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Huge waves in the atmosphere dump extreme rain on northern Australia

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fadhlil Rizki Muhammad, Graduate Researcher, The University of Melbourne

Bureau of Meteorology via AAP

In 2023, almost a year’s worth of rain fell over ten days in parts of northwestern Australia, leading to catastrophic flooding in the town of Fitzroy Crossing and surrounds. The rainfall was linked to a tropical cyclone, but there were also lesser-known forces at work: huge, planet-scale oscillations called atmospheric waves which bring heavy rain to northern Australia.

While climate drivers such as El Niño and La Niña are becoming more familiar to many Australians, fewer understand the significant role played by atmospheric waves, which are like vast musical notes resonating around the globe. These waves can greatly influence rainfall and extreme weather events in Australia – and we don’t know yet whether they could grow more intense as the world warms.

In our latest research, we discovered how these waves affect Australia’s rainfall, and how they can help us make better weather forecasts. The research is published in the Journal of Climate.

What are atmospheric waves?

You can think of atmospheric waves as huge musical notes that travel through the atmosphere around the equator. Just like a musical note, an atmospheric wave has a frequency (a pitch, or how often it oscillates) and an amplitude (a volume or intensity).

Atmospheric waves can interact with each other to create complex melodies and harmonies in the atmosphere. They affect many aspects of the atmosphere, such as wind, humidity and pressure.

In the same way musical harmony can evoke emotions, certain combinations of atmospheric waves can lead to complex clusters of clouds that evoke extreme rain events.

Equatorial atmospheric waves were first discovered mathematically in 1966 by Japanese researcher Taroh Matsuno. By solving equations that describe the behaviour of the atmosphere near the equator, he found waves that could be categorised by frequency, structure, speed and direction of movement.

Later research found these waves exist in the real world – and they have been studied ever since.

Some of the most important waves are called Kelvin waves and equatorial Rossby waves. Kelvin waves are centred around the equator, propagate to the east, and take between 2.5 and 17 days to complete one oscillation.

On the other hand, equatorial Rossby waves are structured as a pair of swirls, one north of the equator and one to the south, which propagate to the west. They are also slower than Kelvin waves, taking between 9 and 72 days to complete an oscillation.

There are also two other kinds of equatorial fluctuations, discovered after Matsuno’s original work. These are the Madden–Julian Oscillation, which propagates eastward, and tropical depression-type waves, which propagate to the west. Both of these have their own frequencies and influences on the Australian atmosphere.

Impacts on Australian weather

We studied the relationship between these waves and rainfall in northern Australia from 1981 to 2018. We found the waves had a significant impact on rainfall during the southern summer (December–February) and autumn (March–May).

Equatorial Rossby waves that cross Australia may make heavy rainfall around 1.5 times as likely as normal, while tropical depression-type waves make it 1.3 times more likely.

When waves combine in certain ways, heavy rain events become even more likely.

Atmospheric waves travelling around the equator can increase the chances of heavy rain – and combinations of waves can have an even greater impact.
Fadhlil Rizki Muhammad

For example, a combination of an equatorial Rossby wave and the Madden–Julian Oscillation can make heavy rain in northern Australia two to three times more likely. Similarly, if a tropical depression-type wave and an equatorial Rossby wave cross Australia at the same time, heavy rainfall could be twice as likely as usual.

Due to Australia’s vast landmass and local geography, the impacts of these waves are quite different across the continent. Regions such as the Kimberley, Cape York and the Top End experience the largest impact from these waves, increasing the chance of heavy rain by up to 3.3 times.

Meanwhile, the impacts of these waves on the eastern coast of Queensland and inland Queensland are not as great as in the other regions. However, the change in likelihood is still quite high: the waves can make heavy rain 1.4–2.2 times more likely than it would otherwise be.

What does the future look like?

We have shown that the activity of these “atmospheric melodies” is important and potentially provides room for improvement in weather models.

Currently, a good representation of these waves in weather models can improve forecasts up to two weeks ahead.

A better representation of these waves may improve future weather prediction in the tropics.

In addition, the impact of these waves in a warmer world is still a mystery. Recent research suggests some atmospheric waves, such as Kelvin and the Madden-Julian Oscillation, could become more intense, potentially with more organised cloud clusters and significant impacts on heavy rain events.

Fadhlil Rizki Muhammad receives funding from The University of Melbourne and ARC Centre of Excellence for Climate Extremes.

Andrew King receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather and the National Environmental Science Program.

Claire Vincent receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence for Climate Extremes and the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Weather of the 21st Century

Sandro W. Lubis receives funding from U.S. Department of Energy Office of Science Biological and Environmental Research as part of Global and Regional Model Analysis program area. The Pacific Northwest National Laboratory (PNNL) is operated by Battelle for the U.S. Department of Energy under Contract DE-AC05-76RLO1830.

ref. Huge waves in the atmosphere dump extreme rain on northern Australia – https://theconversation.com/huge-waves-in-the-atmosphere-dump-extreme-rain-on-northern-australia-240788

These 5 ‘post-truth’ claims are fuelling the water wars in Australia

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Quentin Grafton, Australian Laureate Professor of Economics, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Mr Privacy/Shutterstock

The contest between truth and post-truth matters when trying to solve big public policy questions. One of these questions is how to sustainably manage water in Australia for the benefit of all.

Truths can be confirmed or, at the very least, can be proved false. Post-truths, however, are opinions that masquerade as facts and are not supported by verifiable evidence.

Post-truths muddy political and policy debates. They leave everyday people simply not knowing what to believe anymore. This prevents good policy being enacted.

As I outline in a speech to the National Press Club today, several post-truths, espoused by a wide range of people and organisations, are getting in the way of Australian water reforms. These reforms are essential to secure a better water future for the driest inhabitable continent.

Water policy in Australia is now at a crucial juncture. This year is the 20th anniversary of the National Water Initiative that was meant to lay the foundations for sustainable water management. The completion date of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, accompanied by billions of dollars in funding, is just two years away.

Yet the so-called “water wars” are raging again. Here are five post-truth claims to watch out for.

Australia’s water wars are raging again.
Shutterstock

1. Water buybacks to sustain rivers harm communities

The Australian government buys water rights from willing sellers to return water to the environment. These buybacks have been controversial and blamed, with little evidence, for causing many farmers to become distressed and bankrupt, and to leave farming.

It’s true some irrigators are opposed to buybacks and prefer subsidies to build more efficient irrigation infrastructure on their properties.

But converting state water licences to a system of tradeable water rights gifted irrigators rights now worth tens of billions of dollars. In return, the government was supposed to buy back enough water from willing sellers to return rivers to health.

But insufficient water has been bought back from irrigators, for a couple of reasons.

First, the federal budget for buybacks was much less than needed to reduce irrigators’ water use to sustainable levels.

Second, the Abbott government capped buybacks in 2015. Its justification was the post-truth claim, based on “low quality” consultant reports, that buybacks were “destroying” irrigation communities.

The truth is, buybacks from willing sellers are much more cost-effective than taxpayer-subsidised irrigation infrastructure. Research shows infrastructure subsidies give irrigators an incentive to use even more water.

And there is robust evidence that, overall, the net social and economic impacts of water buybacks are positive. They give sellers the flexibility to adjust their farming practices in ways that are best for them.

2. Efficient irrigation ‘saves’ water and increases stream flows

Australia’s irrigation industry, in general, uses water efficiently. It’s a result of many practices, ranging from drip irrigation to covered water channels to digital monitoring technology, among other things.

However, spending on irrigation efficiencies has not saved much water.

Landholders have been paid billions of dollars for efficiency improvements. These same taxpayer dollars, paradoxically, may have reduced stream flows in some of our largest rivers. That’s because more efficient irrigation can decrease the amount of water flowing from farmers’ fields to rivers and aquifers.

3. Australia has world-best water management

Australia has one of the world’s largest formal water markets. But that doesn’t mean everyone benefits.

For a start, the water markets are unjust. First Peoples, who were dispossessed of their land and water from 1788 onwards, still have only a tiny share of Australia’s water rights.

In key areas, Australian water management is also far from best practice. For example, building weirs and dams has partly or completely disconnected groundwater from surface water and prevented or restricted the water flows to floodplains and wetlands that keep them healthy.

Fish, bird and invertebrate habitats have been destroyed as a result. This must change if we are to avoid further degradation of river ecosystems.

There is no more obvious sign of the ongoing destruction of Australia’s waterways than the fish kills along the Baaka (Lower Darling River) at Menindee. This happened in 2018–19, during a drought, and again in early 2023, when there was no drought.

The New South Wales Office of the Chief Scientist and Engineer investigated the 2023 fish kill. Its report found:

Mass fish deaths are symptomatic of degradation of the broader river ecosystem over many years […] failure in policy implementation is the root cause of the decline in the river ecosystem and the consequent fish deaths.

4. All Australians have reliable access to good-quality water

It’s true that residents of Australia’s biggest cities and towns enjoy reliable, good-quality water supplies 24/7. But it’s also true that hundreds of thousands of Australians in rural and remote areas regularly face multiple drinking water threats.

These threats result in temporary public advice notices to boil water to remove microbiological pollution and health warnings about contaminants that boiling cannot remove, such as nitrates. A few dozen communities have elevated levels of the “forever chemicals”, PFAS, in their tap water.

5. Dams can ‘drought-proof’ Australia

It’s true that dams have helped Australia cope with variable rainfall from year to year. It’s also true, however, that despite building very large water storages in the 20th century, too much water is being diverted in multiple places. They include the Murray–Darling Basin, Australia’s “food bowl”.

Australia is over-extracting the available water in its dams. It’s happening in the northern Murray-Darling Basin, where there is little control over how much overflow from rivers onto floodplains can be taken.

Over-extraction is a big problem, especially during long droughts when there may be very little water to spare. It means the livelihoods of downstream irrigators with perennial plantings, such as grapes or fruit trees, are at stake. If their trees die, so do their businesses.

A sustainable future must be built on facts

Responding to Australia’s water crises is a huge challenge. It’s made even more difficult if we accept the post-truth claims, rather than verifiable facts about how we manage our waters.

Real reform is needed to secure a sustainable Australian water future. To achieve this, we must tell the truth, acknowledge what’s wrong and be clear about what works and what doesn’t.

Quentin Grafton receives funding from the Australian Research Council in relation to his water research. He is a former Member of the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists (2010-2011).

John Williams is affiliated as founding member of the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists, a former Chief CSIRO Land and Water and former NSW Comissioner of Natural Resources.

ref. These 5 ‘post-truth’ claims are fuelling the water wars in Australia – https://theconversation.com/these-5-post-truth-claims-are-fuelling-the-water-wars-in-australia-239941

Israel has banned the UN secretary-general. Is this legal – or right?

António Guterres, United Nations secretary general.

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samuel Berhanu Woldemariam, Lecturer in law, University of Newcastle

In early October, Israel’s foreign minister, Israel Katz, announced on X he had declared the United Nations secretary-general, António Guterres, persona non grata. In other words, he had banned Guterres from setting foot in Israel.

Katz said Guterres’ failure to “unequivocally condemn” Iran’s recent attack on Israel was the reason he was no longer welcome. The strongly worded statement further accused the UN chief of failing to “denounce” Hamas’ massacre in southern Israel on October 7 2023. He added:

A secretary-general who gives backing to terrorists, rapists and murderers from Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis and now Iran — the mothership of global terror — will be remembered as a stain on the history of the UN.

Security Council members expressed their support for Guterres after Katz’s declaration. And Guterres’ spokesperson called it “a political statement” and “just one more attack […] on UN staff” by the Israeli government.

What is the significance of Israel’s declaration? And what kind of impact could it have?

What does persona non grata mean?

The Latin phrase persona non grata means “an unwelcome person”. In international law, it refers to the right of states to exclude a diplomat or consular officer from their territory. This can take the form of expelling a diplomat or denying them entry.

Under international conventions, nations are not required to provide a reason for such a declaration.

Diplomats and consular staff enjoy a wide range of immunities and privileges under international law. Among other things, they cannot be subjected to any form of arrest or detention, nor can they face legal action in a criminal or civil court.

The diplomat’s home nation must waive immunity for this kind of action to be taken.

The concept of persona non grata was therefore devised as a way to balance against these immunities and privileges. A nation that is aggrieved by the actions of a diplomat or consular officer can simply bar them from their territory, without even providing a reason.

Can UN officials be declared persona non grata?

There is a longstanding debate between the UN and its member states about the legality of such declarations.

The UN maintains its officials cannot be barred from member nations because they are not diplomats accredited to those countries. Rather, they are international civil servants who are accountable to a global organisation.

The UN also notes that declaring its officials persona non grata seriously interferes with the organisation’s functions, as well as the powers of the UN secretary-general under the UN Charter.

Many countries, however, do not agree with the UN’s position. In recent years, Ethiopia, Mali, Sudan and Armenia have all declared UN officials to be persona non grata, just to name a few.

Israel’s declaration is only the second time a nation has specifically banned the UN secretary-general. The first time was in the 1950s when both the Soviet Union and the Republic of China declared the first secretary-general, Trygve Lie, persona non grata.

In 1961, the Soviet Union also said it would not recognise Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold as an “official of the United Nations”.

Power must be handled with restraint

I am researching this issue, which has not yet been widely explored. My study is looking at two main questions: whether states have the right to bar UN officials and the implications of doing this.

On the first question, I believe there are strong legal reasons to support the rights of states to kick out – or keep out – UN officials.

For one, nations have a wide scope of sovereign rights to decide who enters and leaves their territory. This is a cardinal principle of sovereignty.

If UN officials are suspected of engaging in conduct harmful to a country’s national interests and security, it also has a right to defend and protect itself. One way of doing so is to expel the suspected UN official.

Lastly, there is no direct rule under international law that prohibits this kind of action.

Beyond these legal rights, however, is the important issue of what such an action means for the longer-term credibility and efficacy of the UN.

Because countries are not required to provide a reason for banning a foreign diplomat, this makes it a powerful political weapon if used against a UN official.

And banning UN officials specifically could also seriously jeopardise the organisation’s work and put innocent lives at risk. This is especially true in the context of armed conflicts where the UN is called upon to provide humanitarian assistance.

For example, in 2021, Ethiopia expelled five UN humanitarian officials who were providing food, medicine, water and other life-saving items to more than 5 million people in a region that was engaged in armed conflict with the federal government. Given the expelled officials were high-ranking staff, the action disrupted the co‑ordination and provision of assistance.

And banning the secretary-general, in particular, is perhaps the strongest indicator of the breakdown of the relationship between a state and the UN.

The secretary-general is the chief international civil servant and the embodiment of the organisation. Their leadership is also critical for providing emergency relief, brokering ceasefires and promoting peace.

Declaring the secretary-general persona non grata, therefore, seriously damages his or her standing, especially in the context of an armed conflict. It’s also a strong political statement against the UN more broadly, which could significantly complicate its humanitarian work.

Therefore, while countries do have the sovereign power to declare UN officials persona non grata, they need to exercise restraint in how they use this power. What such restraint should look like is an open question, but one that must be urgently addressed.

The Conversation

The author’s ongoing research work on the topic has received internal funding support from the College of Humanities and Social Futures at The University of Newcastle, NSW.

ref. Israel has banned the UN secretary-general. Is this legal – or right? – https://theconversation.com/israel-has-banned-the-un-secretary-general-is-this-legal-or-right-240674

Being on TikTok is a modern political necessity. Look no further than Peter Dutton

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Susan Grantham, Lecturer in Communication, Griffith University

TikTok

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s recent decision to join TikTok marks a big shift in his approach to political campaigning. He previously criticised the platform over security concerns, but now he is embracing it.

Dutton’s reversal reflects a broader trend of Australian politicians using the platform. This is especially the case in 2024, a year marked by pivotal elections worldwide.

TikTok offers a unique form of engagement and allows politicians to reach a wide range of voters in ways traditional platforms don’t.

Dutton’s conservative first post does contrast with TikTok’s casual and engaging style, but signals a willingness to adapt to modern political communication. While his initial concerns about TikTok’s data privacy remain valid, his shift to actively using the platform emphasises its importance in political campaigns today.

TikTok’s rise as a political tool

The political landscape is changing. Politicians worldwide who once criticised TikTok are now joining it.

This shift not only marks evolving campaign strategies but also raises broader questions about the role of social media in democracy.

Major political figures, such as US presidential candidates Kamala Harris and Donald Trump, continue to use TikTok despite proposed bans in the United States. These bans are currently being contested in court, but are due to commence in January 2025.

The continued use of TikTok by both candidates underlines the platform’s undeniable significance in shaping political communication.

TikTok’s popularity stems from its ability to deliver accessible and engaging content. Voters are drawn to TikTok as a source of political news and information because of its easy-to-consume format.

TikTok allows politicians to bypass the formalities of traditional political communication and present their messages in a relatable way.

For instance, Senator Fatima Payman’s viral “skibidi” speech is a clear example of how effectively TikTok can amplify political content. She delivered this speech in the Australian Senate, using only TikTok slang.

It resonated with a younger demographic, and so far has more than eight million views.

As a result, her account now has more than 100,000 followers and continues to receive significant views on all posts.

However, when leaning into slang, trends and other visibility strategies, politician walk a fine line where content could be considered “cringe”. This cringe factor can arise if the trend being used is losing relevance or when the content seems out of place or forced (Dutton himself copped some flack for belatedly jumping on the “demure” trend).

The role of authenticity

One of the key factors behind successful political engagement on TikTok is authenticity. The platform thrives on genuine, relatable content. Politicians who can showcase a more human side tend to resonate with voters.

Payman’s use of TikTok slang in her speech connected her with younger audiences, demonstrating the power of speaking the language of the platform’s primary users. Authenticity plays a significant role in TikTok’s algorithm, making it essential for politicians to come across as sincere.

Because TikTok’s advertising policy bans political ads, politicians must rely on organic content to engage users. Authenticity is therefore an entry requirement.

Dutton’s presence on TikTok will be closely scrutinised to see how he balances the platform’s demand for authenticity with his public persona. Voters are more likely to engage with politicians they find relatable, so Dutton’s ability to reveal his “ordinary” side without making people cringe may determine how well he is received on TikTok.

Electioneering on TikTok

TikTok’s impact on elections has already been demonstrated in several countries.

In the 2022 Australian federal election, the Labor Party’s use of the app was linked to its success. UK Labour’s similar strategy in 2024 mirrored this result.

Elections are won and lost for many reasons. There is also no direct data linking TikTok content to voter decisions. But there is a clear correlation between effective use of the platform and electoral victories.

As Australia approaches its next federal election, TikTok will play a central role in how parties reach voters. For politicians like Dutton, mastering the balance between authenticity and policy will be key to successfully engaging and informing voters on this rapidly evolving platform.

Challenges ahead

TikTok’s short video format poses a challenge for conveying complex policy ideas, often leading to oversimplification. Politicians like Dutton must find ways to deepen engagement outside the platform to ensure voters understand their positions.

Another challenge is the legal issues TikTok faces, particularly in the US. If the platform is banned or restricted in what is a major market, it could affect its use globally, including in Australia. This could disrupt political outreach and engagement strategies, particularly for those who have cultivated a strong presence.

