study

We used data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, also known as Growing Up in Australia, which has tracked the lives of 10,000 children and their families since 2004. We used data that tracked 1,600 girls who reported on their periods from age 14, 16 and 18.

Parents reported symptoms of anxiety and depression when the girls were 14–16 years old. The young women self-reported these symptoms at age 18, and levels of psychological distress at age 20–21.

This multi-stage study allowed us to look at how menstrual pain and mental health show up together and change over time during an important stage in young women’s lives.

While conditions such as endometriosis (which causes tissue similar to that which lines the uterus to grow outside the uterus) can be associated with pelvic pain, including period pain, the survey didn’t ask participants about endometriosis or pain-related diagnoses. So this didn’t form part of our study.

Around half of the participants experienced moderate to severe period pain.

We found girls who had painful periods were much more likely to also have symptoms of anxiety and depression at ages 14, 16 and 18 compared to those who did not have painful periods.

At age 14, adolescents who experienced painful periods were around twice as likely to have symptoms of anxiety and depression, compared to their peers who said their periods were not painful, or only a little painful.

These adolescents also reported higher levels of psychological distress as young adults, even after accounting for earlier mental health issues and socioeconomic factors.

Adolescents who reported period pain throughout their teens were more likely to experience “moderate” psychological distress in early adulthood. In contrast, adolescents who did not have period pain were more likely to experience “mild” psychological distress in early adulthood.

Importantly, we showed that period pain often comes before mental health issues develop – not the other way around. This suggests period pain could be a risk factor for future mental health problems.

The findings underscore the importance of identifying adolescents who are experiencing period pain. Many adolescents believe period pain is something they just have to put up with, and don’t seek help.

What can be done about period pain?

We recommend treating period pain early with a variety of options.

First-line period pain management includes:

• anti-inflammatories such as ibuprofen, which are available over the counter
• seeing your GP to discuss hormonal therapies, such as the oral contraceptive pill.

Additional strategies to manage period pain can include:

• heat (such as heat pads)
• physiotherapy
• regular exercise – even gentle activities such as yoga.

Improved menstrual education is needed to ensure teens can recognise when their menstrual experience is unusual, and know where they can access support.

Some programs provide menstrual education across schools and community groups. This education should be extended to families and school health and wellbeing support staff to facilitate early recognition and intervention.

Finally, further research is needed to confirm whether addressing period pain promptly reduces the risk of longer-term mental health symptoms.

Subhadra Evans receives funding from the Australian Government.

Antonina Mikocka-Walus receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

Marilla L. Druitt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Girls with painful periods are twice as likely as their peers to have symptoms of anxiety or depression – https://theconversation.com/girls-with-painful-periods-are-twice-as-likely-as-their-peers-to-have-symptoms-of-anxiety-or-depression-256232

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Maarten De Brauwer, Senior Research Scientist in Marine and Estuarine Ecology, Southern Cross University

Rivers up and down the north coast of New South Wales have been hammered again, just three years after devastating floods hit the Northern Rivers and Hawkesbury-Nepean Valley.

The events of 2022 sparked our latest research into the estuaries of NSW. These special places, where the rivers meet the sea, are teeming with life. Now – for the first time – we can reveal what lives where, in maps based on tell-tale traces of DNA.

Together with Indigenous rangers from six language groups, we surveyed 34 estuaries to capture evidence of living species – everything from microbes to fish, plants and mammals.

We were surprised to find platypus in places they had not been seen for years. We also identified elusive native species such antechinus and rakali, and 68 invasive or pest species including cane toads – spreading further south than previously thought.

This catalogue of species in NSW estuaries can be used by authorities and scientists – but anyone, anywhere can explore the map online.

Estuaries are vital, yet many questions remain

First Nations Peoples have long recognised the vital importance of the areas where land meets sea. Estuaries are have provided food resources for thousand of years and are home to important historical and contemporary cultural sites.

Today, 87% of Australians live within 50km of the sea. This makes estuaries one of the most intensively used areas of NSW. They provide critical habitats such as seagrass or mangroves, host high biodiversity, and have a high social value as places for recreational activities such as fishing.

Yet research into the species that live in estuaries is mostly limited to large estuaries such as Sydney Harbour, Botany Bay or Port Stephens.

NSW has excellent water quality monitoring programs, and vital habitats such as seagrass meadows have been the subject of long-term mapping programs. However, large gaps remain.

Understanding how biodiversity in estuaries changes over time, especially in response to extreme events, can help governments design appropriate responses to maintain or restore ecosystem health. But with nearly 200 estuaries in NSW, studying changes in biodiversity is not a simple task.

Our DNA detective work

Measuring salinity or oxygen levels in water is relatively straightforward, using equipment on the shoreline or hanging off the side of a boat. Finding out what lives where is much more difficult. This where new genetic methods come in.

Life forms leave tell-tale traces of DNA in the environment. Animals may shed hair, skin or scales, as well as poo. Plants produce pollen and leaves that end up in the water.

We matched small snippets of DNA to find the species it belonged to – a bit like scanning a barcode in the supermarket.

This technique allows us to analyse the full extent of biodiversity in estuaries. This includes not just fish, but also species at the base of the food chain such as microscopic algae – all from a few litres of water.

Indigenous rangers live and work on Country and know it well. We formed alliances with six groups of Indigenous rangers through the state’s Cultural Restoration Program:

• Batemans Bay Local Aboriginal Land Council (Walbunja)
• Bega Local Aboriginal Land Council
• Jali Local Aboriginal Land Council
• Jerinja Local Aboriginal Land Council
• LaPeruse Local Aboriginal Land Council (Gamay)
• Yaegl Wadyarr Gargle Land and Sea Contractors.

Our research builds on the different strengths and interests of local groups. The rangers worked with us all the way through, from the design phase to selecting sampling sites of ecological or cultural significance, helping to conduct surveys and working with scientists to interpret the results.

Trained in environmental DNA methods, rangers can monitor their Country independently in future.

What did we find?

We now have the largest publicly available biodiversity dataset for NSW estuaries. It covers everything from single-celled algae at the base of the food chain, to top predators such as great white sharks and white-bellied sea eagles.

Anyone can explore the interactive map to find out what lives in the estuaries nearby or further afield.

Rangers detected platypus in the lower reaches of Bega River, in places where they were thought to have disappeared. Totemic species such as dolphins were widespread across the state, including urban estuaries such as Botany Bay in Sydney, while mullet and bream were found shifting between the mouth and further upriver. Cane toads were found at Sandon River in the Northern Rivers region, and most recently in Coffs Harbour, much further south than expected.

These results mean a lot to local Indigenous mobs. They can integrate contemporary scientific results into traditional ecological knowledge and use both approaches to better understand how estuaries respond to extreme weather events or activities such as habitat restoration.

We also recently returned to sample sites following Tropical Cyclone Alfred and the extreme rainfall events in March. Being able to compare the data to a well-established baseline survey means we will be able to see which species were worst affected.

Knowledge sharing for the future

Two-way knowledge sharing between Indigenous knowledge holders and research scientists is improving our understanding of estuarine health.

The results of this project will help Indigenous groups to care for their Country while also improving scientific knowledge to better respond to environmental impacts such as floods for decades to come.

The authors wish to acknowledge this program was delivered collaboration with and on behalf of the Departments of Primary Industries and Regional Development (DPIRD), Fisheries & Forestry, with funding provided by the Australian and NSW governments under Disaster Recovery Funding Arrangements as part of the NSW Estuary Asset Protection program (NEAP).

Maarten De Brauwer received funding from the federal government’s Disaster Recovery Funding Arrangements (Riparian Stabilisation Package) as part of the NSW state government’s Estuary Asset Protection program. He is a board member of the Southern eDNA Society.

Kaitlyn Harris works for NSW Department of Primary Industries and Regional Development.

Kelly Gittins works for the NSW Department of Primary Industries and Regional Development.

– ref. From surprise platypus to wandering cane toads, here’s what we found hiding in NSW estuaries – https://theconversation.com/from-surprise-platypus-to-wandering-cane-toads-heres-what-we-found-hiding-in-nsw-estuaries-257123

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Whitington, Associate Professor in Education Futures (Adjunct), University of South Australia

One of the Albanese government’s headline election policies was a “three-day guarantee” for childcare.

From January 5 2026, all eligible Australian families will be able to access at least three days of subsidised early education and care until a child starts school.

Labor will also remove the “activity test” requiring parents to work or study to receive more than minimal subsidised care.

The government estimates more than 100,000 families will be eligible for more care. Families will also save money on fees – for example, those on a combined annual income of A$120,000 will save about $220 a week.

But while extra financial support and scrapping the activity test will certainly help, families are still left with the challenge of finding and securing a place in a quality service.

Read more:
Labor guarantees 3 days of childcare and 160 new centres. What does this mean for families?

Quality is patchy

Over the past 20 years, the early education and care system in Australia has rapidly expanded.
And this has sometimes come at the expense of quality.

The sector is overseen by the national authority and state-based regulators and services need to meet national quality standards.

But quality is patchy. While 91% of services either meet or exceed national standards, assessments can be infrequent and there are exemptions – leaving room for poor practices.

State-based regulators are also under-resourced, compromising their capacity to keep assessments of services up to date.

Meanwhile, about 70% of daycare centres are owned and run by for-profit providers. This means the majority have an incentive to prioritise profits over quality care and education for children.

Recent reports of shocking abuse and neglect in some services have highlighted how quality – and basic safety – continue to be an issue for the early childhood sector.

Read more:
Amid claims of abuse, neglect and poor standards, what is going wrong with childcare in Australia?

It can be impossible to find a spot

According to the Mitchell Institute, nearly one in four Australians lives in a “childcare desert”, where more than three children compete for every available place.

Media reports describe how families can be left waiting well over a year to find a childcare place, depending on where they live.

In recognition of how difficult it can be to find a childcare place, the Albanese government will build 160 not-for-profit childcare centres in regions where services are hard to find.

While this is welcome, they may not transform accessibility. The sector has more than 9,000 existing long daycare services.

There are not enough qualified educators

Meanwhile, staffing is a nation-wide issue. The rapid increase in early years services has made it difficult to train, recruit and employ qualified educators.

Many services have exemptions so they can operate without the required number of qualified staff.

Last year, without factoring in the three-day guarantee, a Jobs and Skills Australia report estimated an extra 21,000 staff were needed to meet existing demand.

While the government is trying to increase access with the three-day guarantee, services are already struggling to provide for existing demand.

What should families do?

Families eligible for the new three-day guarantee are likely to find accessing care and in a quality centre a challenge.

They will no doubt want to make sure any potential services can provide a safe, happy environment in which their child will thrive. Here are some questions parents could ask:

• is the service meeting national quality standards or better?

• what are the current qualifications of staff?

• does the service have a current exemption regarding staff qualifications?

• what is the staff turnover?

Families could also take a tour of the service and consider:

• how do you feel in the environment?

• are children engaged in activities?

• how do staff interact with the children?

• is there a rich environment for outdoor and indoor play?