Dutton’s engagement with TikTok may also spark debate about balancing the benefits of reaching voters through a platform with concerns about data security and misinformation.

The Conversation

Susan Grantham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Being on TikTok is a modern political necessity. Look no further than Peter Dutton – https://theconversation.com/being-on-tiktok-is-a-modern-political-necessity-look-no-further-than-peter-dutton-240009

Clues left by the Alpine Fault’s last big quake reveal its direction – this will help NZ prepare for the inevitable next rupture

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jesse Kearse, Postdoctoral Researcher in Seismology, Kyoto University

Kate Clark, CC BY-SA

One of the world’s most anticipated earthquakes is the next major surface rupture of the Alpine Fault in the South Island of New Zealand.

With a 75% chance of it happening within the next 50 years, there is justified interest in the likely magnitude, extent and intensity of ground shaking and impacts on the landscape, infrastructure and buildings.

A key – and so far unanswered – question is which direction the fault rupture will take.

Our new research reveals for the first time that the Alpine Fault ruptured from south to north in the great magnitude 8+ earthquake of 1717.

We developed our technique to determine rupture direction based on the Kekerengu Fault after the 2016 Kaikōura earthquake. But our method is globally applicable for use in realistic earthquake scenarios and thus can contribute to better societal preparedness.

In an Alpine Fault earthquake, there’s no direction that’s good news for the West Coast of the South Island. But a north-to-south rupture would send excess seismic energy into the relatively unpopulated region of Fiordland and the Tasman Sea.

A south-to-north rupture on the other hand is forecast to cause higher intensity shaking in the populated regions of Canterbury, Marlborough, Tasman and the northern West Coast.

A simulation of the shaking of a south-to-north earthquake along the Alpine Fault. Credit: Brendon Bradley, University of Canterbury.

In the Kaikōura earthquake, Wellingtonians experienced this influence of rupture direction on shaking intensity. The south-to-north rupture meant more seismic energy was focused towards the capital city than, for example, Christchurch.

So, while rupture direction has been observed to make a big difference in modern earthquakes, it is not something geologists have been able to directly determine for past earthquakes.

Markings in the rock face

The Kaikōura earthquake was well documented by seismographs. We know it started near Waiau in the south and travelled northwards to Cook Strait over a period of two minutes.

We observed markings that were scratched onto the fault plane. Like coarse sandpaper against wood, these scratches, or “slickenlines”, record movement as rock faces slipped past each other during the earthquake. Some of these markings were curved, and our method can tell us the direction the earthquake rupture was travelling.

Slickenlines from the Kekerengu Fault, taken days after the 2016 Kaikōura earthquake.
Slickenlines from the Kekerengu Fault, taken days after the 2016 Kaikōura earthquake.
Kate Clark, CC BY-SA

Using computer models to simulate how the earthquake unfolded moment by moment, we were able to replicate the curved slickenlines observed in the field and relate them to rupture direction. This gave us the framework we needed to investigate rupture direction for past earthquakes on the Alpine Fault.

The Alpine Fault hasn’t had a major surface rupture since 1717. During field work, we visited three sites along the fault and examined natural outcrops, carefully exposing the fault plane using hand tools. We found 146 slickenlines, 30 of which were curved.

Geologist Tim Little measuring slickenlines on the Alpine Fault.
Geologist Tim Little measuring slickenlines on the Alpine Fault.
Nic Barth, CC BY-SA

The curved geometry of slickenlines from the Alpine Fault’s most recent earthquake indicated it had travelled from the south towards the north. We also found evidence for rupturing in the opposite direction, suggesting that earthquakes can start both north and south.

On one outcrop, we found evidence of slickenlines from multiple earthquakes – a rare and tantalising find suggesting development of a longer history of rupture direction may be possible.

The technique we’ve applied is a novel, on-fault observational method for determining past rupture directions. Its full potential is yet to be tested, but already it’s applicable to faults worldwide.

Our research shows that the last Alpine Fault rupture was from the south, and that both directions are possible. New information about past earthquakes like this helps the scientific community produce realistic scenarios for the next major earthquake.

We now have direct evidence from the fault itself that we need to prepare for the scenario of very strong to severe shaking for the northern West Coast, Tasman, Marlborough and Canterbury regions in the next major Alpine Fault earthquake.

The Conversation

Jesse Kearse receives funding from the Royal Society Te Apārangi.

Nicolas Barth receives funding from the Royal Society Te Apārangi.

ref. Clues left by the Alpine Fault’s last big quake reveal its direction – this will help NZ prepare for the inevitable next rupture – https://theconversation.com/clues-left-by-the-alpine-faults-last-big-quake-reveal-its-direction-this-will-help-nz-prepare-for-the-inevitable-next-rupture-240879

No savings? No plans? No Great Australian Dream. How housing is reshaping young people’s lives

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wendy Stone, Professor of Housing & Social Policy, Centre for Urban Transitions, Swinburne University of Technology

Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

Australia’s housing crisis is dramatically reshaping the lives and hopes of young people, highlighted in a new report launched today in Canberra as part of World Homeless Day.

The research, developed by Swinburne University of Technology and funded by YWCA Australia, provided a platform for young women and gender diverse people from around Australia to share their housing experiences and aspirations.

Our research found many young people are frustrated about the affordability, quality and security of housing in Australia.

These housing barriers are changing the traditional life course that many of these young people expected to follow, undermining their sense of what it means to be an “adult”.

Louise, 26, told us, as part of our research:

I don’t feel like an adult sometimes because of my living circumstances … I thought I’d be like ‘Sex and the City’, having my own apartment and going out for drinks with my friends. But none of us have time to do that.

The report highlights how such housing barriers and frustrations are severely impacting young people’s relationships, health and wellbeing, education, employment, and ability to plan for the future.

Housing dreams are ratcheted down

Home ownership is still “the great Australian dream” for many. However, numerous young people feel buying a home is out of reach or impossible.

Erin, a young woman in her late 20s, states:

It feels like you have to buy a house to be in the game, but to get there it just feels completely out of our grasp. And that’s quite scary.

For many, buying or even renting is seen as unattainable without a partner. This has gendered implications where young women need to depend financially on a partner, potentially leading to disadvantage in the future.

Amy, 30, articulates:

It’s very hard to get a rental as a single female […] the uncertainty of not getting another place keeps me here.

Participants with hopes of having children express anxiety when their housing circumstances are unpredictable and/or unaffordable.

Jamie, a non-binary person in their mid-20s, says:

The biggest negative impact of being stuck on the lowest end of the rental market is that it severely limits my ability to plan to start a family. My partner and I both want a child but are terrified of the idea of not being able to afford rent with a new baby and limited family support.

Health and wellbeing are undermined

Young people describe feeling overwhelmed, hopeless, trapped and crushed by their housing situations. For some, this stems from the daily challenge of simply making ends meet.

Celia, a woman in her late 20s, describes:

The constant cycle of living in a place for a year, getting a massive rent increase, having to find a new place and move again is exhausting, financially unsustainable and demoralising. It feels pretty hopeless because I’m stuck in this cycle and I’ll never save for a house deposit because I’m losing it all on exorbitant rent.

For other participants, the health and wellbeing impact stems from their less-than-ideal dynamics at home, with many living with family as adults to save on rent.

As Zoe, a woman in her late 20s, describes:

It’s like you don’t pay with money to live with family […] but you pay with your mental health.

Relationships and safety are affected

Compromised safety is a concern among young women and gender diverse people we spoke with – whether it be escaping family and domestic violence, living in housing that is physically safe (such as with working locks on doors and windows), or sharing with others comfortably.

Our research found gender has a material impact on housing experiences, and shaped young women’s and gender diverse people’s perceptions of safety.

Julia, a woman in her early 20s, highlighted safety concerns:

My family home was filled with a lot of domestic violence. And so when I left and now I have my own place, I feel very, very safe there in comparison. And also no one in my family knows where I live. So that makes me feel very safe.

Some of the challenges of living with family were summarised by Ryde, a non-binary person in their early 20s:

Even now I’m like learning how to like be my own person while still being under my parents’ roof […] like still living at home is a bit emotionally kind of weird.

So what needs to change?

Participants involved in the research provide a number of solutions for addressing their housing barriers, including:

Beth told us:

I feel like our education totally failed us. I always think there needs to be some kind of unit in Year 11 or 12, like a compulsory unit where it’s like just life skills. So taxes, superannuation, getting your first job, buying your first house, getting into the rental market. If we have the skills or knowledge from that education, we might be able to make more informed choices.

Finally, young people urgently need a seat at the table when it comes to decisions about housing. They know what is needed and what politicians need to hear.

In the words of Taylor, a 24-year-old woman:

I think one thing that the politicians struggle to understand is that we’re not asking for, you know, four bedroom, three bathrooms at $400.00 a week. We’re asking for houses with working locks. No mould. And you know, we’re asking for very basic secure housing at affordable prices, it’s not a matter of us being picky. It’s a matter of health and safety.

(All participants’ names have been changed).

The Conversation

Wendy Stone receives funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI), the Australian Research Council (ARC), the Brian M. Davis Charitable Foundation, Housing for the Aged Action Group (HAAG), Kids Under Cover and YWCA Australia, the funder of the research this article reports on. She has previously received funding from the Victorian Government.

Catherine Hartung received funding from YWCA Australia to undertake this research.

Sal Clark received funding from YWCA Australia to undertake this research

Zoe Goodall has received funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI), the Victorian government, the Brian M. Davis Charitable Foundation, Kids Under Cover, and YWCA Australia. YWCA Australia funded the research this article reports on.

ref. No savings? No plans? No Great Australian Dream. How housing is reshaping young people’s lives – https://theconversation.com/no-savings-no-plans-no-great-australian-dream-how-housing-is-reshaping-young-peoples-lives-240435

Yes, nature is complex. But saving our precious environment means finding ways to measure it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendan Wintle, Professor in Conservation Science, School of Ecosystem and Forest Science, The University of Melbourne

Shutterstock

Nature loss directly threatens half the global economy. The rapid destruction of biodiversity should alarm the many Australian businesses dependent on nature, such as those in agriculture, tourism, construction and food manufacturing. Yet nature considerations are often ignored in business decision-making.

At the Global Nature Positive Summit in Sydney this week, scientists, politicians, conservationists and business leaders have gathered to discuss ways to help nature in Australia – not just by protecting it from damage, but improving it. Getting more businesses interested in – and taking positive action on – nature conservation is key to the talks.

Reducing the environmental impact of a business first requires measuring that impact. It might seem an impossibly difficult task. After all, nature is a diverse and intricate web of connections. How can we capture that in a number?

After all, nature is complex – but measuring how a business intersects with it need not be.

Uncovering impacts on nature

The fishing industry depends directly on stocks of wild fish. And a housing developer has a direct impact on nature if they clear natural vegetation to build a new suburb.

Businesses interactions with nature can be indirect, too – for example, a margarine producer who uses canola oil from a grower who depends on bees for pollination. Builders might indirectly harm rainforests in Indonesia by buying timber grown there. A superannuation company investing in that developer is also having an indirect negative impact.

From next year, Australian companies will be required to measure and report their climate impacts. While businesses are not yet required to disclose their impacts on nature more broadly, many are moving in that direction – both in Australia and globally.

For example in 2022, more than 400 of the world’s largest corporations called for mandatory disclosure of nature impacts. They included Nestlé, Rio Tinto, L’Oréal, Sony and Volvo. And many early-adopter businesses have begun voluntary disclosures.

Guidelines are available to help businesses understand and measure their impacts, however progress is slow. This is partly due to a perception from business that the task is too complex.

Nature assessment is challenging. Unlike identifying a company’s contributions to climate change – by measuring tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions – there is no agreed single measure of impacts on nature.

What’s more, different people ascribe different values to aspects of nature. Rightly or wrongly, for instance, most people would probably value a koala over a mosquito.

koala eating leaves
What do you value more – a koala or a mosquito?
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Drawing on the expertise of ecologists

Despite the difficulties, gauging the extent to which a business affects the environment can be done. Essentially, it involves three steps:

  1. understanding how a business broadly intersects with nature

  2. evaluating how specific business activities intersect with and put pressure on nature

  3. measuring and reporting the degree to which specific activities are impacting on the condition of nature. In other words, is the state of animals, plants and ecosystems improving or worsening?

Online tools such as ENCORE can get businesses started on the first step – understanding a business’ broad impacts and dependency on nature.

Many businesses are moving to the second stage – evaluating the specific business activities that put pressure on the environment, and determining the extent to which businesses depend on particular services ecosystems provide.

The pressure a business places on nature can be measured via specific metrics, such as the amount of water consumed, air pollutants emitted, waste generated or area of land changed. Again, a suite of online tools and metrics can help with this.

The next step is more complicated, yet essential. It requires businesses directly measuring their impacts on specific animals, plants and ecosystems. For this, we can turn to the expertise of ecologists.

Individuals of a species can be hard to count, and extinction risk can be hard to measure. So ecologists often describe and monitor a species’ habitat – the environments in which a species can survive and reproduce – as a proxy for the fate of the species itself.

Ecosystems – such as a rainforest, wetland or desert – can be described as being in good or poor condition. The rating depends on whether all the ecosystem’s plants, animals and other components are present, or whether unwanted components, such as weeds or invasive species, are found there.

A graphic showing how ecologists measure the state of nature.
A graphic showing how ecologists measure the state of nature.
TNFD

In addition, maps, showing ecosystem condition and extent are available for much of Australia.

Habitat mapping is also available for most threatened animals and plants, and thousands of other species. And mapping exists for World Heritage areas, important wetlands, national parks, Indigenous Protected Areas and other environment types.

These resources are not difficult or expensive to access, and people and organisations with the skills to interpret and use such data are becoming more common.

Some businesses are attempting these measurements. For example, plantation forestry company Forico last year prepared a natural capital report on a range of nature metrics, including the extent of species habitats, and assessment of vegetation condition.

But many businesses are not yet grappling with this deeper nature analysis.

Multicoloured map of Australia
This map, from ecosystem research organisation TERN, is one of many freely available to businesses seeking nature data.
TERN

Looking ahead

We have the information and metrics to help businesses measure their impact on nature.

Collaboration is urgently needed between business and nature experts, so the data available can be tailored to the needs of businesses, and presented in a form they can use.

Governments can support this – for example by establishing accessible and practical online data platforms, and funding training for more nature experts who understand business.

A new federal government agency, Environment Information Australia, will also hopefully become an important hub for data and information.

By measuring what might seem immeasurable, businesses can become part of the solution to the nature crisis. There is cause for optimism – but no time to waste.

The Conversation

Brendan Wintle has received funding from The Australian Research Council, the Victorian government, the NSW government, the Queensland government, the Commonwealth National Environmental Science Program, the Ian Potter Foundation, the Hermon Slade Foundation and the Australian Conservation Foundation. Wintle is a Board Director of Zoos Victoria and a lead councillor of the Biodiversity Council.

Sarah Bekessy receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Ian Potter Foundation and the European Commission. She is a Lead Councillor with The Biodiversity Council, a board member of Bush Heritage Australia, a member of the WWF Eminent Scientists Group and an advisor to ELM Responsible Investment, the Living Building Challenge and Wood for Good.

Simon O’Connor is affiliated with the Australian government as a member of the Minister for Environment and Water’s Nature Finance Council, and previously oversaw the national consultation group for the Taskforce on Nature-related Financial Disclosures

William Geary receives funding from the Victorian government and is associated with the Victorian Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action.

ref. Yes, nature is complex. But saving our precious environment means finding ways to measure it – https://theconversation.com/yes-nature-is-complex-but-saving-our-precious-environment-means-finding-ways-to-measure-it-240583

Do recent class actions against ‘flex commission’ car loans mean consumer voices are getting stronger?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeannie Marie Paterson, Professor of Law, The University of Melbourne

Gatot Adri/Shutterstock

It’s been more than five years since the banking royal commission, but its findings continue to have an impact on the financial services sector.

Law firm Maurice Blackburn recently announced it had settled with ANZ in a class action over allegedly unlawful “flex commissions” built into car loans made by Esanda between 2011 and 2016.

ANZ agreed to settle the proceedings for $85 million on a “no admission of liability” basis. However, two further flex commission class actions – against Westpac & St George and Macquarie Leasing – remain on foot and will be heard this month.

Class actions are a growing trend in the ways consumers seek to access justice. Many cases are simply too small to be pursued individually.

On top of this, a recent High Court ruling could see organisations come under greater scrutiny over the systems they put in place. Could all of this mean consumers are getting a stronger voice?

What are flex commissions?

Many car dealers offer to provide financing for prospective car buyers as an alternative to getting a loan directly from a bank. But dealers typically don’t have their own huge reserves of funds to lend out.

This financing usually comes from a finance company or bank lender through what is sometimes called a “white label” product.

new cars seen parked at a dealership
Many car dealers offer financing arrangements directly to customers.
Tikhomirov Sergey/Shutterstock

Dealers will usually be paid a commission on the loans they arrange by the lender. Prior to 2018, some lenders offered these car dealers arranging loans what is called a “flex commission”.

Flex commissions allowed car dealers to set the interest rate on car loans above an agreed base rate.

Higher interest rates meant a greater commission for the car dealer, but were not always in the interests of the borrower.

Banned and heavily criticised

Flex commissions were formally banned by Australia’s corporate watchdog, the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC), in November 2018.

ASIC had been concerned that borrowers were paying excessively high interest rates on dealer-arranged car loans, and that the commissions were not fair or transparent.

The watchdog’s own research found about 15% of customers were being charged an interest rate that was 7% or more above the base rate.

Their main concern was that many car dealers weren’t increasing rates in line with actual credit risk, but rather opportunistically to target inexperienced or vulnerable consumers.

Shortly after the ban, the final report of the banking royal commission didn’t mince words. Commissioner Kenneth Hayne noted a lack of transparency and a misplaced trust:

Many borrowers knew nothing of these arrangements. Lenders did not publicise them; dealers did not reveal them. […] To the borrower, the dealer might have appeared to be acting for the borrower by submitting a loan proposal on behalf of the borrower. The borrower was given no indication that in fact the dealer was looking after its own interests.

Why were class actions needed?

Neither ASIC’s ban nor the criticisms of the banking royal commission guaranteed any redress for borrowers subject to loans with flex commissions.

ASIC suggested flex commissions may have contravened the National Consumer Credit Protection Act by being unfair, or the ASIC Act by being misleading. But it is difficult and expensive for individuals to pursue such claims themselves in court.

ASIC itself can seek compensation on behalf of borrowers, or require redress to be paid as part of other enforcement action. The watchdog has already gone down this road in some of the especially egregious instances of misconduct identified by the royal commission, such as fees for no service.

Where individual action is too hard or regulator action lacking, consumers’ best option for redress may lie in a class action – taken on a no-win, no-fee basis. The likelihood of a good result may be increased in instances where the class action “piggybacks” on an adverse report from the regulator.

Corporations may face increasing scrutiny

It’s reasonable to ask why upstream lenders are being targeted in “flex commission” class actions when it is the car dealers who allegedly wronged borrowers.