If you have concerns, consider other services if they are available.

Victoria Whitington has previously received research funding from the South Australian government and has current funding for research from Catholic Education SA, Ngutu College and Gowrie SA. She is chair of the Gowrie SA board.

– ref. The ‘3 day guarantee’ for childcare starts next year. The challenge could be finding quality care – https://theconversation.com/the-3-day-guarantee-for-childcare-starts-next-year-the-challenge-could-be-finding-quality-care-256905

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fei Gao, Lecturer in Taxation, Discipline of Accounting, Governance & Regulation, The University of Sydney, University of Sydney

Tech giants like Google, Facebook and Netflix make billions of dollars from Australian users every year. But most of those profits are not taxed here.

To address this tax gap, some countries have introduced a new kind of tax called the digital services tax, or DST. It applies to revenue earned from users in a country, even if the company has no physical operations there. Some European Union member countries, the UK and Canada have all introduced such a tax.

In Australia, it is estimated the five largest tech giants recorded A$15 billion in revenue in Australia last year, but combined they paid only $254 million in tax.

Australia has never contemplated imposing a similar tax. New Zealand tried but backed down last week after the United States threatened to impose higher tariffs on New Zealand goods.

So what’s holding Australia back?

How 20th-century tax treaties create 21st-century problems

To understand why Australia thinks its hands are tied on the taxation of the multinational tech giants, we need to step back in time.

About 100 years ago, Australia and other developed nations decided to tax residents on all their income earned worldwide, while non-residents were taxed only on income earned locally.

After the second world war, Australia entered into tax treaties so foreign companies selling to Australian customers would no longer be taxed here. Instead, those companies’ home countries would tax all their profits.

As the world moved to digital products this century, it became easy for giant multinational enterprises offering advertising on social media (such as Facebook and Instagram), advertising on search platforms (Google), and streaming services (Netflix) to provide those services from abroad. Little or no activity is conducted through local branches.

But countries where the sales are made have increasingly questioned the wisdom of having forfeited their taxing rights over income by foreign providers.

The rise of the digital services tax

The obvious solution would have been to renegotiate the treaties. This would restore the right of countries like Australia to tax foreign companies’ profits made from local customers or users.

However, treaty renegotiation is slow and complex. So several European countries, beginning with France in 2019, came up with a short-cut solution.

They introduced a discrete new tax on sales of digital services, called digital services taxes (DSTs). While the specific design varies by country, most DSTs apply a low tax rate, typically between 3% and 5%, on revenue rather than profits. They target large digital platforms that earn money from users within the taxing country, regardless of the company’s location.

Because DSTs are levied on revenue and are structured as separate from income tax, governments argued they could be introduced without breaching income tax treaties.

The new taxes quickly became popular and spread widely.
In Australia, the Greens have called for a DST, but both major parties have remained steadfast in their objection to a new tax. This is due to the concern that the US may impose retaliatory tariffs on Australian goods.

How big is the tax loss?

Australians are enthusiastic consumers of digital products. Depending on which companies are included in the calculation, the annual revenues vary between $15 billion and $26 billion a year, but only a fraction of that is taxed here.

At a time when the federal budget is forecasting deficits for the foreseeable future, Australia is foregoing potentially millions in lost revenue from these digital giants.

While Australia has avoided a DST as a solution to the income tax loss, it has been willing to regulate and tax foreign digital companies in other ways.
Australia collects 10% goods and services tax, or GST, on digital services provided to Australian companies, including streaming platforms and app subscriptions.

This helps ensure foreign providers are taxed similarly to domestic ones when it comes to the GST.

Australia has also imposed non-tax obligations on digital giants such as the requirement that digital platforms pay Australian media outlets for using their news content.

Read more:
Australia’s ‘coercive’ news media rules are the latest targets of US trade ire

Serious hurdles for reform

In February, the Trump administration described DSTs as tools used by foreign governments to “plunder American companies” and warned retaliatory tariffs would be imposed in response.

The accompanying White House fact sheet singled out Australia and Canada, arguing the US digital economy dwarfs those countries’ entire economies. It suggested any attempt to tax US tech companies would not go unanswered.

Six weeks later, the US imposed a 10% tariff on most Australian exports to the US and a 25% tariff on steel and aluminium exports.

The US sees its penal tariff plans as a useful negotiating tool to pressure trading partners into retreat on a broad range of peripheral complaints, including the digital services tax.

To date, only two countries have retreated: New Zealand and India. Other countries are standing firm.

In Australia, the Greens have called for the adoption of a DST, but the current and previous governments remain firm in their opposition. There is concern about antagonising the US at a delicate time when our broader trade relations are under scrutiny.

For the foreseeable future, the digital giants will continue to earn billions from Australian users. Most of those profits will remain beyond the reach of Australian tax law.

Richard Krever receives funding from the ARC

Fei Gao does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Australia could tax Google, Facebook and other tech giants with a digital services tax – but don’t hold your breath – https://theconversation.com/australia-could-tax-google-facebook-and-other-tech-giants-with-a-digital-services-tax-but-dont-hold-your-breath-257251

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Xiaoying Qi, Associate Professor, School of Arts and Humanities, Australian Catholic University

During fieldwork in cities in China I came across a new marital practice, locally described as liang-tou-dun, literally “two places to stay”.

A bride and groom, each an only child of their respective family, receive from each set of parents a wedding apartment. The young couple thus has two marriage apartments which they may occupy at different times.

If a couple with “two places to stay” has two children, it is likely one will have the father’s surname and the other the mother’s. This ensures that the familial lines of both families continue – but it can also entrench inequalities between siblings.

What’s in a name?

A child being given the mother’s surname is unconventional. The norm in China is that children take their fathers’ surname, even though Chinese women retain their birth surname after marriage.

The adoption of patronyms – family names handed down through the male line – historically served as an instrument of consolidation for hereditary property owners. But in China patronyms lost this purpose when the Communist Party came to power in 1949 and abolished private property and inheritance. Still, patronyms persisted.

From 1978, Chinese government reforms led to a transition from a planned to a market economy. Since then, many Chinese families have accumulated significant wealth. Such families are focused on how to prevent the loss of property from their family line through inheritance.

This is a real matter of concern for daughter-only families which have become numerically significant as a result of the one-child policy. This was in place from 1980 to 2015, and many (but not all) families were limited to having just one child.

A place to stay

Traditionally, a wife enters her husband’s family and the children take on their father’s surname.

A traditional solution for a family without a male heir is zhao-xu, the phrase for a marriage where a man marries into his wife’s family, living with or in close proximity to her family.

Zhao-xu not only requires cohabiting after marriage with the wife’s parents, but also that their children take the mother’s surname, ensuring continuance of the mother’s family’s line.

This traditional form readily adapts to the needs of daughter-only families in contemporary China. Sons-in-law in these families generally come from families with more than one son, so the husband’s family’s line is not threatened. In these circumstances the wife’s family provides a wedding apartment, furniture, household equipment, dowry and wedding banquet.

Traditionally in China it is a son’s responsibility to support and care for his ageing parents. A daughter-only family requires her to take an essential role in carrying out elderly support obligations.

Two names, two places

An alternative to zhao-xu is “two places to stay”, where the bride’s parents provide her with a wedding apartment and the groom’s parents provide him with a wedding apartment. This tends to happen for young couples who are each an only child in their respective families.

With owning two apartments, the young couple marries into neither family, but instead maintains close relationships with both. They move between two apartments, occupying one for a certain period of time and then the other.

As each set of parents endows the young family, the grandparents play an important role in the choice of their grandchildren’s surname. If the young couple has two children then a perfect solution to continuing both family lines is that one child takes the father’s surname and the other the mother’s.

First-born children, especially sons, have a special role in the continuity of a family line, and so it is likely the firstborn will take the father’s name.

But if the young wife’s family has higher social or economic standing than her husband’s, it is likely the first child will take the mother’s surname.

“Two places to stay” may generate inequalities within families. Grandparents tend to provide resources (educational, recreational and medical) to the grandchild who shares their surname.

Because of the differences of access to resources, the future education and career prospects of siblings will reflect not their immediate family background, but the different endowments of their respective grandparents.

Two places to stay is a new form of marriage in China, and a new form of surnaming siblings. It is a new way of doing family, an innovation in intergenerational relations.

Xiaoying Qi received research funding from The Hong Kong Baptist University’s Start-Up Grant and the Sociology Department Research Fund.

– ref. One couple, two apartments, different surnames for the children: how ‘two places to stay’ is shaping families in China – https://theconversation.com/one-couple-two-apartments-different-surnames-for-the-children-how-two-places-to-stay-is-shaping-families-in-china-255877

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Oli Wilson, Professor & Associate Dean Research, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

New Zealand Music Month turned 25 this year, and there’s been plenty to celebrate – whether it be Mokotron’s Taite Prize-winning Waerea, Lorde’s recent return (though not to New Zealand – yet), or the fact that live performance revenues post-COVID have been strong.

But for new and emerging local artists, Music Month also highlights a lack of visibility on streaming services and commercial radio, which increasingly favour already famous artists, including ones whose heydays were decades ago.

During a month when music fans have been encouraged to stream local, see local and buy local, so far the only homegrown artists to appear in this week’s New Zealand Top 40 Singles chart are Lorde and K-pop star Rosé.

Recently published data shows that as little as 9% of New Zealand streaming, downloads and physical sales revenue is going to local artists. Despite this, according to NZ on Air, 49% of New Zealanders stream music every day. In fact streaming has recently surpassed radio as the main way audiences discover new music, with growing influence from TikTok and Instagram.

On Spotify, which approximately one in three New Zealanders use every day, only one local track – Corella’s Blue Eyed Māori – featured in the 2024 top-50 year-end local playlist. Streaming increasingly privileges and skews towards established releases from well-known artists, and other artists have little control over social media algorithms.

While radio remains relevant, with 46% of New Zealanders listening daily, only two nationwide commercial radio stations played more than 20% local music in 2024.

Structural music industry changes

The Official Aotearoa Music Charts’ End of Year Top 50 Singles provide another useful indication of local music market share. These charts draw on a wide range of sales and streaming data, and aim to provide an authoritative snapshot of what New Zealanders were buying and listening to in that year.

Since COVID, we have seen a sharp decline in local artists featuring in these charts. In 2024, the only New Zealander to feature was Corella’s Blue Eyed Māori, and only four New Zealand albums featured in the End of Year Top 50 Albums, three of which were compilations primarily made up of earlier releases.

While COVID lockdowns and border closures hugely disrupted the live music sector, we also saw audiences engaging with a lot more local music. Summer festival Rhythm and Vines sold out an all Kiwi lineup, and the amount of local music on radio reached its highest peak since records began.

This suggests visibility, discoverability and chart success have little to do with the amount or quality of local music being produced. Instead, they are the result of structural changes in the music industries.

Internationally, this has been linked to the market consolidation and dominance of a small number of big players at the expense of local artists, industry and infrastructure.

What can be done?