The ongoing class actions do not allege the lenders themselves misled borrowers or treated them unfairly. However, in this context that may not matter.

In each of the class actions, Maurice Blackburn has argued the car dealers were acting as the representatives of the lenders, which they say makes the lenders responsible for the car dealers’ alleged misconduct.

Tall city buildings and skyscrapers
A recent High Court ruling may mean corporations have to take greater responsibility for the systems they oversee.
Shutterstock

Moreover, in these and similar cases, a recent High Court ruling that centred on “systemic unconscionable conduct” could make it harder for such upstream entities to argue their distance from alleged wrongdoing in systems they put in place.

Better access to justice

There has been a rise in consumer protection class actions in recent years, supported by changes in rules of procedure in several jurisdictions.

Justice Bernard Murphy of the Federal Court of Australia has argued these changes promote the important value of access to justice:

The important thing to remember is that class actions are critical in ensuring that people can obtain redress for mass civil wrongs. Laws which are not, in fact, readily capable of enforcement by ordinary Australians are little more than an illusion.

This trend is important. Dishonest or unfair conduct has long been prohibited in the National Consumer Credit Protection Act, but this hasn’t been used much to date.

Given the current flex commission actions closely follow the findings of ASIC, we should watch the regulator closely for hints of any future actions in other areas. Many could spark discussions that ultimately lead to stronger protection for consumers.

But when they are successful, we also need to keep an eye on the actual payout to borrowers and hope it takes place without undue delay.

The Conversation

Jeannie Marie Paterson has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council, DFAT and the Menzies Foundation.

ref. Do recent class actions against ‘flex commission’ car loans mean consumer voices are getting stronger? – https://theconversation.com/do-recent-class-actions-against-flex-commission-car-loans-mean-consumer-voices-are-getting-stronger-240795

In Vogue: the 90s was a boom time for Australian fashion and faces. What happened?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sasha Sarago, First Nations Cultural Innovation Lead – Beauty and Technology, Charles Sturt University

The In Vogue: The 90s series transports audiences back to the glamour and grandeur of a transformative decade for fashion. Set against the backdrop of New York, London and Paris, the series explores the rise of supermodels, designer powerhouses and fashion’s global influence. But the fashion scene in Australia – a country that was also enjoying a meteoric rise in international success at the time – does not crack a mention.

The 1990s marked a golden era for fashion. Supermodels like Linda Evangelista, Naomi Campbell, Cindy Crawford and Christy Turlington became style icons. Designers like Tom Ford, Jean-Paul Gaultier, and John Galliano pushed the boundaries of fashion creating moments that defined the times and influenced everything from pop culture to politics.

Even though Australia may not have had the runway clout of Paris or New York, the nation was making significant strides in fashion during the same period. Australian designers’ and models’ distinct styles were impressive – giving fashion heavyweights a run for their money.

So, what went wrong?

The 90s turned the fashion industry upside down.

Australian designers, international success

In the 1990s, Australian designer houses such as Alannah Hill, Collette Dinnigan, Akira Isogawa and Sass & Bide signified Australia’s “coming of age” in fashion, with each designer bringing a unique flair and Australian sensibility to the international market.

Alannah Hill created a whimsical aesthetic with an edgy twist. Her designs, worn by celebrities Nicole Kidman, Helena Christensen and Courtney Love, earned her a cult following. Business skyrocketed from her Chapel Street boutique in Melbourne to the department stores Selfridges and Browns in London and Bergdorf Goodman and Henri Bendel in Fifth Avenue, New York City.

In 1996, Collette Dinnigan gained worldwide acclaim as the first Australian designer to showcase her collection at Paris Fashion Week. Dinnigan’s delicate lace dresses and couture craftsmanship found a spotlight at London’s Victoria & Albert Museum’s Fashion in Motion exhibition. Striking while the iron was hot, Dinnigan secured a lingerie collaboration with Marks & Spencer.

mannequins lit from within display black lace fashion designs
Collette Dinnigan’s designs were celebrated in a 2015 retrospective exhibition.
4Susie/Shutterstock

Akira Isogawa, known for his blend of Japanese and Western aesthetics shared his first collection in 1994. He has presented subsequent collections in Paris bi-annually, a legacy sustained since 1998. Innovative from the jump, he turned early constraints to strengths. When the budget for his first big show didn’t stretch to shoes, he sent models down the runway in little red socks. The fashion statement helped him eventually secure more than 50 retail partners.

Sass & Bide, founded in 1999 by friends Sarah-Jane Clarke and Heidi Middleton, brought a youthful, urban energy from London’s Portobello Road Markets back to Australian shores. Their signature brand quickly gained popularity and was acquired by Myer in a A$42.3 million two-part deal. Australia was no longer a disconnected island but a wild card in the global fashion ecosystem.

Australian faces and Elaine George’s Vogue cover

Australian designers weren’t the only superstars gaining fashion fame.

By the time the supermodel phenomenon etched itself into the fashion zeitgeist, Australian model and businesswoman Elle Macpherson (known then as The Body) was already well known. Australian models Sarah Murdoch, Kristy Hinze, Kate Fisher and Alyssa Sutherland would follow.

Sarah Murdoch (nee O’Hare, pictured with Anneliese Seubert and Emma Balfour in 1996) graced Australian catwalks in the 90s.
Patrick Riviere/Getty

Magazine cover models throughout the 90s showed sun-kissed “girl next door” charm. The exception was Emma Balfour, often touted as Australia’s androgynous counterpart to Kate Moss’s grunge-bohemian look.

But 1993 produced a turning point in Australia’s beauty paradigm. It was the year Elaine George, Australia’s first Aboriginal fashion model, arrived on the cover of Vogue Australia magazine, making fashion history. Elaine’s presence highlighted the Australian fashion industry’s prioritisation of Eurocentric beauty ideals.

First Nations beauty and fashion talent urgently needed celebrating. But Vogue’s Australian readers had to wait until October 2000 until Torres Strait Islander singer-songwriter and actress Christine Anu was featured on the cover. The gap showed the stain of underrepresentation and inequity within Australian fashion’s reputation had remained.

The 2000s, when fashion got much faster

While the 1990s were a period of optimism and growth for Australian fashion, the momentum failed to continue into the 2000s. Several factors contributed to this decline.

One of the most significant changes was the rise of fast fashion in the early 2000s. Brands like Zara, H&M and Forever 21 began dominating the global market with affordable, quickly produced garments.

This shift left many independent designers, including those from Australia, struggling to compete. The slow, meticulous craftsmanship that had defined Australian designers in the 90s could not keep up with the fast-fashion cycle.

Another challenge was the lack of sustained support for the Australian fashion industry. Unlike New York, London or Paris, which had well-established fashion infrastructures, Australia’s fashion scene was still relatively young. There was no long-term strategy to nurture emerging talent or to promote Australian fashion on a global scale. Many designers either relocated abroad or found it difficult to maintain the same level of success they had achieved in the 90s.

A new Renaissance?

The story of Australian fashion in the 1990s is one of promise, yet ultimately missed opportunity. Today, Australia has a chance to enter a new renaissance fuelled by digital innovation and its unique cultures.

The rise of digital fashion enables Australian designers to break free from the constraints of traditional fashion markets. With virtual clothing (simulated for real wear or digital realms), AI-powered design tools and metaverse runways, Australian creatives can harness technology to showcase their work globally.

The championing of Indigenous models, designers and multicultural identity is essential. This inclusivity could position Australia as sustainable and ethical fashion innovator and present a compelling alternative to the fast-fashion giants.

The Conversation

Sasha Sarago does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. In Vogue: the 90s was a boom time for Australian fashion and faces. What happened? – https://theconversation.com/in-vogue-the-90s-was-a-boom-time-for-australian-fashion-and-faces-what-happened-240784

The dangers of voice cloning and how to combat it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leo S.F. Lin, Senior Lecturer in Policing Studies, Charles Sturt University

David Herraez Calzada/Shutterstock

The rapid development of artificial intelligence (AI) has brought both benefits and risk.

One concerning trend is the misuse of voice cloning. In seconds, scammers can clone a voice and trick people into thinking a friend or a family member urgently needs money.

News outlets, including CNN, warn these types of scams have the potential to impact millions of people.

As technology makes it easier for criminals to invade our personal spaces, staying cautious about its use is more important than ever.

What is voice cloning?

The rise of AI has created possibilities for image, text, voice generation and machine learning.

While AI offers many benefits, it also provides fraudsters new methods to exploit individuals for money.

You may have heard of “deepfakes,” where AI is used to create fake images, videos and even audio, often involving celebrities or politicians.

Voice cloning, a type of deepfake technology, creates a digital replica of a person’s voice by capturing their speech patterns, accent and breathing from brief audio samples.

Once the speech pattern is captured, an AI voice generator can convert text input into highly realistic speech resembling the targeted person’s voice.

With advancing technology, voice cloning can be accomplished with just a three-second audio sample.

While a simple phrase like “hello, is anyone there?” can lead to a voice cloning scam, a longer conversation helps scammers capture more vocal details. It is therefore best to keep calls brief until you are sure of the caller’s identity.

Voice cloning has valuable applications in entertainment and health care – enabling remote voice work for artists (even posthumously) and assisting people with speech disabilities.

However, it raises serious privacy and security concerns, underscoring the need for safeguards.

How it’s being exploited by criminals

Cybercriminals exploit voice cloning technology to impersonate celebrities, authorities or ordinary people for fraud.

They create urgency, gain the victim’s trust and request money via gift cards, wire transfers or cryptocurrency.

The process begins by collecting audio samples from sources like YouTube and TikTok.

Next, the technology analyses the audio to generate new recordings.

Once the voice is cloned, it can be used in deceptive communications, often accompanied by spoofing Caller ID to appear trustworthy.

Many voice cloning scam cases have made headlines.

For example, criminals cloned the voice of a company director in the United Arab Emirates to orchestrate a $A51 million heist.

A businessman in Mumbai fell victim to a voice cloning scam involving a fake call from the Indian Embassy in Dubai.

In Australia recently, scammers employed a voice clone of Queensland Premier Steven Miles to attempt to trick people to invest in Bitcoin.

Teenagers and children are also targeted. In a kidnapping scam in the United States, a teenager’s voice was cloned and her parents manipulated into complying with demands.

It only takes a few seconds of audio for AI to clone someone’s voice.

How widespread is it?

Recent research shows 28% of adults in the United Kingdom faced voice cloning scams last year, with 46% unaware of the existence of this type of scam.

It highlights a significant knowledge gap, leaving millions at risk of fraud.

In 2022, almost 240,000 Australians reported being victims of voice cloning scams, leading to a financial loss of $A568 million.

How people and organisations can safeguard against it

The risks posed by voice cloning require a multidisciplinary response.

People and organisations can implement several measures to safeguard against the misuse of voice cloning technology.

First, public awareness campaigns and education can help protect people and organisations and mitigate these types of fraud.

Public-private collaboration can provide clear information and consent options for voice cloning.

Second, people and organisations should look to use biometric security with liveness detection, which is new technology that can recognise and verify a live voice as opposed to a fake. And organisations using voice recognition should consider adopting multi-factor authentication.

Third, enhancing investigative capability against voice cloning is another crucial measure for law enforcement.

Finally, accurate and updated regulations for countries are needed for managing associated risks.

Australian law enforcement recognises the potential benefits of AI.

Yet, concerns about the “dark side” of this technology have prompted calls for research into the criminal use of “artificial intelligence for victim targeting.”

There are also calls for possible intervention strategies that law enforcement could use to combat this problem.

Such efforts should connect with the overall National Plan to Combat Cybercrime, which focuses on proactive, reactive and restorative strategies.

That national plan stipulates a duty of care for service providers, reflected in the Australian government’s new legislation to safeguard the public and small businesses.

The legislation aims for new obligations to prevent, detect, report and disrupt scams.

This will apply to regulated organisations such as telcos, banks and digital platform providers. The goal is to protect customers by preventing, detecting, reporting, and disrupting cyber scams involving deception.

Reducing the risk

As cybercrime costs the Australian economy an estimated A$42 billion, public awareness and strong safeguards are essential.

Countries like Australia are recognising the growing risk. The effectiveness of measures against voice cloning and other frauds depends on their adaptability, cost, feasibility and regulatory compliance.

All stakeholders — government, citizens, and law enforcement — must stay vigilant and raise public awareness to reduce the risk of victimisation.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The dangers of voice cloning and how to combat it – https://theconversation.com/the-dangers-of-voice-cloning-and-how-to-combat-it-239926

New Zealand’s BMI threshold for publicly funded fertility treatment is outdated and unethical. Here’s why it should go

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Carina Truyts, Associate Research Fellow (Deakin) and Research Officer, Monash University

Getty Images

Women seeking publicly funded fertility treatment in New Zealand must have a body mass index (BMI) under 32, according to clinical priority assessment criteria for access to assisted reproductive technology.

But as our in-depth interviews and a growing body of evidence show, this approach is outdated and unethical.

One of our study participants described the system as “completely rigged if you’re a fat person”. Nina, a 37-year-old dance teacher, was denied public funding support to help her conceive because her BMI was above 32 – even though the cause of infertility was her husband’s sperm count.

Nina is not alone. Paratta, who moved to Aotearoa from Sri Lanka in 2009, was also denied because of her BMI. She raced to lose the required weight in spite of a medical condition, but was then denied again because she had reached 40, the age limit for access to public funding.

Both women’s experiences highlight New Zealand’s obsolete and discriminating BMI limit. The United Kingdom does not include BMI as a criterion for public funding, and international cutoffs are generally between 35 and 45.

We argue New Zealand’s BMI threshold must be scrapped to reflect impactful research and respond ethically to New Zealand’s diverse population.

BMI and fertility

One in six people worldwide are affected by infertility, according to the World Health Organization’s most recent estimate. They suffer severe social and psychological consequences.

There are numerous factors that can affect fertility, and obesity is certainly one of them, impacting 6% of women who have never been pregnant.

But the BMI is an outdated method of assessing this risk. It doesn’t measure body fat percentage, distribution or differences across populations.

Our study participants have raised concerns about the BMI limit. International and local studies concur with them. Research shows Polynesians are much leaner than Europeans at significantly higher BMIs, meaning Māori and Pacific women are disadvantaged before they even step into the clinic.

Quick weight loss unlikely to help

In New Zealand, people seeking public support are told that “making lifestyle changes like quitting smoking or losing weight” could help them become eligible. They are given a stand-down period wherein they must lose the requisite weight before referrals.

As in Paratta’s case, this can lead to a race to lose weight before the inflexible age limit of 40 is reached. Evidence-based research advises that fertility care should balance the risk of age-related fertility decline with weight-loss advice.

Nina rejected the advice to lose weight. She was concerned that quick weight loss would require unhealthy practices that could affect her success rate during the embryo transfer.

Woman holding pregnancy test
Lifestyle changes made within a short time before conception don’t improve outcomes.
Getty Images

At the Australia and New Zealand Fertility Association’s annual conference last month, US obstetrician Kurt Barnhart confirmed that lifestyle interventions made weeks or months before conception are unlikely to improve outcomes. They may even cause harm.

He discussed the FIT—PLESE randomised control study, which compared two groups of infertile women. One underwent a targeted weight-loss program and another exercised but did not lose weight. The results showed no statistically significant difference between the groups’ fertility and live-birth rates. These findings suggest the stand-down period should be revised.

Barnhart also highlighted that weight loss through lifestyle changes can be practically impossible given obesity is often linked to endocrine issues that have nothing to do with choice. He observed signals that the medical community is changing its views on obesity as a “lifestyle” choice – a welcome shift.

BMI, lifestyle and ethics

Social science research has long challenged a colonial and biomedical habit of imposing standards on women whose bodies do not conform to Western ideas of a healthy or ideal body.

Historically, the emphasis on weight as a criterion for reproductive health echoes harmful eugenicist beliefs. As US science historian Arleen Tuchman writes, the discovery of insulin prompted some groups to recommended banning marriages for people with diabetes to prevent the “unfit” from reproducing. New Zealand’s BMI criteria similarly suggest only those who fit specific physical standards deserve access to fertility care.

The idea that lifestyle and health are straightforward individual choices is also challenged by research in epigenetics and philosophy. Obesity is often linked with poverty, which in turn is linked to broader social and living environments, including access and income.

The high economic burden of obesity has led biomedical experts to recommended obese people should be considered for particular support, given the prohibitive cost of assisted reproductive technologies.

Nina exercises more than eight hours a week and Paratta leads an active lifestyle. For both women, behavioural advice – and the stigma and assumptions it underscores – is offensive.

Weight-loss advice can be particularly culturally offensive for Māori and Pacific peoples, who may be stigmatised in clinic settings for being too “fat” but considered “skinny” in their communities if they lose the required weight.

New Zealand’s assessment criteria for publicly funded fertility treatment have not been updated in 27 years. While infertility and health risks associated with obesity during pregnancy and at birth should not be ignored, research shows these risks can be managed effectively and with empathy through a transdisciplinary approach.

The Australian state of Victoria now offers two free cycles of fertility treatment to any Medicare-holding woman, regardless of BMI, up to the age of 42. The program deliberately reaches out to specific groups whose ethnicity, sexuality and environment limit their access. It has been highly successful and should inspire New Zealand to approach fertility funding with fresh perspectives.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New Zealand’s BMI threshold for publicly funded fertility treatment is outdated and unethical. Here’s why it should go – https://theconversation.com/new-zealands-bmi-threshold-for-publicly-funded-fertility-treatment-is-outdated-and-unethical-heres-why-it-should-go-240295

Our new study shows life expectancy is stagnating for Australians under 50

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sergey Timonin, Research Fellow in Demography, School of Demography, Australian National University

Global life expectancy has increased dramatically over the past century, with Australia among the best performing countries.

But during the last two decades, some high-income countries have reported stagnation or even declining life expectancy, particularly the United States and the United Kingdom.

Could this indicate a broader decline in health advancements in English-speaking countries? Our new study compared life expectancy between English-speaking countries and against other high-income countries.

We found Australians born between 1930 and 1969 continue to do exceptionally well for life expectancy. But the picture for those under 50 is not so rosy – life expectancy is stagnating for that younger group.

Why measure life expectancy?

Life expectancy is a valuable and widely used measure to examine health trends and patterns over time and compare different places or population groups.

It estimates the average number of years a person would be expected to live. This is calculated using the mortality – or death rates – across different age groups within a specific period. When death rates fall, life expectancy rises, and vice versa.

An elderly man and a woman with a walker stroll into a crowd.
Life expectancy can tell a story about a population’s overall health.
Christian Wiediger/Shutterstock

Not only does life expectancy tell us about mortality in a population, it is indirectly a measure of overall population health. Most leading causes of death in high-income countries are chronic diseases. These typically affect the health of a person for multiple years before their death.

Stagnations or reversals in life expectancy can be warning signs of both longstanding and emerging health problems.

Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen has also pointed to mortality as a key indicator of economic success and failure. This makes it a powerful tool for researchers and policymakers.

Thanks to a long and largely standardised tradition of collecting mortality statistics across high-income countries, researchers are able to carry out in-depth, comparative studies. This can help uncover how specific causes of death have contributed to the changes in life expectancy.

What we did

In our study, we analysed mortality trends and patterns in a broader group of English-speaking countries and compared them with other high-income countries. English-speaking countries have shown similarities in recent mortality trends and their causes, such as patterns of drug overdose and obesity prevalence.

Our analysis focuses on six high-income English-speaking countries: Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, the UK and US. We compared them with the average in 14 other high-income, low-mortality countries from Western Europe (such as France and Norway), plus Japan. This was the “comparison group”.

We used data from 1970 onwards from well-established, comprehensive sources of high-quality mortality data: the Human Mortality Database and World Health Organization Mortality Database.

For each English-speaking country and the comparison group, we estimated:

  • life expectancy at birth
  • partial life expectancy between ages 0 and 50 years
  • remaining life expectancy at age 50
  • average length of life.

Looking at average length of life helps to compare the mortality of the birth cohorts (people born in the same calendar year) as they age. This measure is the closest way to estimate how long people in different populations actually live, and can be used to assess the differences in survival between populations.

First we looked at how age and causes of death were contributing to a gap between English-speaking countries and the comparison group. Then we compared the average length of life of different birth cohorts.

What we found

In the pre-COVID period, both men and women in Australia had a higher life expectancy at birth, compared to the non-English speaking comparison group (the average between those 14 countries). This was also true for men in Ireland, New Zealand and Canada. In the UK and US, however, life expectancy at birth was lower for both men and women, compared to the non-English speaking group.

But the most striking finding was the difference in mortality for those under 50 in English-speaking versus non-English speaking countries.

Relatively high death rates for those under 50 dragged the overall life expectancy at birth down for each English-speaking country, including Australia. Suicides and drug or alcohol-related deaths were the main reason for these trends.

But over age 50, Australia performs exceptionally well in life expectancy for both men and women. Australians born in the 1930s-60s are likely to live longer than those in the non-English speaking comparison group and all other English-speaking countries. But Australians born in the 1970s onwards had lower life expectancy than the comparison group.

This means overall, life expectancy at birth in Australia is higher than the average for the non-English group. But when you break it down by age, the results show a clear distinction in life expectancy according to when you were born.

For example, in 2017-19 , male life expectancy between ages 0 and 50 years was 0.3 years lower in Australia compared to the average for the non-English group, while remaining life expectancy at age 50 was 1.45 years higher.

What this means

Our study shows a worrying trend for people born from the 1970s onwards. This is true in all English-speaking countries, even before accounting for the negative impacts of the COVID pandemic in places like the UK and US.

In Australia, the results point to significant generational differences in life expectancy compared to other high-income countries. If the relatively high mortality rates of Australians born from the 1970s onwards continue into the future, then the gains in Australian life expectancy will likely slow. Our status as having one of the highest life expectancies of any country will diminish.

Our research aimed to examine trends and potential causes of stagnating life expectancy, rather than make policy recommendations.

But the results suggest real improvement could come through measures that reduce inequality and structural disadvantages that lead to poor health outcomes, such as improving access to education and security of employment and housing, supporting mental health and drug-related safety, and addressing diseases like obesity and diabetes.

The Conversation

Sergey Timonin receives funding from the Australian Research Council (DP210100401).

Tim Adair receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Our new study shows life expectancy is stagnating for Australians under 50 – https://theconversation.com/our-new-study-shows-life-expectancy-is-stagnating-for-australians-under-50-240790

Rebates for buying e-bikes and e-scooters are good but unlikely to greatly boost sustainable transport on their own

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Abraham Leung, Senior Research Fellow, Cities Research Institute, Griffith University

BikePortland/Flickr, CC BY

Queensland has joined Tasmania as the second Australian state or territory to offer a A$500 rebate for buyers of new e‑bikes. The pre-election announcement includes a smaller $200 rebate for e‑scooters.

The Queensland e‑mobility rebate scheme is first come, first served, until its $2 million budget ($1 million was added last week) is used up. The Tasmanian scheme has closed for this reason.

These schemes follow a trend of government incentives to buy e‑bikes in North America and Europe. The Australian schemes differ from most schemes overseas by including e‑scooters too.

It’s a welcome move to promote sustainable transport. These personal transport devices have smaller environmental footprints to produce and operate than electric cars. Owning e‑bikes or e‑scooters can enable people to drive less – reducing congestion and emissions – and avoid high fuel costs.

However, my research and other studies suggest ownership doesn’t guarantee much greater use. Additional measures will be needed to boost use of these sustainable transport modes.

Why own e-bikes or e-scooters when you can share?

The rebate is likely to boost retailers’ sales. More than 860 rebate applications were received within three days of the scheme starting on September 23.

And existing owners now have an incentive to upgrade or replace models. They might then sell their pre-loved e‑bikes or e‑scooters on the second-hand market. This means others could get them more cheaply.

Queensland was the first Australian state to legalise the use of e‑scooters in 2018, when Brisbane introduced shared e‑scooter operations. Regional cities such as Townsville and Cairns launched similar schemes. Dockless e‑bikes later replaced Brisbane’s initial CityCycle bike-sharing scheme.

I recently conducted research to understand why South-East Queensland residents want to own e‑scooters. The study methods were comparable to an earlier e‑bike user survey.

Both sets of owners cite replacing car use as their top reason for ownership. However, their motivations differ.

E‑scooter owners are mainly driven by the lower price and the fun factor of riding. E‑bike owners focus more on fitness and the health benefits of getting some exercise when riding. Australian regulations require e‑bikes to be pedal-assisted.

But does this mean people will ride more?

Since 2022, the Queensland government has offered a rebate of up to $6,000 for buying full-sized electric vehicles (that scheme closed last month). It now appears to have responded to calls to do the same for e‑bikes and e‑scooters.

Buyers certainly won’t mind freebies and rebates, but rebate-induced ownership might not increase overall use by much.

An Australia-wide survey in 2023 found 57% of respondents had access to at least one working bicycle at home and this proportion has been increasing. However, only 15% reported riding in the previous week. Only 36.7% had ridden in the past year.

Overall cycling participation has declined over the past decade, except during the COVID pandemic when work and travel patterns were more local. For all periods, men are significantly more likely to cycle than women.

The same 2023 survey revealed only about 2.1% own e‑bikes. The rebate will likely increase this rate in Queensland.

Some preliminary evidence suggests e‑bike users ride more often and further than those riding non-electric bikes. It also helps older people get into cycling. And it has the potential to replace car use even in rural areas.

Despite e‑bikes offering advantages over traditional bikes, riders of both face obstacles to greater use, such as road safety and poor cycling infrastructure.

What kinds of incentives do other countries offer?

Australian policymakers should consider offering incentives to ensure the new purchases are well used, not sitting idle most of the time.

The United Kingdom has a long-standing cycle-to-work scheme that offers commuters a tax exemption for buying bicycles or e‑bikes.

In the Netherlands, incentive schemes have used smartphone technology to track their mileage. For example, in the B-Riders scheme, riders earn €0.08–0.15 (A$0.13–0.21) per kilometre. There was a 68% increase in e‑bike use by former car commuters after one month and 73% increase after six months of participation.

Schemes in North America tend to be aimed at lower-income households. They are more likely to be involuntarily carless, so e‑bikes can improve their access to jobs, goods and services.

There are alternatives to rebates. North Vancouver, for example, is trialling e‑cargo bike lending to replace car shopping trips, as these bulky bikes are not practical for every household to own.

In France, residents can claim a bike or e‑bike subsidy of up to €2,000 (A$3,210). Second-hand devices sold by approved repairers are covered too, which is likely to help reduce e‑waste. Australian schemes so far only cover new purchases.

What more can be done?

For e‑bike and e‑scooter owners, the main barrier to riding more is the lack of safe and well-connected infrastructure. Numerous studies have connected rates of riding to the quality and quantity of infrastructure. Extensive, high-quality and safe cycling networks can deliver lasting shifts towards sustainable transport.

When the Spanish city of Seville built such networks, cycling rates surged 11-fold in a few years.

In the Netherlands, this infrastructure is so well-funded and extensive that it’s no surprise cycling is popular there.

Riders don’t just need bikeways. They also need end-of-trip facilities with secure parking (and maybe free charging too).

In Australia, cycling gets only around 2% of transport funding.

In Brisbane, despite not being anywhere close to the European level of cycling infrastructure, new “green bridges” and bikeways will be expanded to more areas of the city (and other Queensland venues). It’s part of preparations to host “climate-positive” Olympic and Paralympic Games in 2032. This year’s games host, Paris, successfully upgraded infrastructure and boosted cycling rates.

Another benefit of more riders on the streets is that it creates “safety in numbers”. Greater numbers would also help attract more funding for infrastructure that makes cycling and scooting safer and more attractive.

Both e‑bikes and e‑scooters are already worthwhile investments. Using them often would free yourself from car dependence – and that’s good for the planet and your wallet.

The Conversation

Abraham Leung received funding from the Transport Academic Partnership (Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads (TMR) and the Motor Accident Insurance Commission) and the Transport Innovation and Research Hub (Brisbane City Council, BCC). The data from the Privately Owned Electric Mobility User Survey (POEMUS) used in this article is funded and commissioned by BCC.

His current Advance Queensland Industry Research Fellowship is funded and/or partnered with TMR, BCC, Townsville City Council, and micromobility operators Neuron and Beam. He is also an active member of PedBikeTrans.

ref. Rebates for buying e-bikes and e-scooters are good but unlikely to greatly boost sustainable transport on their own – https://theconversation.com/rebates-for-buying-e-bikes-and-e-scooters-are-good-but-unlikely-to-greatly-boost-sustainable-transport-on-their-own-239939

How can you help your child learn to self-regulate?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natalie Day, Postdoctoral research fellow, Early Start, University of Wollongong

Allan Mas/ Pexels , CC BY

Throughout our lives, we need to be able to manage our thoughts and behaviour. We need to do this to reach various goals and to get along with others – even if other distractions and impulses get in the way.

This is our ability to self-regulate, and it starts to develop between the ages of three and five.

My colleagues and I have been researching what parents can do to help children learn to self-regulate. What are the dos and don’ts?

Why is self-regulation important?

A child’s ability to self-regulate has a huge impact on shorter-term outcomes such as making and keeping friends, engaging in school and making academic progress.

Self-regulation allows children to keep going with a task or situation when things are tough, and to keep their emotions and behaviour focused on reaching the goal.

For example, when playing a game with friends, a child who can self-regulate can wait their turn, stay within the rules, and keep playing even when they are losing. A child with low levels of self-regulation may become easily upset and show frustration, and in some cases be dysregulated. This can include meltdowns.

But there can also be impacts later in life. Low levels of self-regulation at preschool age have been associated with a range of problems in adulthood, such as gambling, substance abuse, poor health, poor sleep and weight issues.

The capacity to self-regulate emerges from around three years of age, when the brain undergoes rapid physical growth. The period of peak growth is typically between three to five.

The capacity to self-regulate is not only influenced by genetics, but also by children’s environment and their experiences. This is where parents come in.

A young girl rests her chin in her hand. There are scissors and coloured papers on a table.
Self-regulation is important for children’s short and long-term development.
Artem Podrez/ Pexels, CC BY

Jumping in to ‘help’

Naturally, parents want to protect their children from difficulty. But sometimes this desire to protect and “help” kids can hamper their development.

Children experience challenges all the time – this may be opening a water bottle, trying to find a certain toy in their bedroom, or tying their shoelaces. As parents, we can often rush to fix the problem straight away.

But it is important for children’s brain development to experience and cope with challenges. When parents let children face a tricky task, they can learn to think flexibly, create solutions and persist toward the goal. It also teaches them they can handle things themselves.

Persistence when playing a game can translate to persistence when tying their shoelaces, and in time, fewer meltdowns.

What should parents do instead?

This is not to say you should ignore your child if they are very distressed and stuck up a tree, or have fallen and seriously hurt themselves.

But there are many other occasions when you can wait, or help in less obvious ways.

For example, if a child is struggling to find the right puzzle piece, parents should wait for the child to either ask for help or show visible signs of frustration.

If possible, start just by using guiding words to help, rather than taking a hands-on approach. You could try encouragement, questions, hints and suggestions to lead your child to a solution. For example, “have you tried all the pieces yet?”

Or if they are playing with Lego, parents may remind the child of their last success or ask them “what does the diagram show?”, they might give a hint such as “I sometimes need to go back some steps to find where I went wrong”, or maybe more directly, “how about we look through the steps together?”.

This type of guidance means the child is still the one solving the problem.

A woman reaches for a block on a table. A child is on the other side.
Parents start by just using verbal prompts or tips to their child.
eggegg/Shutterstock

Step up your approach

If the child is still stuck, parents can use their hands to offer more guidance.

When completing a section of a puzzle, a parent may move some pieces closer to the child to draw their attention to them.

If needed, a more direct approach would be to identify the piece the child is looking for, and hand it to the child so that they can put it in and remain active in completing the task.

The child may not have the piece the right way round, so the parent should revert to using verbal guidance for encouragement or suggest turning the piece to see if it fits.

Kids are still in charge

The key thing to remember is the child should be guiding your approach to helping them.

Don’t intervene without them asking you, and don’t offer full support straight away.

You can use encouragement, hints and suggestions, and then hands-on help. Keep offering your child the chance to work elements out for themselves. And know their way of solving the problem might be different from yours.

The Conversation

Natalie Day’s research was funded by a Faculty Postgraduate Research Scholarship and International Postgraduate Tuition Award from the University of Wollongong, with a contribution from the NSW Institute of Educational Research—Distinguished Student Award.

ref. How can you help your child learn to self-regulate? – https://theconversation.com/how-can-you-help-your-child-learn-to-self-regulate-240454

Why did Japan’s new leader trigger snap elections only a week after taking office? And what happens next?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Craig Mark, Adjunct Lecturer, Faculty of Economics, Hosei University

Japan’s new prime minister, Shigeru Ishiba, has been in the job for just over a week. But today, as had been widely expected, he dissolved Japan’s parliament, the Diet, triggering a snap election for later this month. It’s the fastest dissolution by a postwar leader in Japan.

The typically short campaign will officially start on October 15, with election day on October 27.

So, why is this election happening so soon after Ishiba took office? And what could happen next?

Why hold elections now?

Ishiba became prime minister on September 27 after finally winning the contest to be leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) on his fifth attempt. He narrowly beat the ultra-nationalist Sanae Takaichi, denying her bid to become Japan’s first female prime minister.

By holding a snap election for the House of Representatives, a year before it is required under the Constitution, Ishiba is hoping to catch the opposition parties off guard and secure a more solid mandate to pursue his policy agenda. He’s banking on the public rallying behind a new face and image for his party, following the unpopularity of former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.

The LDP should win next month’s election handily, despite the turbulence caused by recent scandals and leadership changes in the party. The LDP is still far ahead of the opposition in recent polling. A large number of people, however, remain uncommitted to any political party.

The first approval rating poll for Ishiba’s new cabinet was also just over 50%. That’s lower than the polling for Kishida’s first cabinet three years ago. This indicates the public is not as enthusiastic for the new prime minister as the LDP might have hoped.

The main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) has also just elected a new leader, former Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda. It is hoping to boost its consistently low opinion poll ratings by attempting to project an image of reliability and stability.

What is Ishiba promising?

In his first policy statement to the Diet last week, Ishiba pledged to revitalise the economy, particularly through doubling subsidies and stimulus spending for regional areas. He also promised to address wage growth, which remains weak due to cost of living pressures. It has been made worse by the relatively weak yen.

Ishiba also wants to boost investment in next-generation technologies, particularly artificial intelligence and semiconductor manufacturing. And he indicated he may support an increase in the corporate tax rate. This could tap the massive cash reserves of major corporations to fund regional revitalisation programs. It could also provide more support to families of young children to boost Japan’s sagging birth rate.

Tax hikes would also be necessary to maintain the higher defence spending that began under former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and continued under Kishida.

To appease the conservative wing of his party, which had backed Takaichi in the LDP leadership contest, Ishiba has backtracked on several policy positions he had previously supported. This includes reducing Japan’s reliance on nuclear power, allowing women to keep their family names after marriage, legalising same-sex marriage, and encouraging the Bank of Japan to gradually increase interest rates.

Ishiba also conceded his proposal to pursue an “Asian-style NATO” will have to remain a longer-term ambition, after officials from India and the US expressed doubts over the proposal.

Ishiba has confirmed, after some initial uncertainty, that his party will not endorse ten Diet members in the election who were implicated in a slush fund scandal that had damaged Kishida’s government. These Diet members are mainly from the large conservative wing of the party, removing some internal opposition to the new prime minister.

However, public doubts over Ishiba’s commitment to genuine party reform, as well as infighting from the resentful remaining members of the conservative wing, could also result in a drop in support for the LDP.

Is there any hope for the opposition?

If it fares poorly in the election, the LDP could be even more dependent on support from its coalition partner, the Komeito Party, to retain control of the lower house and remain in government.

The Komeito Party is backed by the Buddhist Soka Gakkai religious movement. It currently has 32 members in the Diet, compared to 258 for the LDP.

To even have a chance of forming a minority government, the main opposition CDP (which has 99 seats currently) will need to present an appealing alternative policy program, which it has so far been unable to do. Japan has not had a minority government since 1993.

Should the LDP-Komeito coalition nevertheless drop below the 233 Diet members required to maintain a majority, the second-largest opposition party, the populist, right-wing Japan Innovation Party, could find itself holding the balance of power.

Ishiba’s challenge in this early election is not only to win enough votes to retain government, but to be electorally successful enough to hold off his rivals from the conservative wing of the LDP. They will be seeking to exploit any future failures by Ishiba to pressure him to step down early.

If that were to happen, Takaichi would likely be a leadership contender again.

The Conversation

Craig Mark does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why did Japan’s new leader trigger snap elections only a week after taking office? And what happens next? – https://theconversation.com/why-did-japans-new-leader-trigger-snap-elections-only-a-week-after-taking-office-and-what-happens-next-240888

The Australian government has introduced new cyber security laws. Here’s what you need to know

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Tuffley, Senior Lecturer in Applied Ethics & CyberSecurity, Griffith University

gerardaskes/Shutterstock

The Albanese government today introduced long-awaited legislation to parliament which is set to revolutionise Australia’s cyber security preparedness.

The legislation, if passed, will be Australia’s first standalone cyber security act. It’s aimed at protecting businesses and consumers from the rising tide of cyber crime.

So what are the key provisions, and will it be enough?

What’s in the new laws?

The new laws have a strong focus on victims of “ransomware” – malicious software cyber criminals use to block access to crucial files or data until a ransom has been paid.

People who pay a ransom do not always regain lost data. The payments also sustain the hacker’s business model.

Under the new law, victims of ransomware attacks who make payments must report the payment to authorities. This will help the government track cyber criminal activities and understand how much money is being lost to ransomware.