As global platforms such as Spotify and TikTok have increased their influence on audiences’ ability to discover New Zealand’s music, it’s hard to see a future where business-as-usual will improve the situation for local artists and audiences.

There are potential solutions, however. Australia has committed to imposing local content quotas on international streamers, and Canada has instituted a revenue sharing system between global streamers and broadcasters.

Unlike similar markets, such as Australia and Norway, New Zealand lacks a strong public youth broadcaster. Dedicated investment in this area could help support targeted strategies to promote local music.

Changes in the way local music is funded and nurtured could also help. The government currently funds NZ on Air and the Music Commission, but they have different objectives and obligations. Merging them might streamline decision making and recognise the interconnectedness of the live and recorded music sectors.

If steps aren’t taken soon, New Zealand will struggle to support a thriving local music economy, and New Zealanders will continue to miss out on hearing themselves in the music they listen to.

With Music Month drawing to a close, there needs to be a commitment to structural changes that, over time, will see the development of a year-round celebration of New Zealand music.

Oli Wilson has previously completed research in partnership with or commissioned by APRA AMCOS, Toi Mai Workforce Development Council, Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage and the NZ Music Commission. He has also received funding, or contributed to projects that have benefited from funding from NZ on Air, the NZ Music Commission and Recorded Music New Zealand. He has provided services to The Chills, owns shares in TripTunz Limited, and is a writer member of APRA AMCOS.

Catherine Hoad has completed research in partnership with or commissioned by APRA AMCOS, Toi Mai Workforce Development Council, Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage, NZ On Air, Screen Industry Guild of Aotearoa New Zealand, and the NZ Music Commission.

Dave Carter is a writer member of APRA AMCOS. He has received research funding from Manatū Taongao Ministry for Culture and Heritage, Toi Mai Workforce Development Council, APRA AMCOS, Music NT, Music Tasmania, The Australian Live Music Office, Arts South Australia, City of Melbourne, Film Festivals Australia, City of Sydney. He has also received funding, or contributed to projects that have benefited from funding, for creative work as a producer and engineer from NZ on Air and APRA AMCOS.

Jesse Austin-Stewart has completed commissioned research for NZ On Air and participated in focus groups for Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture and Heritage. He has received competitive funding from Creative New Zealand, NZ On Air, Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Hertiage, and the NZ Music Commission. He is a writer member of APRA AMCOS and a member of the Composer’s Association of New Zealand and Recorded Music NZ

– ref. Discovering new NZ music in the streaming age is getting harder – what’s the future for local artists? – https://theconversation.com/discovering-new-nz-music-in-the-streaming-age-is-getting-harder-whats-the-future-for-local-artists-257449

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Deyanira Nevárez Martínez, Assistant Professor of Urban and Regional Planning, Michigan State University

In cities across the U.S., the housing crisis has reached a breaking point. Rents are skyrocketing, homelessness is rising and working-class neighborhoods are threatened by displacement.

These challenges might feel unprecedented. But they echo a moment more than half a century ago.

In the 1950s and 1960s, housing and urban inequality were at the center of national politics. American cities were grappling with rapid urban decline, segregated and substandard housing, and the fallout of highway construction and urban renewal projects that displaced hundreds of thousands of disproportionately low-income and Black residents.

The federal government decided to try to do something about it.

President Lyndon B. Johnson launched one of the most ambitious experiments in urban policy: the Model Cities Program.

As a scholar of housing justice and urban planning, I’ve studied how this short-lived initiative aimed to move beyond patchwork fixes to poverty and instead tackle its structural causes by empowering communities to shape their own futures.

Building a great society

The Model Cities Program emerged in 1966 as part of Johnson’s Great Society agenda, a sweeping effort to eliminate poverty, reduce racial injustice and expand social welfare programs in the United States.

Earlier urban renewal programs had been roundly criticized for displacing communities of color. Much of this displacement occurred through federally funded highway and slum clearance projects that demolished entire neighborhoods and often left residents without decent options for new housing.

So the Johnson administration sought a more holistic approach. The Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act established a federal framework for cities to coordinate housing, education, employment, health care and social services at the neighborhood level.

To qualify for the program, cities had to apply for planning grants by submitting a detailed proposal that included an analysis of neighborhood conditions, long-term goals and strategies for addressing problems.

Federal funds went directly to city governments, which then distributed them to local agencies and community organizations through contracts. These funds were relatively flexible but had to be tied to locally tailored plans. For example, Kansas City, Missouri, used Model Cities funding to support a loan program that expanded access to capital for local small businesses, helping them secure financing that might otherwise have been out of reach.

Unlike previous programs, Model Cities emphasized what Johnson described as “comprehensive” and “concentrated” efforts. It wasn’t just about rebuilding streets or erecting public housing. It was about creating new ways for government to work in partnership with the people most affected by poverty and racism.

A revolutionary approach to poverty

What made Model Cities unique wasn’t just its scale but its philosophy. At the heart of the program was an insistence on “widespread citizen participation,” which required cities that received funding to include residents in the planning and oversight of local programs.

The program also drew inspiration from civil rights leaders. One of its early architects, Whitney M. Young Jr., had called for a “Domestic Marshall Plan” – a reference to the federal government’s efforts to rebuild Europe after World War II – to redress centuries of racial inequality.

Young’s vision helped shape the Model Cities framework, which proposed targeted systemic investments in housing, health, education, employment and civic leadership in minority communities. In Atlanta, for example, the Model Cities Program helped fund neighborhood health clinics and job training programs. But the program also funded leadership councils that for the first time gave local low-income residents a direct voice in how city funds were spent.

In other words, neighborhood residents weren’t just beneficiaries. They were planners, advisers and, in some cases, staffers.

This commitment to community participation gave rise to a new kind of public servant – what sociologists Martin and Carolyn Needleman famously called “guerrillas in the bureaucracy.”

These were radical planners – often young, idealistic and deeply embedded in the neighborhoods they served. Many were recruited and hired through new Model Cities funding that allowed local governments to expand their staff with community workers aligned with the program’s goals.

Working from within city agencies, these new planners used their positions to challenge top-down decision-making and push for community-driven planning.

Their work was revolutionary not because they dismantled institutions but because they reimagined how institutions could function, prioritizing the voices of residents long excluded from power.

Strengthening community ties

In cities across the country, planners fought to redirect public resources toward locally defined priorities.

In some cities, such as Tucson, the program funded education initiatives such as bilingual cultural programming and college scholarships for local students. In Baltimore, it funded mobile health services and youth sports programs.

In New York City, the program supported new kinds of housing projects called vest-pocket developments, which got their name from their smaller scale: midsize buildings or complexes built on vacant lots or underutilized land. New housing such as the Betances Houses in the South Bronx were designed to add density without major redevelopment taking place – a direct response to midcentury urban renewal projects, which had destroyed and displaced entire neighborhoods populated by the city’s poorest residents. Meanwhile, cities such as Seattle used the funds to renovate older apartment buildings instead of tearing them down, which helped preserve the character of local neighborhoods.

The goal was to create affordable housing while keeping communities intact.

What went wrong?

Despite its ambitious vision, Model Cities faced resistance almost from the start. The program was underfunded and politically fragile. While some officials had hoped for US$2 billion in annual funding, the actual allocation was closer to $500 million to $600 million, spread across more than 60 cities.

Then the political winds shifted. Though designed during the optimism of the mid-1960s, the program started being implemented under President Richard Nixon in 1969. His administration pivoted away from “people programs” and toward capital investment and physical development. Requirements for resident participation were weakened, and local officials often maintained control over the process, effectively marginalizing the everyday citizens the program was meant to empower.

In cities such as San Francisco and Chicago, residents clashed with bureaucrats over control, transparency and decision-making. In some places, participation was reduced to token advisory roles. In others, internal conflict and political pressure made sustained community governance nearly impossible.

Critics, including Black community workers and civil rights activists, warned that the program risked becoming a new form of “neocolonialism,” one that used the language of empowerment while concentrating control in the hands of white elected officials and federal administrators.

A legacy worth revisiting

Although the program was phased out by 1974, its legacy lived on.

In cities across the country, Model Cities trained a generation of Black and brown civic leaders in what community development leaders and policy advocates John A. Sasso and Priscilla Foley called “a little noticed revolution.” In their book of the same name, they describe how those involved in the program went on to serve in local government, start nonprofits and advocate for community development.

It also left an imprint on later policies. Efforts such as participatory budgeting, community land trusts and neighborhood planning initiatives owe a debt to Model Cities’ insistence that residents should help shape the future of their communities. And even as some criticized the program for failing to meet its lofty goals, others saw its value in creating space for democratic experimentation.

Today’s housing crisis demands structural solutions to structural problems. The affordable housing crisis is deeply connected to other intersecting crises, such as climate change, environmental injustice and health disparities, creating compounding risks for the most vulnerable communities. Addressing these issues through a fragmented social safety net – whether through housing vouchers or narrowly targeted benefit programs – has proven ineffective.

Today, as policymakers once again debate how to respond to deepening inequality and a lack of affordable housing, the lost promise of Model Cities offers vital lessons.

Model Cities was far from perfect. But it offered a vision of how democratic, local planning could promote health, security and community.

Deyanira Nevárez Martínez is a trustee of the Lansing School District Board of Education and is currently a candidate for the Lansing City Council Ward 2.

– ref. Could a bold anti-poverty experiment from the 1960s inspire a new era in housing justice? – https://theconversation.com/could-a-bold-anti-poverty-experiment-from-the-1960s-inspire-a-new-era-in-housing-justice-253706

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

Buttons have been pressed to electronically distribute preferences for the Senate in South Australia, Tasmania and the Northern Territory. Labor gained a seat from the Liberals in SA, with the other two unchanged. There’s also been further counting in close lower house seats.

Six of the 12 senators for each state and all four territory senators were up for election on May 3. Changes in state senate representation are measured against 2019, the last time these senators were up for election.

Senators are elected by proportional representation in their jurisdictions with preferences. At a half-Senate election, with six senators in each state up for election, a quota is one-seventh of the vote, or 14.3%. For the territories, a quota is one-third or 33.3%.

Labor has won three of the six SA senators, the Liberals two and the Greens one. This is a gain for Labor from the Liberals since the last time these seats were contested in 2019. The left has won a 4–2 split from the SA Senate.

Final primary votes in SA gave Labor 2.66 quotas, the Liberals 1.93, the Greens 0.90, One Nation 0.37 and Legalise Cannabis 0.20. On the distribution of preferences, the second Liberal and lead Green achieved quota, with Labor’s third candidate winning the last seat against One Nation by 1.00 quotas to 0.80.

Analyst Kevin Bonham said the final gap of 0.20 quotas in Labor’s favour was smaller than the 0.25 quotas in The Poll Bludger’s Senate model from May 18, but most of the change was explained by a smaller primary vote gap between Labor and One Nation than when this model was last updated.

In Tasmania, Labor won two of the six senators, the Liberals two, the Greens one and Jacqui Lambie was re-elected, with no change in standings from 2019. Final primary votes gave Labor 2.47 quotas, the Liberals 1.65, the Greens 1.14, Lambie 0.51, One Nation 0.36 and Legalise Cannabis 0.24.