The laws also involve new obligations for the National Cyber Security Coordinator and Australian Signals Directorate. These obligations restrict how these two bodies can use information provided to them by businesses and industry about cyber security incidents. The government hopes this will encourage organisations to more openly share information knowing it will be safeguarded.

Separately, organisations in critical infrastructure – such as energy, transport, communications, health and finance – will be required to strengthen programs used to secure individuals’ private data.

The new legislation will also upgrade the investigative powers of the Cyber Incident Review Board. The board will conduct “no-fault” investigations after significant cyber attacks. The board will then share insights to promote improvements in cyber security practices more generally. These insights will be anonymised to ensure the identities of victims of cyber attacks aren’t publicly revealed.

The legislation will also introduce new minimum cyber security standards for all smart devices, such as watches, televisions, speakers and doorbells.

These standards will establish a baseline level of security for consumers. They will include secure default settings, unique device passwords, regular security updates and encryption of sensitive data.

This is a welcome step that will ensure everyday devices meet minimum security criteria before they can be sold in Australia.

A long-overdue step

Cyber security incidents have surged by 23% in the past financial year, to more than 94,000 reported cases. This is equivalent to one attack every six minutes.

This dramatic increase underscores the growing sophistication and frequency of cyber attacks targeting Australian businesses and individuals. It also highlights the urgent need for a comprehensive national response.

High-profile cyber attacks have further emphasised the need to strengthen Australia’s cyber security framework. The 2022 Optus data breach is perhaps the most prominent example. The breach compromised the personal information of more than 11 million Australians, alarming both the government and the public, not to mention Optus.

Cyber Security Minister Tony Burke says the Cyber Security Act is a “long-overdue step” that reflects the government’s concern about these threats.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has also acknowledged recent high-profile attacks as a “wake-up call” for businesses, emphasising the need for a unified approach to cyber security.

The Australian government wants to establish Australia as a world leader in cyber security by 2030. This goal reflects the government’s acknowledgement that cyber security is fundamental to national security, economic prosperity and social well being.

Broader implications

The proposed laws will enhance national security. But they could also present challenges.

For example, even though the laws place limitations on how the National Cyber Security Coordinator and Australian Signals Directorate can use information, some businesses might still be unwilling to share confidential data because they are worried about damage to their reputation.

Businesses, especially smaller ones, will also face a substantial compliance burden as they adapt to new reporting requirements. They will also potentially need to invest more heavily in cyber security measures. This could lead to increased costs, which might ultimately be passed on to consumers.

The proposed legislation will require careful implementation to balance the needs of national security, business operations and individual privacy rights.

David Tuffley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The Australian government has introduced new cyber security laws. Here’s what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/the-australian-government-has-introduced-new-cyber-security-laws-heres-what-you-need-to-know-240889

Fatima Payman’s new Australia’s Voice party to appeal to the ‘unheard’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Senator Fatima Payman, launching her new political party Australia’s Voice, is pitching strongly at the large number of voters who are disillusioned with the big parties.

“Australians are fed up with the major parties having a duopoly, a stranglehold over our democracy. If we need to drag the two major parties kicking and screaming to do what needs to be done, we will.”

Payman, who stresses she is not forming a Muslim party, quoted both Gough Whitlam and Robert Menzies in introducing the new group.

She said the party was “for the disenfranchised, the unheard, and those yearning for real change”. But she was short on any detail, saying policies and candidates would come later.

Payman quit the Labor party to join the crossbench after disciplinary action that followed her crossing the floor over Gaza. A senator from Western Australia, she doesn’t face the voters until the election after next.

It has previously been flagged the party intends to field Senate candidates as well as run in some lower house seats. Its strategist is so-called preference whisperer Glenn Druery, who works for Payman. Druery had success in promoting micro-party candidates running for upper houses in the past, but tightened federal electoral rules mean it will be an uphill battle to get a senator elected for the new party.
Payman told a news conference on Wednesday: “This is more a movement than a party. It’s a movement for a fairer, more inclusive, Australia. Together we will hold our leaders accountable and ensure that your voice – Australia’s Voice – is never silenced.”

Payman invoked “the great Gough Whitlam” when he said, “There are some people who are so frightened to put a foot wrong that they won’t put a foot forward”.

“This comment made in 1985 applies so much to the current Labor Party who has lost its way,” Payman said.

Looking also to the other side of politics she said: “Australia’s Voice believes in a system where people come first, where your concerns are not just heard but acted upon. We reject the status quo that serves the powerful and ignores the rest, the forgotten people as Robert Menzies put it.”

She said after spending countless hours listening to Australians, the message she’d heard had been “a growing frustration”.

“A feeling of being left behind, of shouting into a void, only for their concerns to fall on deaf ears.

“So many of you have told me, with emotion in your hearts. ‘We need something different We need a voice’.

“It is this cry for change that has brought us here today. Because we can no longer sit by while our voices are drowned out by the same old politics. It’s time to stand up, to rise together, and to take control of our future.”

Underlining the party would be inclusive, Payman said, “This is a party for all Australians. We’re going to ensure that everyone is represented, whether it’s the mums and dads who are trying to make ends meet, or the young students out there, or whether it’s the grandparents who want to have dignity and respect as they age.”

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Fatima Payman’s new Australia’s Voice party to appeal to the ‘unheard’ – https://theconversation.com/fatima-paymans-new-australias-voice-party-to-appeal-to-the-unheard-240897

How do you stop elephant herds from trashing crops and trees? Target sensitive nostrils with a ‘scent fence’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Patrick Finnerty, Postdoctoral research fellow in conservation, University of Sydney

Elephant numbers are surging in southern Africa, with fewer natural predators, reduced hunting pressure and feeding by farmers and tourist operators.

While this is good for elephants, it’s making life harder for humans who live near them. These huge herbivores can raid crops and destroy large trees in national parks with impunity, causing problems for farmers and land managers alike.

Traditional solutions aren’t ideal. Culling is controversial, and building fences strong enough to deter elephants is very expensive.

But there’s another option: a fence made of scent. We have explored how specific plant scents can stop wallabies from eating native seedlings. The technique works on Australian herbivores. Would it work for southern Africa’s much larger elephants?

Our new research put this idea to the test. We mimicked the scent of a shrub known as common guarri (Euclea undulata), which elephants avoid eating, and built a Y-shaped maze for elephants. We placed the scent on one side of the Y and left the other side scent-free.

The results were clear – our elephants voted with their trunks and avoided the stinky side. This suggests scent could play a useful role in fending off hungry pachyderms.

How can elephants be a problem?

The world has three species of elephant. The small Asian elephant is endangered while the even smaller African forest elephant, which lives in rainforests in West Africa and the Congo Basin, is critically endangered.

But the largest species, the African savannah elephant, is bouncing back in southern Africa from decades of poaching and habitat loss.

This is great on a conservation front. But it brings fresh problems. As elephant herds expand, they increasingly come into conflict with people – especially farmers. Losing a year’s crop to hungry elephants is devastating. When farmers try to stop them, the elephants can attack and even kill.

In large numbers, elephants can damage the natural environment like other herbivores – but even more so. In South Africa’s Kruger National Park and other wild places, their enormous appetites have reshaped whole plant communities. The plants elephants like disappear, while those they don’t spread. Elephants also destroy large trees and prevent the growth of new ones.

Oranges unable to be sold by Zimbabwean farmers are dumped, which attracts elephants and fuels population growth.

As elephant numbers grow, desperate farmers and land managers have scrambled for solutions. Killing problem elephants has been a common fix. But the practice now faces strong public opposition. Fencing is costly and usually impractical for lower-income farming areas. Other deterrents, such as using flashing lights and annoying sounds to scare off the pachyderms have had mixed success.

Curiously, elephants are scared stiff of bees. This knowledge has been used effectively by Kenyan farmers, who install beehives around their fields. Studies have shown the technique deters up to 80% of elephants. This method has limits, though, as there are only so many bees an area can sustain and maintaining hives takes work.

The scent defence

To deter an elephant, it helps to think like an elephant. We’ve long known carnivores rely heavily on scent to find prey. But scent is very important to herbivores too, as our team has explored. Herbivores rely on smell to tell them which plants to eat and which to avoid.

In Australia, we have used this knowledge to artificially replicate the scent of boronia pinnata, a flowering shrub which swamp wallabies avoid. These wallabies are the local native equivalent of deer in their eating habits – they eat many different plants, including tree seedlings land managers would rather they did not.
When we put vials of boronia scent next to vulnerable native seedlings in Sydney’s Ku-ring-gai Chase National Park, we found these seedlings were 20 times less likely to be found and eaten by pesky wallabies.

Researchers have found similar scent “misinformation” tactics substantially reduced how many eggs from threatened birds were eaten by invasive predators such as ferrets, cats and hedgehogs in New Zealand, while others have found it can reduce losses of wheat grain to house mice in Australia.

But would this approach work on elephants? We were hopeful. We know elephants can smell water from afar. Better still, elephants have the strongest sense of smell of any land animal.

We went to South Africa to test it out.

A group of people involved in the research standing on dry grass, surrounded by elephants.
Our entire research team, including humans and elephants.
Patrick Finnerty, CC BY-NC-ND

A proof of concept

We set up our experiment at the Adventures with Elephants tourism and research centre north of Johannesburg, which is home to six semi-tame elephants.

Here, we built a large maze shaped like a Y to let us test our idea in a controlled and safe environment. This is essential when working with temperamental animals weighing up to six tonnes.

From almost ten meters away, elephants had to choose which path through the Y to follow using only their sense of smell. Plants and odour vials were hidden down each arm of the maze, ensuring the animals were not using vision to choose. Both exits to the maze contained lots of leaves and stems of the jacket plum (pappea capensis), a tree elephants love to eat. On one side of the Y, we placed a single glass vial containing just 1 millilitre of a mixture mimicking the smell of common guarri.

Two images side by side showing a small glass vial used to contain 1mL of the scented mixture
It took just 1 ml of this scent to nudge elephants to go elsewhere.
Patrick Finnerty

The results were exciting. Time and time again, the elephants avoided the side where the artificial odour was present.

An elephant stands at the top of the Y maze, scents the unpleasant plant on the right arm, and chooses to walk down the left arm.

Scaling up

Our results suggest using scent could provide a practical way we could avoid human-elephant conflicts and help people protect crops and national parks at a larger scale.

Combining artificial odours with existing control measures such as fencing or beehives could offer more accessible and cost-effective methods to live alongside elephants.

What’s next? We aim to scale up this research in the hope of creating a practical, versatile and cheap tool which people in elephant territory can use to protect crops, trees, and houses from these giant herbivores.

We acknowledge our research co-authors, Clare McArthur and Peter Banks (University of Sydney) Adrian Shrader (University of Pretoria) and Melissa Schmitt (University of North Dakota), and Paul Finnerty for help designing and constructing the maze. We also thank Sean Hensman and the staff at Adventures With Elephants, South Africa, for allowing us to conduct our study on their premises.

The Conversation

Patrick Finnerty does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How do you stop elephant herds from trashing crops and trees? Target sensitive nostrils with a ‘scent fence’ – https://theconversation.com/how-do-you-stop-elephant-herds-from-trashing-crops-and-trees-target-sensitive-nostrils-with-a-scent-fence-239593

Sydney Dance Company’s momenta – a breathtaking study in perpetual motion

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yvette Grant, PhD (Dance) Candidate and Dance History Tutor, The University of Melbourne

SDC/Pedro Greig

Artistic director Rafael Bonachela’s latest work for the Sydney Dance Company, momenta, had its Melbourne premiere on October 8 at the Playhouse Theatre in the Arts Centre.

Bonachela says that he wanted the full-length work to represent both momenta – the plural form of momentum from the Latin movimentum – and moments.

And it does exactly that.

The work is a maelstrom of macro and microcosmic momentums, capturing mundane and monumental moments.

The 17 dancers move through unmarked yet distinct worlds of perpetual motion.

Sometimes they are suggestive of atoms under a microscope that collide and react, constantly forming new molecules and compounds. They randomly meet each other in physical entanglements, only to move on in a moment to another cluster of moving bodies.

Other times they evoke the relentless rolling of the sea with waves of unison movement. These repetitively sweep in one line after another through the bodies as they traverse across the stage.

Still other times they stand in distinct separation in a grid pattern with minimal but identical movements that beat like a collection of pumping hearts.

The movement never stops. It gains momentum.

two dancers face each other on stage with arms and legs extended towards each other
Bodies connected in momenta.
SDC/Pedro Greig

The dancers become human and through a series of duets we encounter the momentum of relationships.

A solo from within the crowd shows us the secret internal flows of emotion that are a relentless apsect of the human experience.

Using lighting, one intimate scene seems to capture the flickering motion of old grainy film. It briefly transports the audience back in time to a voyeuristic peep show.

Damien Cooper’s lighting design acts as the narrator throughout, directing our attention to small sections of the action or opening the whole stage. The lights are rigged on a large horizontal circle over one side of the stage. It starts near the stage’s surface and moves incrementally, upward scene by scene, sometimes tilting at angles. It is suspended and moves silently until it is no longer visible, at which point it begins its decent.

The colour palette of the lighting – whites, yellows, browns, greens and blues – changes the mood from hot to cool, soft to hard, today to yesterday.

Choreographer Rafael Bonachela based on the work on concepts of momentum, force, time and space.

Elizabeth Gadsby and Emma White’s costumes are mostly neutral tones with some black accent pieces. They provide almost nude surfaces on which the lighting plays. As the work progresses some of the costumes of the male dancers are removed as they appear bare-chested, even more naked, implying an increasing emotional exposure.

The dancers show extraordinary vulnerability, athleticism and stamina.

There is a consistency and persistence to the movement quality in momenta: sweeping, sliding, extending and contracting in cyclical patterns which contain traces of elements of the patterns that came before them.

It is breathtaking.

dancer on stage with orange tinted lighting behind him
At times warm lighting washes over the dancers.
SDC/Pedro Greig

Nick Wales’ score has the same cyclical nature with repeated music motifs. The score is varied in an imitation of life and includes musical solos on viola and piano, contrasted with orchestral pieces and percussive and electronic elements.

In momenta’s penultimate scene dancers spread out evenly across the stage and dance in unison. The scene is very light but with a black background when suddenly silver sparkles begin to fall from above. There is a powerful sense of both the universe and the universal.

This cuts to a final intimate and human solo exquisitely danced by Piran Scott. In and out of the light, he slides and turns and rolls sometimes with propulsion, other times with suspense.

He brings us back to ourselves. Perpetually in motion.

The Sydney Dance Company’s momenta is on until October 12 at the Arts Centre, Melbourne.

The Conversation

Yvette Grant does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Sydney Dance Company’s momenta – a breathtaking study in perpetual motion – https://theconversation.com/sydney-dance-companys-momenta-a-breathtaking-study-in-perpetual-motion-240320

How we partnered with local communities to halve skin sores among Aboriginal children in remote WA

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Asha Bowen, Team Lead, Healthy Skin and ARF Prevention, Telethon Kids Institute

Aboriginal children living in remote communities have the highest rate of skin sores, or impetigo, in the world. Almost one in two have skin sores at any one time.

Skin sores are a highly contagious bacterial skin infection that may be itchy and painful, but often go unnoticed by children. Parents are more likely to be concerned about the pus and thick crust that develops.

Scabies, another skin infection, also disproportionately affects children in remote Indigenous communities in Australia (as many as one in three).

In the Kimberley region of Western Australia, Aboriginal children are 34 times more likely than non-Aboriginal children to be admitted to hospital with skin infections in their first year of life. Untreated, these skin infections can lead to other health issues including sepsis, rheumatic fever and kidney disease.

With this in mind, we’ve been working for the past five years with nine communities in the Kimberley region on a comprehensive skin health program. Each of the communities has a remote health-care clinic staffed by a mix of nurses, Aboriginal health workers and doctors.

Today, we’ve published two new studies outlining the progress we’ve made to reduce skin infections in children in these communities. Since we started the program, rates of skin sores have halved from around four in ten children to around two in ten.

The SToP program

We partnered with Aboriginal community-controlled health organisations and schools in the Kimberley region and co-designed a program called SToP. It stands for “See, Treat and Prevent”.

Our initial focus was going to be on diagnosing and treating skin sores and scabies. However, community members highlighted the need to incorporate a strong focus on prevention and health promotion too.

The SToP model included training health-care workers in the remote health clinics, community members and school staff to recognise skin infections. The health-care workers were also trained to provide the latest evidence-based treatment for patients with skin sores and scabies.

The prevention activities included recording a hip-hop video with children, developing eight unique healthy skin books in local languages, and yarning with community members. They consistently highlighted the importance of investing in environmental health, including housing maintenance to support healthy living.

Local children recorded a hip-hop video to promote healthy skin.

As part of the SToP program, and to track its results, more than 770 children aged zero to 15 years received regular skin checks over four years from 2019 to 2022. We visited each of the nine communities up to three times each year and completed more than 3,000 skin checks.

One limitation of our research is that the trial was completed during COVID. Regional travel bans forced it to pause for several months in 2020.

The primary aim was to reduce the burden of skin sores by half in school-aged children. We also tracked impetigo and scabies burden in younger children up to age four, and overall clinic presentations for skin infections.

Our results, published in the Lancet Child and Adolescent Health today, confirm skin sores decreased in school-aged children in the first year and improvements were sustained throughout the trial.

Across all communities, skin sores reduced from four in ten children at the start of the study to two in ten children by the end. Most of this reduction occurred in 2019 when skin checks started.

Scabies also declined, but was found in less than one in ten children throughout the study.

The skin checks were the most important and likely most effective part of the study. Community members want these to continue for all age groups, to extend beyond just the children involved in the study.

Presentations to the remote health clinics for skin infections in each community increased during the trial and stayed high. This suggests the community involvement and focus on healthy skin was reaching all age groups.

Despite training and resource development, uptake of the recommended treatments at the clinic was low.

We predicted at the start of the study that using treatment as prevention, supported by training on the latest evidence-based treatments available, would be the most effective strategy. This turned out to not occur at all. High turnover of clinic staff and longstanding treatment preferences may be the reason.

A holistic approach

While our research has been published today, the results were first presented to community members in 2023. More than 85 community members were able to share their interpretation of the SToP results with us. They strengthened the story we’ve been able to tell in our published papers.

The second paper, in eClinical Medicine, provides a comprehensive, multi-methods evaluation of the trial. Through this process, community members and service providers helped our research team understand the trial results and the critical factors for success.

Future studies should continue to partner with local Aboriginal communities and enable community voices to inform all aspects of the research.

The SToP trial brought together Western medical approaches with community voices to better inform skin disease control where the burden of skin sores and scabies was high. The results have been positive.

We hope there will be future opportunities to implement activities like this in more Indigenous communities across Australia. As a starting point, a variety of SToP resources are available to access. The healthy skin books have been shared with other communities to translate into local contexts and languages.

The skin is the largest organ of the body and always visible. Improvements in skin health can prevent other, more serious health consequences, while also contributing to overall wellbeing.

Asha Bowen receives funding from National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia and Healthy.

Hannah M.M. Thomas, Lorraine Anderson, and Rachel Burgess do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How we partnered with local communities to halve skin sores among Aboriginal children in remote WA – https://theconversation.com/how-we-partnered-with-local-communities-to-halve-skin-sores-among-aboriginal-children-in-remote-wa-240663

What is special consideration for exams? How does it work?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jill Colton, Program Director: Secondary Programs and Senior Lecturer: English and Literacy Education, University of South Australia

Arrowsmith2/Shutterstock

Many Year 12 students are preparing for final exams throughout October and November.

What happens if something unexpected happens that makes final preparations or performance on the day more difficult?

This is where special consideration or special provisions can help.

How might you be eligible?

Students who experience something unexpected during the exam period may be eligible for special consideration. This can minimise the impact on a student’s overall marks.

To be eligible, incidents must be beyond the student’s control. For example, a serious illness, an accident, a family crisis or an interruption during the exam. It does not include family holidays, a teacher being away or mixing up exam dates.

A student suffering a flare up of pain and fatigue because of glandular fever is likely to be eligible as long as they have a medical diagnosis and recent documentation such as a letter from their GP. Other unexpected illnesses might include gastro, flu or COVID.

Unexpected mishaps or misadventure such as your home being flooded or a sporting accident that puts you into hospital can prevent you from participating in your exam. In cases like these you will need to provide evidence.

A death of a close relative can also mean a student is considered eligible for special arrangements. Other family crises may also be included depending on the circumstances and how they affect you. It’s best to consult with your school to find out if you might be eligible.

Students with disabilities and chronic illnesses can also apply for special consideration. This is something that must be organised earlier in the year through your school and helps teachers make adjustments that enable students to participate equitably.

There are also a range of entry processes for university and other post-school training and education pathways. Check with the institution you are interested in for more information.

A young woman sits on a couch, with a blanket and a Covid test. She is blowing her nose.
If you get the flu or COVID during your exams, make sure you get documentation from your GP.
JJ-stockstudio/Shutterstock

What do you need to do to apply?

The process of applying for special consideration for exams differs slightly depending which state or territory you live in. However, the same principles apply:

  • you will need documentary evidence – such as letters from your doctor, police reports, statutory declarations or a death certificate

  • it must be clear how the unexpected situation impacts your performance, such as being too sick to study or too unwell to attend the exam.

Your school will then manage the process on your behalf and where relevant, submit the application to the local exam board.

Make sure you let your school know as soon as possible if you think something has happened that will have an impact on your exams.

What happens next?

Special consideration aims to ensure a student’s final result is an accurate reflection of their expected achievement. Depending on what has happened, and when it happened, a student may be able to have:

  • additional reading or writing time

  • do their exam in another room

  • extensions to due dates

  • rest breaks, or

  • time to attend to medical needs without loss of test or exam time.

If a student can’t do their exam or their participation was significantly impaired, a moderated school result or predicted mark will be used. This is a result based on performance during the year.

This might happen in situations where a whole class is affected. For example, a fire alarm went off half way through an exam.

Unexpected things happen to all of us at some stage in our lives. If something goes wrong in your life around exam time, talk to your school and gather your documentation. And be informed about how you can be supported to be graded fairly.

For more state-specific information, you can go to your state’s exam board:

  • South Australia and Northern Territory (SACE)

  • Queensland (QCAA)

  • New South Wales (HSC)

  • Tasmania (TASC)

  • Western Australia (WACE)

  • Victoria (VCE)

  • Australian Capital Territory (BSSS).

The Conversation

Jill Colton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is special consideration for exams? How does it work? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-special-consideration-for-exams-how-does-it-work-240441

Building companies feel they must sacrifice quality for profits, but it doesn’t have to be this way

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kerry London, Deputy Vice-Chancellor of Research, Torrens University Australia

The Australian construction industry has long been facing a crisis of serious defects in apartment buildings. In the past, alarming incidents such as the Sydney Opal Tower evacuation and the Melbourne Lacrosse fire signalled systemic problems in construction.

The same problem persists today. One recent report shows serious defects in apartment buildings in New South Wales have more than doubled between 2021 and 2023.

As the Albanese government fast-tracks its five-year plan to build 1.2 million dwellings, this number will likely worsen.

We’ve researched the pressures the construction industry feels and how that can result in unsafe apartments, and what can be done to make housing like this better for everyone.

Why are we in this situation?

Serious defects endanger lives, cost building and insurance firms millions of dollars, and put pressure on regulators. Typical responses involve increased regulation, but the lack of change in apartment quality shows increased regulation is not enough. Behavioural and cultural changes are needed.

We found the poor quality of apartment buildings is often the result of deeply entrenched patterns of unprofessional behaviour across the industry. These often arise as professionals face pressures to cut costs in an industry notorious for its low profit margin.

We also found this pressure is exacerbated by aggressive competition, work overload, exploitation and a toxic culture.

As pressures mount, professionals’ decision-making becomes increasingly fraught. For example, many professionals we interviewed largely believe they must choose between profit and quality.

There are no simple answers to this age-old conundrum. However, our study shows a way forward.

What did we find?

Our three-year study funded by the Australian Research Council is the first in Australia to extensively investigate 12 building professions struggling to navigate and resolve this perceived dilemma.

Teams from four Australian universities conducted desktop reviews, analysed professional codes of conduct, interviewed 53 professionals and conducted six focus group discussions. After two years of analysis and model development, we published our industry technical report and presented our findings to practitioners in NSW and Queensland.

We have empirical evidence that shows profitability and quality do not have to be mutually exclusive. We have uncovered powerful, innovative but ad hoc strategies showing businesses can reconcile both.

One builder we profiled, a multinational company and a market leader in apartment construction, took a pioneering approach to this dilemma.

For many years, the company’s strategy was to build as quickly and cheaply as possible to save money. However, these savings were ultimately lost because they found they had “[…] made some money at the time, but we basically spent it all fixing things that we didn’t build that well”.

The company re-examined its business model and developed a new strategy that reconciled profitability, quality and professional behaviours.

The company analysed where the majority of their defects arose from and there were five key areas including:

  • balcony waterproofing

  • shower construction and waterproofing

  • fire wall installations

  • penetrations through fire walls

  • brick masonry construction.

They then built prototypes of high quality construction for each of these typical building elements. They found their prototypes addressed defects while also integrating different technical standards.

The company then informed their clients, subcontractors and suppliers that “this is how we will build from now on”. Over time, it became apparent their strategy supported skills training while also improving long-term financial sustainability.

These prototypes are now showcased at a centre in NSW. Subcontractors, architects, engineers, designers, professional associations and other supply-chain actors regularly visit.

The company now conducts training for quality based on these prototypes and reports that since the establishment of this strategy, defects have been reduced by 85%.

Our empirical evidence shows these strategies drive quality and long-term financial sustainability.

Safer homes nationwide

This strategy does not have to be limited to a few large companies.

In our report, we provide a plan to ensure safer, more financially sustainable building practices can be rolled out across the industry. It relies on collaboration across sectors.

Best-practice companies in each state, like the one in NSW, would come under a national umbrella. Commonwealth and state governments would initiate the effort by identifying the best examples in different states. Together, they could focus on design, construction quality and on innovative materials, standards and ways to build safely and cost-effectively.

Having best-practice example companies would help weed out apartment defects.
Shutterstock

With positive role models to follow, other companies can improve. This would instil a mindset and culture of leadership, accountability and responsibility across the sector. More coherent standards would be embedded across the industry would ensure workers at all levels are no longer siloed.

Education and training organisations would progressively incorporate these new standards. Over time, the workforce would rebuild knowledge and skills that are perceived to have largely disappeared.

It’s important to ensure clients help drive this too. By mandating or incentivising companies with safer supply chains, there’s a commercial imperative to do better.

Professional associations also have a role to play. They can support these efforts further by creating resources and advocating for best practice.

Making apartments safer requires a shift in the thinking of the entire construction industry. There are inventive ways to align quality with profitability. We must challenge the assumption that they are always irreconcilable.

Kerry London received funding from Australian Research Council. ARC Linkage Project “Constructing Building Integrity: Raising Standards for Professionalism” (LP 190101218).

Barbara Bok received funding from Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Project “Construction Building Integrity: Raising Standards through professionalism” (LP190101218)

Zelinna Pablo received funding from the Australian Research Council under the ARC Linkage Project “Constructing Building Integrity: Raising Standards for Professionalism” (LP 190101218).

ref. Building companies feel they must sacrifice quality for profits, but it doesn’t have to be this way – https://theconversation.com/building-companies-feel-they-must-sacrifice-quality-for-profits-but-it-doesnt-have-to-be-this-way-239821

Republicans once championed immigration in the US. Why has the party’s rhetoric – and public opinion – changed so dramatically?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Prudence Flowers, Senior Lecturer in US History, College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences, Flinders University

It might seem surprising today in the era of Donald Trump, but Republicans in the United States once championed immigration and supported pathways to citizenship for undocumented Americans.

In January 1989, Ronald Reagan’s final speech as president was an impassioned ode to the immigrants who made America “a nation forever young, forever bursting with energy and new ideas”.

Contrast this with Trump, who has normalised dehumanising rhetoric and policies against immigrants. In this year’s presidential campaign, for instance, he has referred to undocumented immigrants as “animals” who are “poisoning the blood of our country”.

Both Trump and his vice presidential running mate, JD Vance, also repeated a false story about Haitian “illegal aliens” eating pets in Springfield, Ohio.

Perhaps most troubling, Trump has pledged to launch “the largest deportation operation in the history of our country”, if he’s elected.

Immigration policies throughout history

Nativism, or anti-immigrant sentiment, has a long history in American politics.

In 1924, a highly restrictive immigration quota system based on racial and national origins was introduced. This law envisaged America as a white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant nation.

However, there was no restriction on immigrants from the Western Hemisphere. The agricultural and railroad sectors relied heavily on workers from Mexico.

In 1965, the quota system was replaced by visa preference categories for family and employment-based migrants, along with refugee and asylum slots.

Then, as violence and economic instability spread across Central America in the 1970s, there was a surge in undocumented immigration to the US.

Scholar Leo Chavez argues that in the late 1980s and early 1990s, an alarmist “Latino threat narrative” became the dominant motif in media discussions of immigration.

This narrative was frequently driven by Republican politicians in states on the US-Mexico border, who derived electoral advantage from amplifying voter anxieties.

The growing popularity of this negative discourse coincided with a significant increase in income inequality – a byproduct of neo-liberal policies championed by Reagan and other Republicans.




Read more:
Before Trump, there was a long history of race-baiting, fear-mongering and building walls on the US-Mexico border


A dramatic shift in Republican rhetoric

In the early-to-mid 20th century, Democrats were often the party that supported restrictive immigration and border policies.

However, most Republicans at the national level – strongly supported by business – tended to endorse policies that encouraged the easy flow of workers across the border and increased levels of legal immigration.

Prominent conservative Republicans also rejected vilifying rhetoric towards undocumented Americans. They presented all immigrants as pursuing opportunities for their families, a framing that emphasised a shared vision of the American dream. In this telling, their labour contributed to the economy and America’s growth and prosperity.

George H. W. Bush And Ronald Reagan debate immigration in a Republican primary debate in 1980.

Reagan, the most influential conservative of the late 20th century, opposed erecting a border wall and supported amnesty over deportation.

Reagan also strongly supported bipartisan immigration reform. In 1986, Congress passed an immigration act that increased border security funding, but also ensured 2.7 million undocumented immigrants, primarily of Latino background, were able to gain legal status.

Twenty years later, President George W. Bush and Republican Senator John McCain lobbied for a bipartisan bill that would have tightened border enforcement while simultaneously “legalising” an estimated 12 million undocumented immigrants. It was narrowly defeated.

This vocal support for immigrants by leading Republicans was striking because for much of the period between the late 1980s and the early 2000s, a majority of Americans actually wanted immigration levels reduced.

Then, around 2009, a dramatic shift in political rhetoric took place. The Tea Party movement brought border security and “racial resentment” towards immigrants centre stage, challenging conservative Republicans from the populist right.

As a result, more and more Republicans began to voice restrictionist and xenophobic rhetoric and support legislation aimed at cracking down on illegal immigration.

What’s surprising, though, is the number of undocumented immigrants in the US was actually declining at this time, from 12.2 million in 2007 to 10.7 million in 2016.

Donald Trump and the new nativism

In this worsening anti-immigrant climate, Trump descended a golden escalator in mid-2015 to launch his presidential campaign.

In his speech that day, immigration was front and centre. Trump vowed to “build a great wall” and accused Mexico of sending “rapists” and “criminals” to America.

His speeches during the presidential campaign were marked by frequent anti-Mexican assertions and calls for Islamophobic visa policies. This hostile stance on immigration was central to his victory in both the Republican primaries and the general election against Hillary Clinton.

Once in office, Trump then adopted a “zero tolerance” stance towards undocumented immigration. His administration pursued a heartrending family separation policy that split children and their undocumented parents at the border. This approach was celebrated on conservative media outlets such as Fox News.

During his presidency, he also reduced legal immigration by almost half, drastically cut America’s refugee intake, and introduced bans on people from Muslim-majority countries.

Policy expert David Bier concluded the goal of Republican lawmakers had shifted:

It really looks like the entire debate about illegality is not the main issue anymore for Republicans in both chambers of Congress. The main goal seems to be to reduce the number of foreigners in the United States to the greatest extent possible.

Indeed, Trump’s vision of the nation had overtly racial overtones.

In one 2018 meeting, he asked why America should accept immigrants from “shithole countries” like Haiti, El Salvador or the African continent. His preference was for Norwegian migrants.

Immigration as a major election theme

From 2021–2023, undocumented US-Mexico border crossings surged due to natural disasters, economic downturns and violence in many Latin American and Caribbean nations. Many of the recent arrivals are asylum seekers.

Though the numbers have fallen sharply in 2024, immigration and the border are still one of the top issues for voters across the political spectrum. The issue is particularly important in the key swing state of Arizona.

In 2024, Trump’s central immigration promise was encapsulated by the beaming delegates waving signs calling for “Mass Deportations Now” at the Republican National Convention.

The Trump-Vance ticket has blamed undocumented immigrants for almost every economic and social problem imaginable. The two candidates present them as a dangerous and subversive “other” that cannot be assimilated into mainstream American culture.

Yet Trump, as both president and candidate, has worked to prevent the passage of border security legislation. Turmoil on the border benefits him.

And his nativism now encompasses all forms of immigration – he has pledged to curb legal channels for people to enter the country, as well.

All of this rhetoric has had a dramatic impact on public opinion. Between 2016 and 2024, the number of people supporting the deportation of undocumented immigrants jumped from 32% to 47%.

In July 2024, 55% of Americans also said they wanted to see immigration levels decrease, a 14-point increase in one year.

Many Americans do not perceive immigration as a source of vitality and renewal as they had in the past. Instead, reflecting Trump’s language, they are viewing immigrants as an existential threat to the country’s future.

Prudence Flowers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Republicans once championed immigration in the US. Why has the party’s rhetoric – and public opinion – changed so dramatically? – https://theconversation.com/republicans-once-championed-immigration-in-the-us-why-has-the-partys-rhetoric-and-public-opinion-changed-so-dramatically-239836

The renewable energy hidden in our wastewater ponds – here’s how it could work

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Faith Jeremiah, Lecturer in Business Management (Entrepreneurship and Innovation), Lincoln University, New Zealand

Getty Images

New Zealand is confronting a perfect storm.

Its energy grid faces three pressing challenges at once: an unreliable electricity supply, strict emissions reduction targets and ongoing environmental issues related to wastewater ponds.

As the country prepares to meet growing energy demands, the variability of wind, solar and hydroelectric power has made year-round electricity generation hard to ensure.

Compounding the issue are New Zealand’s emissions targets and avoidable emissions from wastewater treatment plants.

We need immediate, practical solutions. One lies hidden within our wastewater systems.

Three challenges, one solution

In the search for viable renewable energy sources, one option is to install floating solar panels on wastewater ponds. However, the initial costs and environmental concerns related to manufacturing and disposal may pose temporary challenges.

A more immediate and cost-effective solution is already available: biogas membrane covers.

These covers generate continuous energy at half the cost of solar while addressing environmental concerns such as methane emissions and algal growth.

Even greater efficiency and environmental benefits are possible through combining biogas covers with heat systems and floating solar panels. Together, these three technologies suggest a multi-pronged solution that could help stabilise the grid, meet emissions targets and improve wastewater management.

Biogas from wasterwater

Methane emissions from wastewater ponds are a major environmental concern, contributing significantly to New Zealand’s overall greenhouse gas footprint. By installing biogas membrane covers, this methane can be captured before it escapes into the atmosphere, and instead be used to generate electricity.

This creates a year-round, consistent energy supply – something traditional renewables such as wind, solar and hydro cannot always guarantee.

From a cost perspective, biogas systems are about 50% cheaper to install than solar power per kilowatt of energy produced. Also, because these systems produce energy continuously, they are ten times more cost-effective than solar panels, which suffer from intermittency issues.

But beyond energy production, these covers offer other environmental benefits. They limit harmful emissions and curb ongoing complaints about unpleasant odours in neighbourhoods near wastewater treatment plants.

Excessive algal growth is a recurring problem for wastewater treatment plants.
Getty Images

Repurposing excess heat

While biogas systems have enormous potential, they do have one significant drawback. The heat generated during methane combustion can cause wastewater ponds to overheat, leading to operational challenges such as excessive algal growth.

This is where cogeneration or combined heat and power systems come into play.

These systems capture the excess heat from biogas combustion and convert it into additional electricity. This not only improves energy efficiency but also regulates the temperature of the wastewater ponds, helping to reduce algal growth and evaporation.

The third part of an integrated solution involves solar panels which can be installed on top of the biogas covers. While these are more expensive to install initially, they collectively contribute valuable gains. When installed on the surface of wastewater ponds, the panels generate additional renewable energy without taking up valuable land space.

Floating solar panels can also help manage the ponds themselves. By reducing sunlight penetration, they help limit the growth of algae.

Wastewater ponds as energy hubs

The beauty of an integrated approach is that it addresses several problems simultaneously.

By rethinking wastewater ponds as renewable energy hubs, New Zealand can turn an existing problem into a key part of the solution.

Biogas membrane covers provide immediate energy and emissions benefits. Combined heat and power systems boost efficiency by converting waste heat into electricity. And floating solar panels maximise renewable output while improving wastewater management.

Independently, these systems have been successful overseas. In Melbourne, methane from wastewater ponds is captured and converted into renewable energy, powering thousands of homes. Meanwhile, in parts of the United States, floating solar panels are increasingly being used to boost energy production while managing water systems.

The success of these projects provides a blueprint for New Zealand. By combining these technologies into cohesive systems, New Zealand could demonstrate how environmental challenges can be transformed into opportunities.

The future of renewable energy will require continued exploration and integration of emerging technologies, such as tandem solar cells capable of producing 60% more energy. These could be integrated into biogas membrane covers.

For now, though, an integration of biogas, heat and floating solar panels represents a significant step forward for New Zealand. It could generate enough power to supply about 27% of households with renewable energy from wastewater ponds, offering immediate relief from the electricity crisis while supporting emissions reduction targets.