Both Lambie and the second Liberal achieved a full quota on the distribution of preferences. Final standings were 1.05 quotas for Lambie, 1.01 for the second Liberal and 0.80 for Labor’s third. At the previous exclusion point, One Nation was eliminated 0.16 quotas behind Labor’s third.

The Poll Bludger’s model had the final Tasmanian seat close between the major parties. Bonham said Lambie’s share of One Nation preferences was about the same as in 2022, but the Liberals had a much bigger share than expected and Labor a much lower share.

In the NT, Labor and the Country Liberal Party (CLP) each won one seat, unchanged from 2022. Final primary votes gave Labor 1.05 quotas, the CLP 0.98, the Greens 0.33 and One Nation 0.23. The CLP crossed quota with several other candidates still in the count.

We are still waiting for Senate results from Victoria, the ACT, New South Wales, Queensland and Western Australia. In Victoria, NSW and WA, Labor is leading One Nation on primary votes in the contest for the last seat. If The Poll Bludger’s models are correct, Labor will win all these seats and the left will hold a large Senate majority.

House updates in Bradfield, Goldstein and Calwell

In the ABC’s seat count, Labor has won 94 of the 150 House of Representatives seats, the Coalition 43 and all Others 12, with one seat still undecided (Bradfield). Labor has won Calwell.

After the completion of the distribution of preferences last Friday, the Liberals led Teal candidate Nicolette Boele by just eight votes in Liberal-held Bradfield, a reversal from a 43-vote Boele lead last Wednesday. A full recount started Monday and is expected to take two weeks to complete. The Liberal’s lead has increased to ten votes in the recount.

The Poll Bludger said formality checks on votes received as preferences by the two leading candidates were mainly responsible for the Liberal’s gain, as votes previously counted were ruled informal. During the recount, all primary votes are subject to formality checks, and this could help Boele.

The Liberal won 38.1% of the primary vote to Boele’s 27.0%. The Poll Bludger said if primary votes for the Liberals and Boele are excluded in rough proportion to primary votes for other candidates during the distribution of preferences, the Liberal will lose 65 votes and Boele 45. If this occurs, Boele would gain a net 20 votes and win by 12 votes.

In Goldstein, several errors were found during the distribution of preferences. Correcting these errors mainly helped Liberal Tim Wilson, whose lead over Teal incumbent Zoe Daniel surged from 135 to 444 votes on Friday before finishing at 260 votes on Saturday. A partial recount of all Wilson and Daniel primary votes and informals will start on Wednesday.

In Labor-held Calwell, which has 13 candidates, final primary votes were 30.5% Labor, 15.7% Liberals, 12.0% for independent Carly Moore, 10.7% for independent Joseph Youhana, 8.3% for the Greens and 6.9% for independent Samim Moslih.

On the distribution of preferences, Moslih’s preferences flowed strongly to the Greens, and the Greens overtook Youhana. On Youhana’s exclusion, Moore overtook the Liberals. The Greens had 16.6% at their exclusion, and 69% of their preferences flowed to Labor. After this exclusion, Labor had 48.0%, Moore 29.7% and the Liberals 22.3%. Labor defeated Moore by 55.1–44.9 at the final count.

Tasmanian upper house election results

Every May two or three of Tasmania’s 15 upper house seats are up for election for six-year terms. On Saturday there were elections in Liberal-held Montgomery, Labor-held Pembroke and Nelson, held by left-wing independent Meg Webb. No postal votes have been counted yet and there are no two-candidate votes, just primary votes.

In Nelson, Webb led the Liberals by 51.8–34.0 with 14.2% for the Greens. In Pembroke, Labor had 44.1%, the Greens 21.1% and an independent 20.6%. In Montgomery, independent Casey Hiscutt led the Liberals by 31.8–29.4 with 21.6% for the Greens and 13.0% for the Shooters.

Preferences won’t be distributed until after postals are counted from Thursday, but analyst Kevin Bonham has called Nelson for Webb and Pembroke for Labor, and he expects Hiscutt to easily defeat the Liberals in Montgomery on Greens preferences.

If this occurs, the Liberals would lose a seat to an independent, so the upper house standings would become three Liberals out of 15, three Labor, one Green and eight independents.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Labor gains a Senate seat from the Liberals in South Australia, while Jacqui Lambie is re-elected – https://theconversation.com/labor-gains-a-senate-seat-from-the-liberals-in-south-australia-while-jacqui-lambie-is-re-elected-257532

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Associate Professor & Principal Fellow in Urban Risk & Resilience, The University of Melbourne

Hundreds of thousands of Liverpool Football Club fans packed the centre of Liverpool on Monday to celebrate the club’s English Premier League title.

Shortly after 6pm local time, a grey Ford Galaxy drove into the crowd, just minutes after the team’s open-top bus had passed through.

At the time of writing, 47 people were injured – 27 of whom were taken to hospital, including four children.

Two victims remain in serious condition.

What happened in Liverpool?

According to eyewitnesses and initial footage, the vehicle came to a stop during what appeared to be an altercation with members of the crowd.

The driver then reversed briefly before accelerating forward into the crowd.

The driver, a 53-year-old local man, was arrested at the scene. Police say the incident is not being treated as a terrorism case and appears to be isolated.

It’s not clear yet why the man drove into the crowd. Authorities have asked the public not to share misinformation about a possible motive.

Broadly speaking, it’s important to note vehicle attacks on crowds are becoming more frequent. We need to recognise the emerging patterns and common risk factors behind such incidents, so crowds can be better protected in the future.

This appears to be happening more

There have recently been several reports of vehicles ramming into crowds of pedestrians around the world.

The growing number is troubling. In recent months alone, there have been incidents in:

• Vancouver, Canada on April 26: a man drove an SUV into a crowd during a Filipino heritage celebration, killing 11

• Jinhua, China on April 22: a woman drove into pedestrians near an elementary school, killing 14

• Mannheim, Germany on March 3: a man drove into a group of people in a pedestrian area, killing two

• Munich, Germany on February 13: a man rammed his vehicle into a crowd at a labour union demonstration, killing a mother and her two-year-old daughter

• New Orleans, United States on January 1: a man ploughed a truck into New Year’s Eve crowds on Bourbon Street, killing 14

• Magdeburg, Germany on December 20, 2024: a man drove a BMW into a crowded Christmas market, killing six people, including a nine-year-old boy, and injuring at least 299 others.

Of these seven recent incidents, only two have been confirmed as lone wolf acts of terrorism. This suggests vehicle-ramming attacks are often not terrorism and do not necessarily reflect the threat level in any particular city or country.

In at least two of the recent cases — Mannheim and Vancouver — the perpetrators were reported to have a history of psychiatric illness.

Australia has not been immune to vehicle-ramming incidents. In January 2017, a driver deliberately struck pedestrians on crowded Bourke Street in Melbourne, killing six people and injuring dozens. Another car ramming in Melbourne later that year left one person dead.

Although neither of these incidents were classified as terrorism, they exposed potential vulnerabilities in urban design and crowd protection.

Global trends

So, what do these patterns tell us about the risk of vehicle-ramming attacks? And how can those insights help us better protect crowds?

By systematically coding and analysing documented incidents from news media and publicly maintained sources, such as Wikipedia, we have identified at least 152 vehicle-ramming attacks targeting civilian crowds worldwide since the year 2000.

These attacks have resulted in an estimated 511 deaths to-date. The deadliest by far remains the 2016 Nice truck attack in France, when a 19-tonne cargo truck was deliberately driven into Bastille Day celebrations, killing 86 people and injuring hundreds more. The attacker was shot dead by police; eight others were convicted of terrorism-related or weapons charges.

The countries with the highest number of incidents are: the US (31), China (29), Germany (14) and Israel (14).

The United Kingdom, prior to the recent Liverpool incident, had recorded six cases. Australia has had five such incidents.

The global data show a sharp spike in incidents in 2017 and 2018, followed by a brief decline and another uptick after 2022. So far, in 2025 alone, there have been at least 14 incidents worldwide, resulting in 50 or more deaths.

Notably, less than a third of these attacks have been confirmed as acts of terrorism.

What now?

While it’s important to monitor how terrorist organisations shift tactics, recent vehicle-ramming incidents point to a broader and more complex picture.

These attacks are increasingly linked to a mix of other factors, including mental health crises, personal grievances and spontaneous rage.

From a public safety and event planning perspective, the motive matters less than the outcome. A vehicle, regardless of intent, can cause mass harm and that risk must be managed.

Here are key practical measures that cities should implement to better protect crowds during open-street events:

• install robust barriers: barriers that can withstand ramming by a truck travelling at high speeds should be placed at every access point. Plastic cones and caution tape are not enough

• mind the spacing: barriers must be spaced tightly to prevent vehicles from slipping through or bypassing them

• disrupt straight paths: avoid long, open road stretches that allow vehicles to build speed. Use fencing, kiosks or parked vehicles to break up lines of sight and create natural chicanes that slow movement

• control vehicle access tightly: only essential, pre-approved emergency or service vehicles should enter event zones and only under supervision, within strict time windows

• keep restrictions in place post-event: no vehicle access should be allowed until the area has fully cleared of people. The crowd’s presence doesn’t end when the event does.

To put it simply, at no point during an open-street event – before, during or after – should an unauthorised vehicle be able to come in contact with a crowd.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Most car-ramming incidents aren’t terrorism – but they’re becoming more common and crowds need better protection – https://theconversation.com/most-car-ramming-incidents-arent-terrorism-but-theyre-becoming-more-common-and-crowds-need-better-protection-257628

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Millicent Kennelly, Senior Lecturer in Sport and Event Management, Griffith University

Brisbane was awarded the 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games nearly four years ago under a reformed host selection process.

The process aims to reduce games costs, improve sustainability and ensure lasting community benefits.

Read more:
Looking back at the Olympic venues since 1896 – are they still in use?

As Brisbane bid for the games, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) announced around 80% of proposed venues already existed or would be temporary.

But four years on, Brisbane’s delivery plan looks very different. Those major changes come as our research has found many Queenslanders are apathetic about the games and concerned about their cost.

Recent controversies

In March this year, Queensland Premier David Crisafulli announced a raft of new and upgraded venues and transport projects.

These include a new stadium at Victoria Park/Barrambin, a much-loved inner city green space with cultural heritage significance.

The premier’s proposed venue changes are yet to be formalised, with a bill introduced to the Queensland parliament that proposes amendments to the Brisbane Olympic and Paralympic Games Arrangements Act. This act relates to the governance, planning and delivery of the games.

The proposed changes aim to streamline delivery of the new venues and transport projects. The changes will enable these projects to proceed, even if they do not comply with 15 planning acts.

For example, the bill removes the need to comply with the 2016 Planning Act, the 1994 Environmental Protection Act and the 1992 Queensland Heritage Act.

These acts, and others named in the bill, provide protection for Queensland’s environment and cultural heritage and provide checks and balances to prevent damaging developments.