Faith Jeremiah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The renewable energy hidden in our wastewater ponds – here’s how it could work – https://theconversation.com/the-renewable-energy-hidden-in-our-wastewater-ponds-heres-how-it-could-work-240300

We shouldn’t lock up young offenders with fetal alcohol spectrum disorder. Here are the alternatives

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth Jane Elliott, Professor of Paediatrics and Child Health, University of Sydney

Sabphoto/Shutterstock

Barely a month goes by without news of children and adolescents who are imprisoned and being mistreated in youth detention.

A new parliamentary inquiry is shining a light on this mistreatment. It’s investigating if youth detention facilities are complying with children’s human rights conventions, and the need for minimum standards of care.

This inquiry is an opportunity to consider alternatives to youth detention that support and rehabilitate children and adolescents who break the law. This is especially needed for those with disabilities relating to brain function (neurodisability), such as fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD).

FASD is a neurodevelopmental disability. It is caused by exposure to alcohol before birth, which injures the brain. We don’t have prevalence data in the general Australian population but we know it affects children from all demographics.

Here’s what we know about the incarceration of children and adolescents with FASD – and what we could do instead.

Imprisoning children from age 10

Children as young as ten years may be incarcerated in Australia.

But prison is not a solution to youth crime. Imprisonment without care can cause harm and entrench disadvantage.

Young people’s brains experience a period of rapid development between ten and 14 and aren’t able to make complex moral decisions.

Children and adolescents with FASD may have cognitive impairment affecting their ability to think, learn, make decisions and remember, or intellectual disability. Their mental age may therefore be significantly lower than their chronological age.

FASD makes it harder to understand

FASD affects children and adolescents’ motivation before committing a crime and their capacity to comprehend the consequences.

Due to their brain injury, children and adolescents with FASD are often impulsive, easily misled and can’t distinguish right from wrong. They may not learn from past experiences.

When they’re in the justice system, they may be suggestible. Poor memory may make it difficult for them to provide reliable witness statements. Due to poor language and communication skills, they may misunderstand court orders, leading to non-compliance.

Rates of FASD are high among young people in the youth justice system. An estimated one in three detainees in Australia has FASD. But many adolescents in contact with the justice system have un-diagnosed FASD and complex needs.

Internationally, young people with FASD are 19 times more likely to be jailed than people without FASD.

Diverting adolescents from prisons

The Productivity Commission’s 2024 report on government services found diversion programs reduced youth re-offending.

It also found diversion programs were significantly cheaper than incarceration. In 2022–2023, the average cost for each adolescent under community-based supervision was A$305 per day, compared to $2,827 per day for adolescents in custody.

In a 2024 report, National Children’s Commissioner Anne Hollonds recommended expanding evidence-based youth justice diversion programs:

Tragically, by not addressing their human rights early on, and instead taking a punitive approach to their offending, we are essentially criminalising some of the most vulnerable children in Australia.

So what do these programs look like?

Many countries have moved from a justice system to a welfare system, which is especially appropriate for adolescents with disabilities like FASD.

Ireland ended the imprisonment of children aged under 18 years in 2017. Children under 18 can now be sent to children detention campuses, which have games rooms and bedrooms instead of cells.

Scotland closed its youth prisons in 2024.

Spain has long used an in-patient approach. Adolescents live in a therapeutic environment with compassionate contact with professionally trained staff.

Youth worker supports young person
Other countries are replacing child prisons with theraptutic environments and compassionate staff.
Shutterstock/SeventyFour

Successful Australian initiatives offer a foundation for a new model of youth justice.

The Yiriman Project, for example, is run by Elders near Fitzroy Crossing in Western Australia, where rates of FASD are high. The project takes Aboriginal young people at risk of offending onto remote country to engage in culturally based activities, such as assisting Indigenous rangers to care for country. A three-year review of the Yiriman project found positive outcomes for Aboriginal youth with FASD.

Research shows it’s crucial that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are involved in the design of any programs that affect their communities.

Early detection to prevent re-offending

Early identification of FASD allows children to receive appropriate intervention and support to enhance their social and emotional wellbeing. This may prevent them from re-offending and improve their life trajectory.

FASD assessments are available nationally. Support services for young people with FASD aim to improve their health and wellbeing, address secondary disability, and reduce exposure to risks such as substance use.

For young people who have offended, intensive community-based support programs improve young people’s access to education, life skills and heath-care access. Therapeutic and diversionary activities can also strengthen family relationships, which are crucial to successful community reintegration.

What needs to happen next?

Governments need to invest in evidence-based diversion programs for children and adolescents who commit serious crimes.

These programs provide rehabilitation and support and are effective, compassionate and cost-efficient.

Governments also need to urgently up-skill justice professionals to improve their recognition and assessment of adolescents with FASD and other neurodevelopmental problems.

Early identification and understanding of young people with challenges such as FASD and cognitive impairment will enhance the young person’s health and mental health outcomes, prevent youth crime and benefit society.

The Conversation

Elizabeth Jane Elliott receives funding from the Australian Department of Health and the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, including a Leadership Fellowship. She is a Board Director of NOFASD Australia and Royal Far West and is an Advisor in Child Health to UNICEF Australia.

Fiona Robards is affiliated with the Public Health Association of Australia, the Australian Child Rights Taskforce and Australian Association for Adolescent Health.

ref. We shouldn’t lock up young offenders with fetal alcohol spectrum disorder. Here are the alternatives – https://theconversation.com/we-shouldnt-lock-up-young-offenders-with-fetal-alcohol-spectrum-disorder-here-are-the-alternatives-239318

Everybody wants this – what makes a great TV kiss?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Phoebe Hart, Associate Professor, Film Screen & Animation, Queensland University of Technology

Netflix/IMDB

There is a lot of talk about the hot onscreen chemistry between actors Kristin Bell and Adam Brody in the hit new Netflix series, Nobody Wants This. Based loosely on series creator Erin Foster’s own romance with husband Simon Tikhman, the irreverent romcom follows a sex podcasters’ whirlwind love affair with a rabbi.

Notably, the sensual first kiss between the couple on a Los Angeles sidewalk one evening two episodes in has tongues wagging. But this is not the first case of opposites attract on TV nor, arguably, the steamiest small-screen smooch.

The onscreen kiss has a long and storied history. Many viewers form strong connections with characters they enjoy and consider them friends – called parasocial relationships – more so when story lines lean towards love.

Seeing caresses on screen can trigger the same neurons that fire when we lock lips in real life, making certain scenes very memorable and oh-so-marketable. Here are some of the best and the ingredients that make them great.

From friends to lovers

What fan of Friends could forget the classic first kiss when Rachel watches an old prom video and finally realises the depth of Ross’ feelings for her? Or when Jim on The Office (US) confesses his unrequited love for Pam, leading to an impassioned embrace? Both are preceded by a long, slow burn that heightens anticipation.

More than colleagues then.

Other kisses are more technically or narratively ambitious. Game of Thrones’ Jon Snow and Ygritte (real-life married couple Kit Harington and Rose Leslie) share a sizzling embrace in the geothermal springs of Grjótagjá, an Icelandic lava cave –although the actual location is only used in the establishing shots.

‘You know nothing Jon Snow.’

On New Girl, Jess and Nick share an unpredicted pash at the end of an episode called Cooler. Jess (Zooey Deschanel) has been left out of her male housemates’ night of carousing because Nick believes she ruins his chances of scoring. It turns out he has a willing kissing partner closer to home.

A sudden New Girl make-out sesh.

Challenging the script

Unexpected televisual trysts confront cultural scripts about romance. They can challenge viewer expectations about sex and relationships more generally. As such, some kisses have longstanding impact.

Take for example Star Trek’s interracial kiss between Kirk and Uhura in 1968, for which actor Nichelle Nichols recalled receiving an overwhelmingly positive reaction.

‘I’m not afraid. I am not … afraid.’

Dawson’s Creek characters Jake and Ethan were celebrated for being the first men to kiss on prime-time American television in 2000 (two women had already kissed on L.A. Law in 1991).

Australian television set the standard for gay men and women kissing in the 1970s and, more recently, Franky and Bridget found a lusty forbidden bond in the prison drama Wentworth.

‘You’ve got tickets on yourself.’

Future connections

How we might connect in the future have also been a part of televisual treatments of intimacy.

In Black Mirror’s San Junipero the creators explore the possibility of elderly bodies inhabiting their younger sexual selves via simulated reality. And then there’s the time The Doctor saved Rose’s life by absorbing a power vortex in her body via his lips in The Parting of the Ways episode of Doctor Who.

‘I think you need a doctor.’

Extreme close up

From the lighting and framing to the perfect music, there is a lot that goes into a kissing scene. All this can add up to a moment that prompts audiences to think about highlights from their own kissing histories – or their desired futures.

Typically screen kisses last longer than in real life, and research suggests some audience expectations of their own sex lives are unrealistically influenced by what they see on TV. In other words, if you’re expecting the same intensity or duration as Joanne and Noah on Nobody Wants This on your next first date, you should probably modify your expectations.

Today, filming kisses can be challenging and consent is an important part of the production process both onscreen and off. The role of an intimacy coordinator behind the scenes is still relatively new (and we don’t know if this Netflix production had one). But it’s clear when watching the hyped Nobody Wants This scene that both characters are willing kissers.

There apparently wasn’t much detailed planning involved, other than an objective to capture the “best kiss ever”. Their job well done adds to a pantheon of pashes that will be remembered (and replayed) fondly.

The Conversation

Phoebe Hart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Everybody wants this – what makes a great TV kiss? – https://theconversation.com/everybody-wants-this-what-makes-a-great-tv-kiss-240792

Canadian urban mobility is woefully lacking, but building a better future is still possible

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Betsy Donald, Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University, Ontario

Canadian cities are falling behind globally when it comes to efficiently moving people. Long commute times, high congestion rates and infrastructure that is vulnerable to climate change are symptoms of a mobility crisis.

Mobility is an essential public good, and modern policies aim to move people in a safe, efficient, accessible and non-polluting way. However, the COVID-19 pandemic exposed and worsened existing vulnerabilities in Canada’s urban mobility systems, undermining progress toward these goals.

Our new book, Urban Mobility: How the iPhone, COVID, and Climate Changed Everything, explores how technology, the pandemic and climate change have shaped, and continue to shape, urban mobility, particularly for those with inadequate transportation networks.

Population growth outpacing transit

One of the primary challenges Canadian cities face is that they have grown faster than their sustainable transportation options. While urban populations have expanded, investment in public transportation has not kept pace, resulting in a gap between capacity and potential.

The COVID-19 pandemic also impacted city life in profound ways, and urban life and economies in Canada are still being affected to this day. Remote work became the norm for many, reducing the number of people commuting and causing a significant drop in public transit ridership.

Additionally, the shift to hybrid work has permanently altered how Canadians engage with their cities. People are shopping online more, using public transit less, and central business districts and physical retail spaces are seeing less foot traffic.

Urban economies, which have been designed to rely heavily on the movement and presence of large numbers of people through public transit and local businesses, are still grappling with this new reality. Activity levels, for instance, are down by about 20 per cent from pre-pandemic levels in many downtown spaces still.

Tech platforms and mobility

Digital platform firms like Zoom, Uber, Amazon and Instacart adapted quickly during the pandemic, offering safe work-from-home options, private transportation and online shopping services to people. These platforms disrupted the traditional urban economic model, which relies on transit, physical stores and foot traffic.

Ride-hailing services drew passengers and their fares away from local economies into foreign-owned ride-hailing companies. Transit systems not only depend on the massive built public infrastructure, but also passenger fares and other government funding to maintain the public system over time.

In addition, these tech platform companies come with equity and accessibility concerns. Research on the use of ride-hailing and public transit during the pandemic found that its usage in Toronto was clearly organized along class, neighbourhood and social lines. People identifying as one or more of the following were more likely to continue riding transit during the pandemic: low-income, immigrant, racialized, essential workers and car-less, in large part because other options were not available to them.

Similarly, in Calgary, private technology experiments in electric scooters privileged wealthier neighbourhoods. Electric scooters were used more in wealthier neighbourhoods, and as poverty levels increased at the neighbourhood level, the use of them dropped. The researchers concluded that greater attention needs to be paid to ensuring all communities, regardless of economic status, have access to micro-mobility options.

Canada has a history of importing technological solutions, rather than creating its own. Montréal, however, offers a successful example with its Bixi bike program, the third largest bike share system in North America after New York and Chicago, with 11,000 bikes and almost 900 stations. A non-profit runs the program, Rio Tinto Alcan provides aluminum for the bikes and Cycles Devinci manufactures them in Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean.

Canadian cities need to build innovation opportunities that promote economic development and improve mobility at the same time. Canada’s technology sector is woefully undersupported at present.

Bixi bikes stand on Sainte-Catherine Street in Montréal in August 2019. The City of Montréal bought the bike sharing system in 2014 and created a non-profit entity to run the bike sharing operations.
(Shutterstock)

Climate crisis intensifying challenges

The third, and perhaps most pressing challenge facing Canadian cities is the growing climate crisis. Cities are both instigators and victims of climate change. They contribute significantly to greenhouse gas emissions, but are also heavily impacted by severe weather events, heat waves and other side effects.

These impacts are becoming increasingly concerning with the intensification of wildfires, urban flooding and other extreme weather events.

By the end of the 20th century, most large Canadian cities were heavily investing in strategies to encourage people to use alternatives to cars, such as transit, light rail, biking and walking.

However, shifting priorities, ideologies and budgetary adjustments led to government cutbacks to transit funding and a lack of new transportation innovation. In Ontario, for example, the government continues to push unrealistic road-building ideas at the expense of more active transit options.

This failure to effectively move people around has left an opening for new mobility experiments led by private companies, but some of these programs don’t really integrate well into the Canadian urban mobility ecosystem. Many of these mobility options — such as ride-hailing — are also costly and exclusive. Others, like electronic scooters, can lead to e-waste.

Building a better future

The disruptions caused by technology, the pandemic and climate change are reshaping how people and goods move in cities. To build a better future, Canadian cities must address the interconnected challenges of three transitions: digital, health and environmental.

While all sectors need to invest, strong leadership and policy action from governments at all levels is needed to create a more climate-friendly, economically vibrant and equitable urban mobility future. Governments will need to embrace bold, innovative solutions that address all three of these challenges.

This means policy frameworks that reduce carbon emissions through climate action plans, leveraging political will and funding in efforts to shift away from private automobiles and toward transit, bike lanes and pedestrian pathways, and experimenting with digital mobility services while still prioritizing sustainability.

Betsy Donald receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Shauna Brail receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. Canadian urban mobility is woefully lacking, but building a better future is still possible – https://theconversation.com/canadian-urban-mobility-is-woefully-lacking-but-building-a-better-future-is-still-possible-239679

AI is a multi-billion dollar industry. It’s underpinned by an invisible and exploited workforce

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ganna Pogrebna, Executive Director, AI and Cyber Futures Institute, Charles Sturt University

Olena Yakobchuk/Shutterstock

In dusty factories, cramped internet cafes and makeshift home offices around the world, millions of people sit at computers tediously labelling data.

These workers are the lifeblood of the burgeoning artificial intelligence (AI) industry. Without them, products such as ChatGPT simply would not exist. That’s because the data they label helps AI systems “learn”.

But despite the vital contribution this workforce makes to an industry which is expected to be worth US$407 billion by 2027, the people who comprise it are largely invisible and frequently exploited. Earlier this year nearly 100 data labellers and AI workers from Kenya who do work for companies like Facebook, Scale AI and OpenAI published an open letter to United States President Joe Biden in which they said:

Our working conditions amount to modern day slavery.

To ensure AI supply chains are ethical, industry and governments must urgently address this problem. But the key question is: how?

What is data labelling?

Data labelling is the process of annotating raw data — such as images, video or text — so that AI systems can recognise patterns and make predictions.

Self-driving cars, for example, rely on labelled video footage to distinguish pedestrians from road signs. Large language models such as ChatGPT rely on labelled text to understand human language.

These labelled datasets are the lifeblood of AI models. Without them, AI systems would be unable to function effectively.

Tech giants like Meta, Google, OpenAI and Microsoft outsource much of this work to data labelling factories in countries such as the Philippines, Kenya, India, Pakistan, Venezuela and Colombia.

China is also becoming another global hub for data labelling.

Outsourcing companies that facilitate this work include Scale AI, iMerit, and Samasource. These are very large companies in their own right. For example, Scale AI, which is headquartered in California, is now worth US$14 billion.

Cutting corners

Major tech firms like Alphabet (the parent company of Google), Amazon, Microsoft, Nvidia and Meta have poured billions into AI infrastructure, from computational power and data storage to emerging computational technologies.

Large-scale AI models can cost tens of millions of dollars to train. Once deployed, maintaining these models requires continuous investment in data labelling, refinement and real-world testing.

But while AI investment is significant, revenues have not always met expectations. Many industries continue to view AI projects as experimental with unclear profitability paths.

In response, many companies are cutting costs which affect those at the very bottom of the AI supply chain who are often highly vulnerable: data labellers.

Low wages, dangerous working conditions

One way companies involved in the AI supply chain try to reduce costs is by employing large numbers of data labellers in countries in the Global South such as the Philippines, Venezuela, Kenya and India. Workers in these countries face stagnating or shrinking wages.

For example, an hourly rate for AI data labellers in Venezuela ranges from between 90 cents and US$2. In comparison, in the United States, this rate is between US$10 to US$25 per hour.

In the Philippines, workers labelling data for multi-billion dollar companies such as Scale AI often earn far below the minimum wage.

Some labelling providers even resort to child labour for labelling purposes.

But there are many other labour issues within the AI supply chain.

Many data labellers work in overcrowded and dusty environments which pose a serious risk to their health. They also often work as independent contractors, lacking access to protections such as health care or compensation.

The mental toll of data labelling work is also significant, with repetitive tasks, strict deadlines and rigid quality controls. Data labellers are also sometimes asked to read and label hate speech or other abusive language or material, which has been proven to have negative psychological effects.

Errors can lead to pay cuts or job losses. But labellers often experience lack of transparency on how their work is evaluated. They are often denied access to performance data, hindering their ability to improve or contest decisions.

Making AI supply chains ethical

As AI development becomes more complex and companies strive to maximise profits, the need for ethical AI supply chains is urgent.

One way companies can help ensure this is by applying a human right-centreed design, deliberation and oversight approach to the entire AI supply chain. They must adopt fair wage policies, ensuring data labellers receive living wages that reflect the value of their contributions.

By embedding human rights into the supply chain, AI companies can foster a more ethical, sustainable industry, ensuring that both workers’ rights and corporate responsibility align with long-term success.

Governments should also create new regulation which mandates these practices, encouraging fairness and transparency. This includes transparency in performance evaluation and personal data processing, allowing workers to understand how they are assessed and to contest any inaccuracies.

Clear payment systems and recourse mechanisms will ensure workers are treated fairly. Instead of busting unions, as Scale AI did in Kenya in 2024, companies should also support the formation of digital labour unions or cooperatives. This will give workers a voice to advocate for better working conditions.