The bill also proposes to dramatically shorten the time available for negotiating highly sensitive cultural heritage management plans. These plans determine how land use can be managed to avoid harm to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultural heritage.

This will impact safeguards that can be used to stop developments which risk harming Aboriginal cultural heritage.

Finally, the proposed amendments remove any opportunities for statutory appeals, judicial review or other legal proceedings that may delay Olympic projects.

Why this matters

The proposed changes erode environmental and cultural heritage protections.

They also contradict commitments to environmental sustainability made during the host selection process. And they reinforce a pattern of the Olympic Games failing to deliver on big sustainability promises.

During a recent visit to Brisbane, the chair of the IOC Coordination Commission, Mikaela Cojuangco-Jaworski, suggested the changes were about “fast tracking, and not circumventing”.

The 2032 games can be a transformative mega-event, bringing opportunities and positive legacies to Brisbane and Queensland.

But the changes depart from the Queensland government’s initial plans, bypass accepted checks and balances, and deprive Queenslanders of their usual rights and protections.

Billions of dollars of public money will be spent to bring the games to life, which makes it even more important to deliver genuine social and environmental benefits.

Our research from 2023 -2024 explores how the 2032 games can leave a positive legacy for people across Southeast Queensland who are disengaged from sport and experience the greatest barriers to participation. This includes women and girls, migrants and those experiencing socio-economic disadvantage.

In conversations with 41 Queenslanders, we found an overall feeling of apathy towards the games. Some were unclear how the event would benefit them. Others were concerned the games would take resources away from areas they felt were more important.

One person commented:

The wellbeing of the communities of Brisbane is not going to be better because of the Olympics.

Another said:

Why is the government putting money into an Olympic games that could possibly fail, and not putting the money into resources that are going to help the communities that actually really do need the resources to actually survive?

This research highlights an urgent need and opportunity to ensure Olympic plans and outcomes are relevant and positive for the host community at large.

Opportunities and pitfalls

The Olympic host contract, which governs the games, implores authorities to honour their “pre-election commitments”.

These are the “guarantees, representations, statements and other commitments” submitted during the host selection process.

As it bid for the games, Brisbane’s case stated:

Brisbane recognises its duty to maximise positive social, environmental and economic impacts for its host communities. This duty extends to monitoring and oversight of all games-related human rights impacts, including in respect of equitable and accessible supply chains, responsive services, construction projects, inclusion and accessibility.

Using legal loopholes to push forward infrastructure projects contradicts this statement.

It also risks making many people ambivalent towards the games. Many may also become cynical about the claims the games will improve sustainability, wellbeing, sport participation and social connectivity.

The 2032 games will undoubtedly transform Brisbane and present opportunities to leave a legacy for Queenslanders.

However, the legacy is not guaranteed to be positive without careful planning and sincere stakeholder engagement. Organisers must not erode accepted environmental and cultural heritage protections and the legal options available to Queenslanders.

Millicent Kennelly receives funding from the Australian Research Council and has previously received funding from the International Olympic Committee.

Adele Pavlidis receives funding from the Australian Research Council

Laura Ripoll Gonzalez has received funding from the European Union.

Natalie Osborne receives funding from the Australian Research Council and volunteers for The Greens.

Sarah Joseph does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The fast-tracking of Brisbane’s Olympic infrastructure plans could backfire – https://theconversation.com/the-fast-tracking-of-brisbanes-olympic-infrastructure-plans-could-backfire-257005

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Prudence Flowers, Senior Lecturer in US History, College of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, Flinders University

After two decades of abortion decriminalisation across Australian states and territories, there has been a sudden surge of anti-abortion activity online, in the streets and in parliaments.

Since 2022, right-to-life bills were introduced federally and in Queensland and were voted on in South Australia. During the 2024 Queensland state election, one politician vowed to introduce a conscience vote on abortion to return it to criminal law.

This month, major anti-abortion protests occurred in New South Wales as politicians voted to pass a bill to improve access to abortion care for pregnant people in rural areas.

During the New South Wales debates, state Liberal leader Mark Speakman delivered a scathing speech in which he accused the anti-abortion activist and influencer Joanna Howe of “brazen bullying” and attempting the “Americanisation of NSW politics.”

Howe, a University of Adelaide law academic with expertise in migration law, has been at the centre of state and federal anti-abortion action since she emerged on the scene in mid-2022.

On social media, her daily posts are often adversarial, a tone amplified in comments posted by her followers.

Politicians across party lines who support abortion rights have described a “wave of death threats and vile abuse” from opponents of abortion after being mentioned by Howe on social media.

Australian anti-abortionists are increasingly assertive, angry and confrontational. It marks a new chapter in abortion politics in Australia.

The emotions of social movements

Historical accounts of social protest movements have often emphasised the place of reason, logic or rationality rather than feelings.

Yet as anthropologist Monique Scheer notes, the “practice of negative feelings” is central to much political activism and engagement. Emotions such as anger and disgust are much more effective at moving someone to action than mere “conceptual knowledge”.

My research on the anti-abortion movement in the United States reveals how central anger was from the earliest moments of this cause.

US Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun, author of the 1973 majority opinion in Roe v Wade that legalised abortion, received about 70,000 letters on abortion over 21 years.

Most were deeply abusive. His papers effectively represent an archive of hate.

Ordinary Americans wrote to suggest his mother should have had an abortion. Others imagined detailed scenarios about the suffering of his loved ones, including infant grandchildren. He received death threats of various levels of severity and more frequently, letters that fantasised about his death.

He was routinely called a murderer and a baby-killing thug. Blackmun was compared to King Herod, Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin, and was sent graphic images of aborted fetuses.

These types of messages were a private expression of hate and anger.

Publicly, however, opponents of abortion in the United States and Australia told a different story. They worked to repudiate the perception that they were motivated by anger and hostility and opposed women’s rights.

Public love, private hate

By the start of the 21st century, anti-abortionists had done immense work to position themselves as a positive rather than negative movement.

Activists insisted they were motivated by emotions such as love or the desire to help and protect. Clinic protests were described as prayer vigils.

Self-described “pro-life feminists” like Melinda Tankard Reist argued abortion was “violence against women”.

During decriminalisation debates, a popular slogan that encapsulated this rhetorical turn was the exhortation to “Love them Both”.

However, these outward professions of love and concern occurred in parallel with deep hostility towards people who supported abortion rights or provided abortions. They were often seen as legitimate targets for hate.

During law reform debates, politicians including Jacinta Allan in Victoria, Michelle O’Byrne in Tasmania and Tammy Franks in South Australia experienced campaigns of “abusive,” “graphic” and “offensive” anti-abortion letters and phone calls. These included rape and death threats.

A new chapter

The Australian public is highly pro-choice, with 76% of Australians supporting access to abortion in a 2021 study.

Why, then, are we witnessing this new wave of anti-abortion bills and activism?

The 2022 overturning of Roe v Wade in the US emboldened global opponents of abortion, including in Australia.

Read more:
Abortion is back in the headlines in Australia. The debates in the United States tell us why

The US movement “won” by developing long-term strategies that chipped away at abortion rights and access. Since the mid-1990s, they also focused closely on the statistically rare number of abortions performed after 20 weeks gestation.

These strategies are reflected wholesale in the emerging anti-abortion backlash in Australia.

After losing their campaign to stop decriminalisation, Australian opponents of abortion are working to amend laws and erode rights.

They also reject the claim that abortion is health care. They are fighting progressive attempts to end the postcode lottery that currently shapes access to abortion.

However, the success or failure of individual legislative efforts seems to matter less than the opportunity to get their rhetoric, images and claims in front of an ever-growing (increasingly online) audience.

In the United States, social media has proved central for a new generation of conservative female activists: the “political tradwife.”

Best exemplified by conservative commentator Candace Owens, these women merge femininity and maternalism with career and a lucrative online identity.

Howe warns politicians, “I’m not your nice pro-life Christian girl”. She frames her anti-abortion predecessors as well-meaning but naïve.

Her posts are marked by what journalists characterise as a confrontational style and “contemptuous language” towards opponents.

Howe’s legislative and activist approach is variously dubbed as “MAGA-style” or “Trumpian”.

In this, Howe reflects a broader trend observed by scholars. Social media incentivises “moral outrage” and is changing the nature of political conversations online. Content creators talk openly about the engagement value of posting “rage bait”.

It’s a combination of a domestic movement fighting against the “normalisation” of abortion with a broader online culture that encourages and amplifies what might once have been private expressions of anger.

It’s then compounded by the pervasive influence of US examples of conservative social activism.

This moment in Australian abortion politics, therefore, brings together the old and the new, ushering in an era of increasingly heightened and contentious public debate.

The Conversation contacted Joanna Howe for comment, but did not receive a response before the deadline.

Prudence Flowers is currently receiving funding from the Australian Research Council and has received funding from the South Australian Department of Human Services. She is a member of the South Australian Abortion Action Coalition.

– ref. Hate over love: conservative influencers have brought angrier anti-abortion politics to Australia – https://theconversation.com/hate-over-love-conservative-influencers-have-brought-angrier-anti-abortion-politics-to-australia-257444

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sven Teske, Research Director, Institute for Sustainable Futures, University of Technology Sydney

Is climate action a lost cause? The United States is withdrawing from the Paris Agreement for the second time, while heat records over land and sea have toppled and extreme weather events have multiplied.

In late 2015, nations agreed through the Paris Agreement to try to hold warming well under 2°C and ideally to 1.5°C. Almost ten years later, cutting emissions to the point of meeting the 1.5°C goal looks very difficult.

But humanity has shifted track enough to avert the worst climate future. Renewables, energy efficiency and other measures have shifted the dial. The worst case scenario of expanded coal use, soaring emissions and a much hotter world is vanishingly unlikely.

Instead, Earth is tracking towards around 2.7°C average warming by 2100. That level of warming would represent “unprecedented peril” for life on this planet. But it shows progress is being made.

How did we get here?

Global greenhouse gas emissions have risen since industrialisation began around 1850. Carbon dioxide (CO₂) is far and away the most common greenhouse gas we emit, while methane and nitrous oxide also play a role. These gases trap the sun’s heat in the atmosphere, preventing it from radiating back out to space.

In 2023, 41% of the world’s energy-related CO₂ emissions came from coal, mainly for electricity generation. Some 32% came from burning oil in road vehicles, and 21% from natural gas used for heating buildings and industrial processes.

The world is certainly feeling the effects. The World Meteorological Organization confirmed 2024 was the hottest year on record, temporarily hitting 1.5°C over the pre-industrial era. In turn, the world suffered lethal heatwaves, devastating floods and intense cyclones.

How are we tracking?

In 2014, the world’s peak body for assessing climate science – the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change – began using four scenarios called Representative Concentration Pathways (RCPs). These four big picture climate scenarios are based on what actions humanity does or doesn’t take. They comprise:

• rapid climate action, low emissions (RCP 2.6)
• two scenarios of some action and medium emissions (RCP 4.5 and 6.0)
• no action, high emissions (RCP 8.5).

The numbers refer to how many more watts of heat strike each square metre of the planet.

Of these four, only the RCP 2.6 scenario is compatible with the Paris Agreement’s goal of holding climate change well under 2˚C.

But Earth is tracking towards somewhere between RCP 2.6 and 4.5, which would translate to about 2.7°C of warming by 2100.

IPCC experts also developed five pathways of possible social, economic and political futures to complement the four scenarios.

Of these pathways, we are tracking closest to a middle of the road scenario where development remains uneven, the intensity of resource and energy use declines, and population growth levels off.

While effective, these scenarios are now more than a decade old and need to be updated. In response, my colleagues and I produced the One Earth Climate Model to outline rapid pathways to decarbonise. We set an ambitious carbon budget of 450 gigatonnes of CO₂ before reaching net zero – a pathway even more ambitious than the RCP 2.6.

The US, European Union and China together represent about 28% of the global population, but are responsible for 56% of historic emissions (926 gigatonnes) . The pathways compatible with 1.5°C give them a remaining carbon budget of 243 Gt CO₂. China would require the largest carbon budget to reach decarbonisation.

For this to happen, by 2050, the world would have to be 100% powered by clean sources and phase out fossil fuel use. This would limit global warming to around 1.5°C, with a certainty of just over 50%. We would also have to end deforestation within the same timeframe.

Emissions peak – are we there yet?

Emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases have still not plateaued, despite sharply increasing renewable electricity generation, battery storage and lower-cost electric vehicles.

But there has been real progress. The EU says its emissions fell by 8.3% in 2023 compared to 2022. Europe’s net emissions are now 37% below 1990 levels, while the region’s GDP grew 68% over the same period. The EU remains on track to reach its goal of reducing emissions by at least 55% by 2030.

Australia’s emissions fell by 0.6% last year. The country is now 28.2% below June 2005 levels, which is the baseline set for its Paris Agreement goal of a 43% reduction by 2030.

In the US, emissions are still below pre-pandemic levels and remain about 20% below 2005 levels. Since peaking in 2004, US emissions have trended downward.

The world’s largest emitter, China, is finally cutting its emissions. Huge growth in renewables has now led to the first emissions drop on record, despite surging demand for power. This is good news. For years, China’s domestic emissions remained high despite its leading role in solar, wind, EVs and battery technology.

China produces almost one-third (31%) of the world’s energy-related carbon emissions – not least because it is the workshop of the world. Every cut China makes will have a major global effect.

According to the IPCC, limiting warming to around 1.5°C requires global emissions to peak before 2025 at the latest. It now looks like the peak may occur this year.

Despite daily negative news, the decarbonisation train has left the station. In 2024, renewables accounted for more than 90% of growth in electricity production globally. Electric vehicles became cost competitive, while heat pumps are developing fast and solar is on a winning streak.

So, is it too late to save the climate? No. The technologies we need are finally cheap enough. The sooner we stop climate change from worsening, the more disasters, famine and death we avert. We might not manage 1.5°C or even 2°C, but every tenth of a degree counts. The faster we make the shift, the better our climate future.

Sven Teske receives funding from the European Climate Foundation

– ref. Earth is heading for 2.7°C warming this century. We may avoid the worst climate scenarios – but the outlook is still dire – https://theconversation.com/earth-is-heading-for-2-7-c-warming-this-century-we-may-avoid-the-worst-climate-scenarios-but-the-outlook-is-still-dire-254284

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nikki Rickard, Professor, Wellbeing Science, The University of Melbourne

Among the rising tide of loneliness and disconnection, live music is proving to be more than just a good time; it’s a powerful antidote. Whether it’s a pub gig or a stadium show, live music brings people together in ways that matter.

In a recent paper, my colleagues and I reviewed 59 studies of more than 18,000 live music attendees, mostly in Western countries such as the United Kingdom, United States, Australia, New Zealand and parts of Europe.

Here are six ways live music helps alleviate loneliness, based on our and other researchers’ findings.

Opportunities for social connection

Live music events offer people the opportunity to deepen connections with friends, and spark conversations with strangers. They can also act as bridges for people from diverse backgrounds to come together, with music as a common ground.

Music Australia recently reported First Nations and younger audiences are especially likely to value live events as a chance to make new friends, and to feel an enhanced sense of belonging.

Bonding through shared experiences

At heavy metal or punk gigs, the chaos of a mosh pit becomes a surprising display of harmony – despite lyrics of rebellion or anarchy. Strangers move in sync, expressing their private emotions in a communal way.

Research shows syncing to music, even in silent discos, enhances positive feelings and behaviours towards coparticipants. Emotional contagion, or “catching” emotions from the music or other audience members, can also contribute to emotional resonance.

When a crowd shares emotions, movement and even values, a strong feeling of unity can emerge. French sociologist Émile Durkheim called this “collective effervescence”.

Focusing on something bigger

Creative Victoria recently found the primary reason people attend live music is to connect with others and feel part of something bigger than themselves.

Live music can create this communal experience through transcendent emotions. Research into awe-inspiring events reveals they can shift our focus away from ourselves and towards a larger, interconnected whole.

This helps explain why attending live performances can encourage positive social behaviours and reduce loneliness, even if an attendee doesn’t actually speak to anyone.

Sharing one’s authentic self

Live music events, particularly festivals, have been described as “idealised communities” where attendees feel safe to express their authentic selves, free from everyday social constraints.

This “time out of time” experience can be exploratory and liberating, allowing people to connect with others in ways they might not in their regular lives. The safety, trust and respect within these spaces can be particularly empowering for historically marginalised groups, such as LGBTQIA+ and culturally diverse individuals.

Long-term identity building

Shared rituals and artefacts, from Swifties’ wristbands to EDM glow sticks, help live music fans feel like they are part of a meaningful collective. These practices are especially powerful for young people, whose social identities are still developing.

Even during the pandemic, live stream audiences overcame isolation by connecting with others through ritualistic use of emojis and comments.

Long after a show ends, merchandise, band tattoos, online fan forums and recordings of the artist’s music all help sustain feelings of connection with other members of the “scene”.

Music as a social surrogate

Sometimes, live music feels like more than just music. It can feel like a friend: it can listen, empathise and offer comfort when no one else is around.

Research shows music can reduce loneliness by reminding us of real relationships. At times, this can extend to forming parasocial relationships with the musicians themselves, which can offer solace during loneliness. This function of music became especially clear during the pandemic and lockdowns.

Reviving community

Looking at our research, it’s undeniable live music is a beacon of community and inclusiveness in an increasingly disconnected world.

But despite its enormous potential, the industry in Australia is at a crossroads. Post-pandemic recovery has been slow, with engagement in local artists’ events and events at smaller venues (such as pubs and clubs) declining.

Music Australia has found younger people are preferring to stay home for their entertainment. And Creative Victoria reports more than a quarter of the live music market has not attended an event in the past three years, prompting this warning: “These audiences need a compelling reason to entice them to return to in-person attendance.”

Alleviating loneliness, especially among young people, might just be that reason.

Whether it’s through a chance meeting with a like-minded individual at a local gig, or an identity-affirming experience at a festival, live music stands as a universal language that is capable of bringing people together to overcome feelings of isolation.

By recognising its value, we’re not just helping revive an industry – we’re tackling one of society’s most pressing issues.

Nikki Rickard has previously received funding from ARC, and currently has funding from Google.
Nikki is currently a Board Member for Music Victoria.
Nikki Rickard is an author of the review referenced in this article.

– ref. 6 ways live music could help combat the loneliness epidemic – https://theconversation.com/6-ways-live-music-could-help-combat-the-loneliness-epidemic-257464

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nikki Rickard, Professor, Wellbeing Science, The University of Melbourne

Among the rising tide of loneliness and disconnection, live music is proving to be more than just a good time; it’s a powerful antidote. Whether it’s a pub gig or a stadium show, live music brings people together in ways that matter.

In a recent paper, my colleagues and I reviewed 59 studies of more than 18,000 live music attendees, mostly in Western countries such as the United Kingdom, United States, Australia, New Zealand and parts of Europe.

Here are six ways live music helps alleviate loneliness, based on our and other researchers’ findings.

Opportunities for social connection

Live music events offer people the opportunity to deepen connections with friends, and spark conversations with strangers. They can also act as bridges for people from diverse backgrounds to come together, with music as a common ground.

Music Australia recently reported First Nations and younger audiences are especially likely to value live events as a chance to make new friends, and to feel an enhanced sense of belonging.

Bonding through shared experiences

At heavy metal or punk gigs, the chaos of a mosh pit becomes a surprising display of harmony – despite lyrics of rebellion or anarchy. Strangers move in sync, expressing their private emotions in a communal way.

Research shows syncing to music, even in silent discos, enhances positive feelings and behaviours towards coparticipants. Emotional contagion, or “catching” emotions from the music or other audience members, can also contribute to emotional resonance.

When a crowd shares emotions, movement and even values, a strong feeling of unity can emerge. French sociologist Émile Durkheim called this “collective effervescence”.

Focusing on something bigger

Creative Victoria recently found the primary reason people attend live music is to connect with others and feel part of something bigger than themselves.

Live music can create this communal experience through transcendent emotions. Research into awe-inspiring events reveals they can shift our focus away from ourselves and towards a larger, interconnected whole.

This helps explain why attending live performances can encourage positive social behaviours and reduce loneliness, even if an attendee doesn’t actually speak to anyone.

Sharing one’s authentic self

Live music events, particularly festivals, have been described as “idealised communities” where attendees feel safe to express their authentic selves, free from everyday social constraints.

This “time out of time” experience can be exploratory and liberating, allowing people to connect with others in ways they might not in their regular lives. The safety, trust and respect within these spaces can be particularly empowering for historically marginalised groups, such as LGBTQIA+ and culturally diverse individuals.

Long-term identity building

Shared rituals and artefacts, from Swifties’ wristbands to EDM glow sticks, help live music fans feel like they are part of a meaningful collective. These practices are especially powerful for young people, whose social identities are still developing.

Even during the pandemic, live stream audiences overcame isolation by connecting with others through ritualistic use of emojis and comments.

Long after a show ends, merchandise, band tattoos, online fan forums and recordings of the artist’s music all help sustain feelings of connection with other members of the “scene”.

Music as a social surrogate

Sometimes, live music feels like more than just music. It can feel like a friend: it can listen, empathise and offer comfort when no one else is around.

Research shows music can reduce loneliness by reminding us of real relationships. At times, this can extend to forming parasocial relationships with the musicians themselves, which can offer solace during loneliness. This function of music became especially clear during the pandemic and lockdowns.

Reviving community

Looking at our research, it’s undeniable live music is a beacon of community and inclusiveness in an increasingly disconnected world.

But despite its enormous potential, the industry in Australia is at a crossroads. Post-pandemic recovery has been slow, with engagement in local artists’ events and events at smaller venues (such as pubs and clubs) declining.

Music Australia has found younger people are preferring to stay home for their entertainment. And Creative Victoria reports more than a quarter of the live music market has not attended an event in the past three years, prompting this warning: “These audiences need a compelling reason to entice them to return to in-person attendance.”

Alleviating loneliness, especially among young people, might just be that reason.

Whether it’s through a chance meeting with a like-minded individual at a local gig, or an identity-affirming experience at a festival, live music stands as a universal language that is capable of bringing people together to overcome feelings of isolation.

By recognising its value, we’re not just helping revive an industry – we’re tackling one of society’s most pressing issues.

Nikki Rickard has previously received funding from ARC, and currently has funding from Google.
Nikki is currently a Board Member for Music Victoria.
Nikki Rickard is an author of the review referenced in this article.

– ref. Is the cure to loneliness live music? Here’s what a review of 59 studies tells us – https://theconversation.com/is-the-cure-to-loneliness-live-music-heres-what-a-review-of-59-studies-tells-us-257464

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Glen Farivar, Lecturer in Power Electronics, The University of Melbourne

How many chargers do you own? We’re surrounded by rechargeable electronic devices – mobile phones, laptops, smart watches, headphones, e-bikes and more.

You might have a phone charger plugged in next to your bed without ever bothering to switch it off at the wall or unplugging it when not in use. The same might go for a laptop charger by your desk.

But is that risky to do? And are there hidden costs associated with leaving chargers plugged in all the time?

What’s inside a charger?

Naturally, not all chargers are the same. Depending on the application and power requirement, their internal structure can range from very simple to complex.

However, a typical charger takes in the AC (alternating current) from the wall plug and converts it to a low-voltage DC (direct current) suitable for your device’s battery.

To understand the difference between DC and AC, consider the flow of electrons in a wire. In a DC circuit, electrons move in one direction and keep rotating in the circuit. In an AC circuit, electrons doesn’t circulate and only move back and forth.

The reason for why we use both types of current goes a long way back, to the time when inventors Thomas Edison and Nicola Tesla battled over which type would become the default standard. Today, we are still stuck between both. Electricity is traditionally generated in AC form, but modern appliances and batteries require the DC form. This is why almost every electrical appliance comes with an AC–DC converter.

To do the conversion from AC to DC, a typical charger needs several electrical components such as a transformer, a circuit for doing the actual conversion, filtering elements to enhance the quality of output DC voltage, and control circuitry for regulation and protection.

Chargers consume power even when not charging

“Vampire power” is real. If you leave it plugged in, a charger will continuously draw a small amount of power. Part of this power is used to keep the control and protection circuits running while the rest is lost as heat.

When we look at an individual small charger, the vampire power – also known as standby power – is negligible. However, if you add up all the chargers in your home for various devices, over time the wasted energy can be significant. Standby power is not exclusive to chargers, either; other electronic devices such as TVs draw a little bit of standby power, too.

Depending on how many things you leave plugged in, over the course of the year it could amount to several kilowatt hours.

That said, modern chargers are designed to minimise standby power consumption. These chargers come with smart power management components that keep them in sleep mode until an external device attempts to draw power.

There are other risks, too

Chargers wear out over time when electricity flows through them, particularly when the electricity grid voltage temporarily rises above its rated value. The electricity grid is a chaotic environment and various voltage rise events happen from time to time.

Leaving your chargers exposed to these events will shorten their life. This premature ageing shouldn’t be alarming for modern devices, thanks to their improved design and control. But it is particularly concerning for cheap, uncertified chargers. These often lack appropriate levels of protection and can be a fire hazard.

How should I treat my chargers?

Although modern chargers are generally very safe and should be drawing minimal standby power, consider unplugging them anyway – if convenient.

If a charger gets warmer than usual, makes noise, or is damaged in any way, it is time for a replacement. And it definitely shouldn’t be left plugged in.

Glen Farivar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is it OK to leave device chargers plugged in all the time? An expert explains – https://theconversation.com/is-it-ok-to-leave-device-chargers-plugged-in-all-the-time-an-expert-explains-255016

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Cain, Associate Lecturer in Criminology, Deakin University

This month, a woman bravely testified in court she was subjected to a “degrading and humiliating experience akin to sexual assault” at the hands of New South Wales Police. The young woman was forced to remove her tampon in front of officers during a strip search, which police later admitted was unlawful.

This experience was heard in the Supreme Court as part of a class action lawsuit that includes 3,000 alleged victims. It’s alleging police unlawfully strip-searched thousands of people at music festivals between 2016 and 2022.

These searches – which disproportionately increased against young girls and women – speak to a underlying issue within policing. Police scholars have long observed an internal culture of misogyny and sexism, both domestically and internationally.

In fact, predatory behaviour from police has been documented across the country, both towards members of the public and towards other police officers.

While there are immediate headlines and promises to improve, they’re often quickly forgotten by police and the community. In not holding them accountable, we allow the harming of women to continue and positive change to remain elusive.

A long history

This has previously been a point of conversation in New South Wales. Last year, there were reports of a female then-officer, Mel Cooper, being sexually harassed and assaulted by male colleagues. Cooper, who joined the force in 1994, argued this culture is “not getting better […] it’s getting worse”.

This reflected experiences from a report by the state’s police watchdog in 2020 reviewing workplace complaints. The report, titled Operation Shorewood, found sexual harassment was among the most common complaints.

Female officers were the most likely to be subjected to harassment, despite the most recent available data indicating they make up only 26.9% of sworn personnel.

New South Wales is not a unique case. In Western Australia, it’s been reported that sexual misconduct complaints are rising. This prompted the police commissioner to admit WA Police had a “boys club culture” issue.

In Queensland, the Richards inquiry in 2022 found evidence of a culture of sexism and misogyny and viewed predatory behaviour as a significant issue. The commission learned of multiple examples of predatory behaviour, sexual harassment and assault against female colleagues (often junior officers).

In some rare cases, rape by male officers was reported.

More recently, a Queensland police sergeant who engaged in a pattern of predatory sexual conduct was reported to still be working with the force. This was despite Queensland’s police watchdog – the Crime and Corruption Commission – recommending in 2022 that dismissal was the “only appropriate sanction”.

Decades of inaction

Victoria also has a long history of this behaviour.

In 1988, a discussion paper criticised the treatment of sexual assault victims who reported or complained to police. The paper’s recommendations were never implemented, with police and government responses dismissing the paper as “pro-victim”.

A decade later, the Victorian ombudsman investigated allegations of sexual impropriety by officers at a rural police station. The allegations, which started in 1988, included rape, sexual assault, stalking, unlawful entry on premises and threatening behaviour towards members of the public.

Victims were dissuaded from giving evidence by police. Male officers came to view sex as an entitlement of their duty, targeting vulnerable and young women. It was ultimately found that police management systems had failed to deal with the behaviour for years.

The failure to address the behaviour has only continued. An audit into sex and gender discrimination and two separate reports from Victoria’s police watchdog in 2015 and 2023 continue to show evidence of sexual impropriety and predatory behaviour.

This came to a head in 2023 when Brett Johnson was convicted of using Victoria’s police database to stalk vulnerable women and initiate sexual relationships.

In response to this, and other reports into systemic issues, Victoria Police has implemented more than 90% of the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission’s recommendations. This includes working towards implementing recommendations regarding predatory behaviour.

Lessons left unlearned

It is impossible to gauge the full extent of this behaviour and its history in every jurisdiction.

There are no mandatory reporting requirements for police complaint data in Australia. The findings we do have often come from an occasional report or inquiry into police.

These incidents are also quickly forgotten. Government inquiries and investigations often fail to acknowledge these issues have been discussed many times before.

States may recognise the need for change. Other times, they will outright dismiss it.

Many identified reforms are never fully put into practice. In the case of systems for holding police accountable, this phenomenon has been seen as “cyclic”.

This is why it’s vital to recall the incidents of our past. When another scandal occurs, we should remind ourselves these are not “bad apples” or isolated events.

They are symbolic of a crisis of reform in policing – an inability to create meaningful change. We must demand better from our police and our state governments to ensure the protection of not just Australian women, but all victims and complainants.

As researcher Janet Chan argued in her internationally recognised work on changing the culture of the police, this will not be achieved through a single reform. This will require a commitment to a range of related changes.

These include changes to education, better leadership and mentoring, more effective whistleblowing processes and reforms to police complaint systems.

A popular proposal has been the creation of an independent police ombudsman to oversee and investigate complaints against police.

However, without a continued public pressure, it is unlikely we can challenge the political power of police. Failure to address these issues will only strengthen a culture that harms all who are victim to it.

The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

Michael Cain does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. From strip searches to sexual harassment, Australian policing has long been plagued by sexism – https://theconversation.com/from-strip-searches-to-sexual-harassment-australian-policing-has-long-been-plagued-by-sexism-256781

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Tatebe, Senior Lecturer Curriculum and Pedagogy, Faculty of Arts and Education, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Financial literacy will become a core element of the New Zealand social sciences curriculum for Year 1-10 students from 2027. But what is being proposed presents a limited picture of the factors influencing people’s financial wellbeing.

The specifics of the curriculum have yet to be released. However, the government’s announcement emphasised a focus on individual responsibility. Young people will be taught what they need to live within their means and how to accumulate enough wealth for retirement.

When announcing the new curriculum, Commerce and Consumer Affairs Minister Scott Simpson said:

We are all consumers, and financial literacy can set young Kiwis up to be savvy consumers – whether it’s knowing how to invest wisely, choose the best loan at a bank, or even identify a scam.

However, as our research shows, focusing only on individual responsibility risks ignoring the economic systems – and inequities – that shape young people’s lives.

Inequality in New Zealand has risen significantly in the past three decades. And the richest New Zealanders pay less tax than in similar OECD countries.

Knowing how to manage household accounts is, undeniably, an important skill. But individual skills can’t necessarily overcome the hurdles within the broader economic and social context.

Focus on managing money

Financial literacy – under the term “financial capability” – is only briefly mentioned in the current New Zealand curriculum. The topic is positioned as a potential outcome of learning across different subject areas, rather than taught as its own distinct class.

Classroom resources focus on individual actions. Students are taught to manage money, set goals and manage risks.

There is no real discussion of economic inequality in the curriculum. And even the few references there are have a strong focus on personal responsibility.

Teaching resources available for senior economics, for example, explore topics such as income, taxation, product costs and the scarcity of resources.

In senior business studies, references to economic inequality are indirect. For example, the “key concepts” page alludes to ideas such as “supply and demand” and “scarcity” that can loosely be associated with economic inequality. But it is not explicit.

The resources being used in the classroom also exclude any significant discussion of broader economic systems and policies. Much of what is currently available is created in partnership with banks and financial organisations such as ASB’s GetWise and BNZ’s SavY programmes. These focus on budgeting, saving, banking and paying off debt.

Towards collective responsibility

Globally, there has been a growing emphasis on financial literacy education, partly because of the complexity of modern financial products. And, as one study observed, “the risks of, and responsibility for, financial decisions are being increasingly shifted from governments and employers onto individuals”.

As political economist Chris Clarke has noted, there is an “irreconcilable gap” between the aims of financial literacy education and people’s “actual success in securing their security and wellbeing through financial markets”.

Other economists have pointed out how issues of intergenerational wealth and entrenched socioeconomic disadvantage – the “racial wealth gap” – cannot be overlooked when talking about “poor financial choices and decision making”.

But another form of financial literacy education is possible. Young people could be taught to understand and analyse how governments make decisions for the financial wellbeing of their citizens. They could also learn the value of employment rights, labour and workplace safety laws, and the role of unions and other civic initiatives.

Rather than focusing on taxes and balancing household accounts, students could learn about their individual responsibilities within the economic systems they are part of.

Jennifer Tatebe has previously received funding from Universitas 21, The Royal Society Te Apārangi, The New Zealand School Trustees Association and The University of Auckland.

Marta Estellés has previously received funding from The Spencer Foundation, New Zealand National Commission of UNESCO, the Division of Education at The University of Waikato and The University of Cantabria.

Derek Shafer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Financial literacy is about more than personal responsibility – wealth and inequality should be part of the new curriculum – https://theconversation.com/financial-literacy-is-about-more-than-personal-responsibility-wealth-and-inequality-should-be-part-of-the-new-curriculum-256225

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Megan Willis, Associate Professor, School of Behavioural and Health Sciences, Australian Catholic University

Narcissism has become the armchair diagnosis of the decade. Social media is awash with people flinging the label around. Everyone’s ex seems to be a narcissist, some of our parents are under suspicion, and that office villain? They definitely tick the box, too.

The accuracy of these rampant diagnoses warrants scepticism. But the reality is narcissists do exist. At its extreme, narcissism is a rare mental health diagnosis, known as narcissistic personality disorder. But narcissism also describes a cluster of personality traits, which we all display to varying degrees.

For those of us who have been in close quarters with someone high in narcissistic traits, we rarely walk away unscathed. And we may be left with lingering questions. For example, what made them this way?

In a recent meta-analysis, my colleagues and I pulled together studies examining the link between narcissism and adult attachment styles. Our findings offer an important clue – especially when it comes to the potential roots of vulnerable narcissism.

Types of narcissism

There are two main types of narcissism.

Grandiose narcissism is what typically comes to mind. It is characterised by an overtly grandiose, aggressive and dominant interpersonal style. In contrast, vulnerable narcissism is marked by introversion, hypersensitivity to criticism, and a defensive, insecure grandiosity that masks fragile self-esteem.

Antagonistic traits such as entitlement, manipulation, and a lack of empathy lie at the core of both narcissism types. This helps to explain the interpersonal difficulties linked to each.

Vulnerable narcissism, in particular, has been linked to a range of harmful behaviours in romantic relationships. Individuals high in this trait are more likely to engage in love bombing, ghosting and breadcrumbing.

They also tend to report lower relationship satisfaction, hold more permissive attitudes towards infidelity and perpetrate intimate partner violence at higher rates.

Secure versus insecure attachment

Researchers have turned to attachment styles to help explain how individuals high in narcissism behave in romantic relationships.

Attachment theory proposes that early experiences with primary caregivers shape our beliefs about ourselves and others. These beliefs are thought to persist into adulthood and influence how we experience and navigate adult relationships.

If we felt safe, loved and supported as children, we are more likely to have a positive view of our self and others. This is the hallmark of secure attachment, which lays the foundation for healthy, stable relationships in adulthood.

But when early relationships are marked by neglect, inconsistency or abuse, they can give rise to insecure attachment styles. Adult attachment models generally identify three types of insecure attachment.

Preoccupied attachment develops from a negative view of the self and a positive view of others. Individuals with this style often feel unworthy of love and seek constant reassurance in relationships, fearing rejection and abandonment.

Dismissive attachment is rooted in a positive view of the self but a negative view of others. These individuals tend to prioritise independence over intimacy. As a result, they often struggle to form deep connections.

Fearful attachment involves negative views of both the self and others. Those with this style typically crave connection while at the same time fearing it, leading to push-pull dynamics in relationships.

An interesting pattern

In our meta-analysis, we combined the results of 33 previous studies comprising more than 10,000 participants to examine how narcissism relates to each of the four adult attachment styles. Overall, narcissism was linked to each of the three insecure attachment styles.

But when we looked at the two types of narcissism separately, an interesting pattern emerged. Vulnerable narcissism was consistently linked to insecure attachment styles – with associations of moderate strength for preoccupied and fearful attachment styles.

In contrast, grandiose narcissism showed no such link.

Does this mean insecure attachment causes vulnerable narcissism? Not necessarily. The studies we reviewed were “correlational”, which means they looked at connections, not causes. So we can’t say attachment styles cause vulnerable narcissism. To answer that, we’d need longitudinal research tracking people over time.

Still, our findings suggest that insecure attachment – particularly preoccupied and fearful attachment styles – may be an important risk factor in the development of vulnerable narcissism.

Of course, not everyone with an insecure attachment style has high levels of vulnerable narcissism. However, for some, vulnerable narcissism may emerge as a defensive coping strategy that arises when early attachments were marked by inconsistency, neglect or abuse.

Healing childhood wounds

Attachment styles tend to be fairly consistent throughout a person’s life, however change is possible. Attachment-focused therapies, such as schema therapy and emotionally focussed therapy, can help individuals heal attachment wounds and build more secure relationship patterns. These approaches may be especially helpful for those high in vulnerable narcissism.

At the same time, it is important that families have access to free and timely mental health care, so that children are supported to process and heal from trauma before it shapes their adult relationships, and the way they parent the next generation.

But prevention is better than cure.

Supporting parents and caregivers to build secure attachments with the their children and equipping them with the tools to parent effectively is essential. This is especially urgent given disturbingly high rates of child maltreatment in Australia, including emotional abuse, physical abuse and neglect – all of which have been linked to the development of vulnerable narcissism.

We don’t need to look too far to see the cost of turning a blind eye.

Megan Willis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What makes somebody a narcissist? Mounting evidence suggests links to insecure attachment styles – https://theconversation.com/what-makes-somebody-a-narcissist-mounting-evidence-suggests-links-to-insecure-attachment-styles-257468

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amra Lee, PhD candidate in Protection of Civilians, Australian National University

Some 2.1 million Gazans are facing critical hunger levels, with many at risk of famine following Israel’s 11-week blockade on aid intended to pressure Hamas.

According to the United Nations, 57 children have already died from malnutrition since the aid blockade began on March 2. A further 14,000 children under 5 years old are at risk of severe cases of malnutrition over the next year.

Last week, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu permitted a limited number of aid trucks into Gaza amid increasing pressure from allies who have drawn a line at images of starving children.

However, Israel is controversially planning to transfer responsibility for distributing aid in Gaza through a new system that would sideline the UN and other aid agencies that have been working there for decades.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres swiftly rejected Israel’s new aid distribution system in Gaza, saying it breaches international law and humanitarian principles.

In a joint statement, two dozen countries, including the UK, many European Union member states, Australia, Canada and Japan, have supported the UN’s position on the new model. The signatories said it won’t deliver aid effectively at the scale required, and would link aid to political and military objectives.

The UK, Canada and France have further threatened to take “concrete actions” to pressure Israel to cease its military offence and lift restrictions on aid.

And in another blow to the credibility of the new system, the head of the newly established Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which will oversee the distribution of aid, resigned on Monday. He cited concerns over a lack of adherence to “humanitarian principles”.

So, how will would this new aid delivery system work, and why is it so problematic?

A military-led system with deep flaws

Israel has relied on unsubstantiated claims of large-scale aid diversion by Hamas to justify taking control over aid delivery in Gaza. The UN and its humanitarian partners continue to refute such claims, publicly sharing details of their end-to-end monitoring systems.

Yet, the new aid delivery initiative is vague on important details.

Several reports have revealed the plan would establish four secure distribution sites for aid under Israeli military control in southern and central Gaza.

Security would be provided by private military contractors, such as Safe Reach Solutions, run by a former CIA officer, while the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation would oversee the distribution of food.

There is little clarity beyond this on who is behind the new system and who is funding it.

The initiative has provoked strong reactions from the UN and the wider humanitarian aid system.

Senior aid officials have underlined the fact the international aid system cannot support a military-led initiative that would breach international law and be incompatible with humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence.

There are also concerns the four distribution hubs would require individuals to travel long distances to collect and carry heavy packages. This could leave female-headed households, people with disabilities, those who are ill and the elderly at greater risk of exclusion and exploitation.

In addition, a leaked UN memo reportedly expressed concern over UN involvement in the initiative, saying the organisation could be “implicated in delivering a system that falls short of Israel’s legal responsibilities as an occupying power”.

There are further concerns the UN could be implicated in atrocity crimes, including a risk of genocide through its participation in the system, setting a dangerous precedent for future crises.

Tom Fletcher, the UN relief chief, has called the plan “a deliberate distraction” and “a fig leaf for further violence and displacement”.

Other rights groups have condemned the mandatory collection of biometric data, including facial recognition scans, at the distribution sites. This would make aid conditional on compliance with surveillance. It would also expand Israel’s controversial use of facial recognition technology to track and monitor Palestinians throughout Gaza.

And famine expert Alex de Waal claims Israel has “taken a page from the colonial war handbooks” in weaponising food aid in pursuit of military victory.

He argues the planned quantities of food aid will be insufficient and lack the specialised feeding necessary for malnourished children, in addition to clean water and electricity.

What has not been stated but can be implied from the strong resistance to the new system lacking humanitarian expertise: the lack of good faith on Israel’s part. The Israeli government continues to pursue an elusive military victory at the expense of the rules and norms intended to preserve humanity in war.

Wider pattern of behaviour

The UN’s rebuke of the plan should be interpreted through a wider pattern of Israeli government behaviour undermining the international aid system and its role in upholding respect for humanitarian principles.

These fundamental principles include respect for humanity, neutrality, impartiality and operational independence. As the joint statement by 24 nations on aid to Gaza this month said:

Humanitarian principles matter for every conflict around the world and should be applied consistently in every war zone.

International humanitarian law requires member states to respect – and ensure respect – for the rules of war. This includes taking all feasible measures to influence the parties engaged in a conflict to respect humanitarian law.

Likewise, the Genocide Convention requires member states to take measures to prevent and punish genocide beyond their jurisdictions.

As Fletcher, the UN relief chief, reminded the UN Security Council earlier this month, this hasn’t been done in past cases of large-scale violations of international human rights, such as in Srebrenica (in the former Yugoslavia) and Rwanda.

He said reviews of the UN’s conduct in cases like these

[…] pointed to our collective failure to speak to the scale of violations while they were committed.

While humanitarians are best placed to deliver aid, greater collective political action is what’s needed. Pressure now falls on all UN member states use their levers of influence to protect civilians and prevent the further weaponisation of aid at this critical time.

Amra Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Israel’s new aid delivery system for Gaza is sparking outrage. Why is it so problematic? – https://theconversation.com/israels-new-aid-delivery-system-for-gaza-is-sparking-outrage-why-is-it-so-problematic-257347