As users of AI products, we all can advocate for ethical practices by supporting companies that are transparent about their AI supply chains and commit to fair treatment of workers. Just as we reward green and fair trade producers of physical goods, we can push for change by choosing digital services or apps on our smartphones that adhere to human rights standards, promoting ethical brands through social media, and voting with our dollars for accountability from tech giants on a daily basis.

By making informed choices, we all can contribute to more ethical practices across the AI industry.

The Conversation

Ganna Pogrebna does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. AI is a multi-billion dollar industry. It’s underpinned by an invisible and exploited workforce – https://theconversation.com/ai-is-a-multi-billion-dollar-industry-its-underpinned-by-an-invisible-and-exploited-workforce-240568

Oral vaccines could provide relief for people who suffer regular UTIs. Here’s how they work

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Iris Lim, Assistant Professor in Biomedical Science, Bond University

9nong/Shutterstock

In a recent TikTok video, Australian media personality Abbie Chatfield shared she was starting a vaccine to protect against urinary tract infections (UTIs).

Huge news for the UTI girlies. I am starting a UTI vaccine tonight for the first time.

Chatfield suffers from recurrent UTIs and has turned to the Uromune vaccine, an emerging option for those seeking relief beyond antibiotics.

But Uromune is not a traditional vaccine injected to your arm. So what is it and how does it work?

First, what are UTIs?

UTIs are caused by bacteria entering the urinary system. This system includes the kidneys, bladder, ureters (thin tubes connecting the kidneys to the bladder), and the urethra (the tube through which urine leaves the body).

The most common culprit is Escherichia coli (E. coli), a type of bacteria normally found in the intestines.

While most types of E. coli are harmless in the gut, it can cause infection if it enters the urinary tract. UTIs are particularly prevalent in women due to their shorter urethras, which make it easier for bacteria to reach the bladder.

Roughly 50% of women will experience at least one UTI in their lifetime, and up to half of those will have a recurrence within six months.

A diagram of the urinary system.
UTIs are caused by bacteria enterning the urinary system.
oxo7051/Shutterstock

The symptoms of a UTI typically include a burning sensation when you wee, frequent urges to go even when the bladder is empty, cloudy or strong-smelling urine, and pain or discomfort in the lower abdomen or back. If left untreated, a UTI can escalate into a kidney infection, which can require more intensive treatment.

While antibiotics are the go-to treatment for UTIs, the rise of antibiotic resistance and the fact many people experience frequent reinfections has sparked more interest in preventive options, including vaccines.

What is Uromune?

Uromune is a bit different to traditional vaccines that are injected into the muscle. It’s a sublingual spray, which means you spray it under your tongue. Uromune is generally used daily for three months.

It contains inactivated forms of four bacteria that are responsible for most UTIs, including E. coli. By introducing these bacteria in a controlled way, it helps your immune system learn to recognise and fight them off before they cause an infection. It can be classified as an immunotherapy.

A recent study involving 1,104 women found the Uromune vaccine was 91.7% effective at reducing recurrent UTIs after three months, with effectiveness dropping to 57.6% after 12 months.

These results suggest Uromune could provide significant (though time-limited) relief for women dealing with frequent UTIs, however peer-reviewed research remains limited.

Any side effects of Uromune are usually mild and may include dry mouth, slight stomach discomfort, and nausea. These side effects typically go away on their own and very few people stop treatment because of them. In rare cases, some people may experience an allergic reaction.

How can I access it?

In Australia, Uromune has not received full approval from the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), and so it’s not something you can just go and pick up from the pharmacy.

However, Uromune can be accessed via the TGA’s Special Access Scheme or the Authorised Prescriber pathway. This means a GP or specialist can apply for approval to prescribe Uromune for patients with recurrent UTIs. Once the patient has a form from their doctor documenting this approval, they can order the vaccine directly from the manufacturer.

A woman sitting on a couch taking a pill.
Antibiotics are the go-to treatment for UTIs – but scientists are looking at options to prevent them in the first place.
Photoroyalty/Shutterstock

Uromune is not covered under the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, meaning patients must cover the full cost out-of-pocket. The cost of a treatment program is around A$320.

Uromune is similarly available through special access programs in places like the United Kingdom and Europe.

Other options in the pipeline

In addition to Uromune, scientists are exploring other promising UTI vaccines.

Uro-Vaxom is an established immunomodulator, a substance that helps regulate or modify the immune system’s response to bacteria. It’s derived from E. coli proteins and has shown success in reducing UTI recurrences in several studies. Uro-Vaxom is typically prescribed as a daily oral capsule taken for 90 days.

FimCH, another vaccine in development, targets something called the adhesin protein that helps E. coli attach to urinary tract cells. FimCH is typically administered through an injection and early clinical trials have shown promising results.

Meanwhile, StroVac, which is already approved in Germany, contains inactivated strains of bacteria such as E. coli and provides protection for up to 12 months, requiring a booster dose after that. This injection works by stimulating the immune system in the bladder, offering temporary protection against recurrent infections.

These vaccines show promise, but challenges like achieving long-term immunity remain. Research is ongoing to improve these options.

No magic bullet, but there’s reason for optimism

While vaccines such as Uromune may not be an accessible or perfect solution for everyone, they offer real hope for people tired of recurring UTIs and endless rounds of antibiotics.

Although the road to long-term relief might still be a bit bumpy, it’s exciting to see innovative treatments like these giving people more options to take control of their health.

The Conversation

Iris Lim does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Oral vaccines could provide relief for people who suffer regular UTIs. Here’s how they work – https://theconversation.com/oral-vaccines-could-provide-relief-for-people-who-suffer-regular-utis-heres-how-they-work-240437

More workers are being forced back to the office – yet a new study shows flexibility is the best way to keep employees

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John L. Hopkins, Associate Professor of Management, Swinburne University of Technology

Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

Less than a month after Amazon announced employees would need to give up their flexible work arrangements and return to the office full-time, new research has reinforced the value of a flexible work culture.

The 2024 Employee Benefits Review, by consultancy firm Mercer, found 89% of Australian organisations still offer the option of working from home, with the average number of mandated office days stable at about three a week, the same as last year.

In this era of limited pay growth, businesses are also increasingly leveraging flexible work arrangements to attract and retain top talent, enhance employee engagement and foster a positive workplace culture.

The research shows some Australian workers are even prepared to take a pay cut for the sake of a more flexible work life. This and other findings conflict with a renewed push by some big businesses to get employees back to the office.

Businesses at odds with the research

Three weeks ago, Amazon CEO Andy Jassy issued a memo calling all employees back to the office five days a week.

Up to this point, the return to office (RTO) conversation had largely fallen silent for most of this year. Hybrid work arrangements were generally being accepted as the norm for office workers.

Amazon’s move has reignited the topic. Shortly after the Amazon announcement, Tabcorp CEO Gillon McLachlan ordered workers back to the office to improve performance and create “a winning culture”.

However, not everybody supports the idea, here or overseas. Senior executives at Google and Microsoft were quick to distance themselves. They reassured workers hybrid arrangements would stay as long as productivity levels didn’t fall.

What a new national survey found

Mercer’s report, released on October 2, is based on data from 502 Australian organisations across all major industry groups and sectors. It found flexible work – when managed well – can contribute to a positive workplace culture. It can also improve diversity and inclusion, while broadening the potential talent pool.

As well as letting people work from home, the report found 77% of participating firms allow staff to adjust their start and finish times. And 5% let their employees work four days instead of five at the same pay. This is commonly referred to as the 100:80:100 model of a four day work week.

Man dropping off two children to school
Many businesses gave employees the flexibility to change their start and finish times.
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

Four per cent of businesses offered a “compressed working year” – the ability to work the equivalent of 48 weeks in just 40 weeks. Another business was experimenting with letting staff work four years at 80% of salary, and take the fifth year as leave.

Mercer’s client engagement manager Don Barrera said

employers need to find the balance between the needs of their employees and the overall business objectives in order to create a benefits strategy that delivers value to all.

Changing culture

With flexible work now firmly embedded in many Australian companies, work culture is changing too.

Just under 60% now define their culture around “work-life balance.” This places greater emphasis on people, but not at the expense of performance.

This fits with 2021 research identifying positive links between flexibility, employee engagement, productivity and overall performance.

Workplace Gender Equality Agency research released earlier this year describes flexible work as “the key to workplace gender equality”.

Other studies have found flexible work increased potential employment opportunities for people with disabilities.

Flexibility also now extends beyond simply work arrangements. According to the Mercer research, it can include career development, training opportunities, parental leave, part-time work, annual leave, and support for financial wellbeing.

In recognition of cost-of-living pressures, 65% of organisations now offer health and wellbeing classes and 29% offer financial wellness programs. By broadening the scope of flexibility, businesses can better respond to their workforce’s evolving needs.

Everyone benefits

Both employers and employees can benefit from flexibility. For employees, it’s about improving work-life balance, with one-third now willing to forgo a 10% pay rise in favour of flexible, reduced hours, or a compressed work schedule.

For employers, the benefits are attracting and retaining top talent, fostering a positive workplace culture, and being able to adapt to changing market conditions with a skilled and engaged workforce.

By understanding the interconnection between these needs, firms can create a work culture that recognises employees have commitments and interests outside work. This can help employees achieve better work-life balance.

The Conversation

John L. Hopkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. More workers are being forced back to the office – yet a new study shows flexibility is the best way to keep employees – https://theconversation.com/more-workers-are-being-forced-back-to-the-office-yet-a-new-study-shows-flexibility-is-the-best-way-to-keep-employees-240649

Unprecedented peril: disaster lies ahead as we track towards 2.7°C of warming this century

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thomas Newsome, Associate Professor in Global Ecology, University of Sydney

You don’t have to look far to see what climate change is doing to the planet. The word “unprecedented” is everywhere this year.

We are seeing unprecedented rapidly intensifying tropical storms such as Hurricane Helene in the eastern United States and Super Typhoon Yagi in Vietnam. Unprecedented fires in Canada have destroyed towns. Unprecedented drought in Brazil has dried out enormous rivers and left swathes of empty river beds. At least 1,300 pilgrims died during this year’s Hajj in Mecca as temperatures passed 50°C.

Unfortunately, we are headed for far worse. The new 2024 State of the Climate report, produced by our team of international scientists, is yet another stark warning about the intensifying climate crisis. Even if governments meet their emissions goals, the world may hit 2.7°C of warming – nearly double the Paris Agreement goal of holding climate change to 1.5°C. Each year, we track 35 of the Earth’s vital signs, from sea ice extent to forests. This year, 25 are now at record levels, all trending in the wrong directions.

Humans are not used to these conditions. Human civilisation emerged over the last 10,000 years under benign conditions – not too hot, not too cold. But this liveable climate is now at risk. In your grandchild’s lifetime, climatic conditions will be more threatening than anything our prehistoric relatives would have faced.

Our report shows a continued rise in fossil fuel emissions, which remain at an all-time high. Despite years of warnings from scientists, fossil fuel consumption has actually increased, pushing the planet toward dangerous levels of warming. While wind and solar have grown rapidly, fossil fuel use is 14 times greater.

This year is also tracking for the hottest year on record, with global daily mean temperatures at record levels for nearly half of 2023 and much of 2024.

Next month, world leaders and diplomats will gather in Azerbaijan for the annual United Nations climate talks, COP 29. Leaders will have to redouble their efforts. Without much stronger policies, climate change will keep worsening, bringing with it more frequent and more extreme weather.



Bad news after bad news

We have still not solved the central problem: the routine burning of fossil fuels. Atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases – particularly methane and carbon dioxide – are still rising. Last September, carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere hit 418 parts per million (ppm). This September, they crossed 422 ppm. Methane, a highly potent greenhouse gas, has been increasing at an alarming rate despite global pledges to tackle it.

Compounding the problem is the recent decline in atmospheric aerosols from efforts to cut pollution. These small particles suspended in the air come from both natural and human processes, and have helped cool the planet. Without this cooling effect, the pace of global warming may accelerate. We don’t know for sure because aerosol properties are not yet measured well enough.

Other environmental issues are now feeding into climate change. Deforestation in critical areas such as the Amazon is reducing the planet’s capacity to absorb carbon naturally, driving additional warming. This creates a feedback loop, where warming causes trees to die which in turn amplifies global temperatures.

Loss of sea ice is another. As sea ice melts or fails to form, dark seawater is exposed. Ice reflects sunlight but seawater absorbs it. Scaled up, this changes the Earth’s albedo (how reflective the surface is) and accelerates warming further.

In coming decades, sea level rise will pose a growing threat to coastal communities, putting millions of people at risk of displacement.

Accelerate the solutions

Our report stresses the need for an immediate and comprehensive end to the routine use of fossil fuels.

It calls for a global carbon price, set high enough to drive down emissions, particularly from high-emitting wealthy countries.

Introducing effective policies to slash methane emissions is crucial, given methane’s high potency but short atmospheric lifetime. Rapidly cutting methane could slow the rate of warming in the short term.

Natural climate solutions such as reforestation and soil restoration should be rolled out to increase how much carbon is stored in wood and soil. These efforts must be accompanied by protective measures in wildfire and drought prone areas. There’s no point planting forests if they will burn.

Governments should introduce stricter land-use policies to slow down rates of land clearing and increase investment in forest management to cut the risk of large, devastating fires and encourage sustainable land use.

We cannot overlook climate justice. Less wealthy nations contribute least to global emissions but are often the worst affected by climate disasters.

Wealthier nations must provide financial and technical support to help these countries adapt to climate change while cutting emissions. This could include investing in renewable energy, improving infrastructure and funding disaster preparedness programs.

Internationally, our report urges stronger commitments from world leaders. Current global policies are insufficient to limit warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.

Without drastic changes, the world is on track for approximately 2.7°C of warming this century. To avoid catastrophic tipping points, nations must strengthen their climate pledges, reduce dependence on fossil fuels, and accelerate the transition to renewable energy.

Immediate, transformative policy changes are now necessary if we are to avoid the worst effects of climate change.

Climate change is already here. But it could get much, much worse. By slashing emissions, boosting natural climate solutions and working towards climate justice, the global community can still fend off the worst version of our future.

The Conversation

Thomas Newsome receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is immediate past-president of the Australasian Wildlife Management Society and President of the Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales.

William Ripple receives funding from the CO2 Foundation and University of Oregon donor Roger Worthington.

ref. Unprecedented peril: disaster lies ahead as we track towards 2.7°C of warming this century – https://theconversation.com/unprecedented-peril-disaster-lies-ahead-as-we-track-towards-2-7-c-of-warming-this-century-240549

Bhutan’s king is set to visit Australia for the first time. Here’s why thousands will line the streets to see him

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tashi Dema, PhD Candidate in Language and Politics, University of New England

Deki, a 23-year-old resident of the remote town of Armidale, NSW, has been sleepless with excitement since the Bhutanese embassy in Canberra announced an upcoming visit from Bhutan’s fifth monarch, King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck.

King Jigme Khesar will be visiting from October 10 to 16. It will be his first time in Australia, as well as the first ever visit from a Bhutanese head of state.

According to Bhutan’s ministry of foreign affairs and external trade, the king will meet with Australian government officials, business leaders and the Bhutanese community during his trip. Audiences with the king are scheduled in Sydney on October 12, Canberra on October 13, and Perth on October 16.

Deki will be travelling to Sydney by train on October 11 with about 60 people from Armidale’s Bhutanese community. The journey will take more than eight hours. Some residents will fly on the morning of October 12.

The Armidale residents have practised dances to present to the royal entourage. Their enthusiasm is palpable. With more than 35,000 Bhutanese people living in Australia, the embassy received an overwhelming number of registrations for the royal audience.

Chhimi Dorji, president of the Association of Bhutanese in Perth, said many Bhutanese residents applied for leave the moment the royal visit was announced. He said the community’s overwhelming excitement signifies a deep love and respect for the king.

A deep reverence for the king

Devotion to the king is ingrained in Bhutanese society; he is even considered a sacred figure. This love and respect stems from a view of the monarchy as a symbol of pride and unity.

My ongoing research on language and politics in Bhutan – as well as the many years I spent working there as a journalist – has revealed a genuine admiration for the king among the public. Research participants in rural Bhutan told me politicians should learn from the king in order to serve their people.

In 2008, King Jigme Khesar facilitated Bhutan’s transition from an absolute monarchy to a democratic constitutional monarchy. As party politics fragmented the small nation and divided people along party lines, the monarchy was seen as a beacon of hope.

The Bhutanese public’s devotion to its king defies theories which claim that the concept of the monarchy more broadly is becoming obsolete.

Serving the people

One reason King Jigme Khesar is so revered is because of his role in helping to build and advance Bhutan. During the pandemic, he was hailed for implementing pandemic response strategies and for visiting every nook and corner of the country to comfort citizens.

He has also implemented programs that provide important public services. For instance, Desuung, a volunteer training program that started in 2011, delivers volunteers for a variety of projects such as disaster operations and charity events. Another national service program, Gyalsung, was started this year.

Currently, the king is planning to develop the world’s first mindfulness city in Gelephu – a southern plain in Bhutan spanning more than 1,000 square kilometres – with hopes to attract foreign investment and encourage emigrated Bhutanese people to return.

Ahead of the royal visit, Sydney resident Tshering Palden said he and his children were clearly excited to greet King Jigme Khesar.

Besides other things, I am excited to hear about the developments around Gelephu Mindfulness City and how Bhutanese living abroad like me can be part of His Majesty’s brain child and the long-term nation building […]

Foreigners are also intrigued and very interested to know about the project and ask us a lot about it.

The Australian dream

As a landlocked country that really only made itself known to the world in 1999 (after internet and television were finally introduced), Bhutan is something of an enigma.

It is touted as the world’s happiest country, largely due to its uptake of a unique metric called “gross national happiness” in the 1970s. In 1972, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck (King Jigme Khesar’s father) proclaimed the country’s gross national happiness was an even more important measure of progress than gross domestic product (GDP).

Today, however, the tiny Himalayan country of about 800,000 people faces an existential crisis due to widespread unemployment and huge numbers of youth and young professionals moving overseas for a better future.

Australia remains a top destination for Bhutanese residents – and currently has more Bhutanese diaspora than any country in the world. Bhutan is also said to be Australia’s 14th largest source country for international students.

But despite living so far away, Bhutanese diaspora in Australia remain deeply rooted to their identity, culture and devotion to the monarchy. Most of them still celebrate the king’s birthday on February 21 each year, as well as Bhutan’s National Day on December 17.

Meanwhile, Deki – who has portraits of Jigme Khesar in her home in central Bhutan – says being able to meet the king will be a “dream come true”.

The Conversation

Tashi Dema does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Bhutan’s king is set to visit Australia for the first time. Here’s why thousands will line the streets to see him – https://theconversation.com/bhutans-king-is-set-to-visit-australia-for-the-first-time-heres-why-thousands-will-line-the-streets-to-see-him-239932

Republicans once championed immigration in the US. Now, under Trump, an ugly nativism has been normalised

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Prudence Flowers, Senior Lecturer in US History, College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences, Flinders University

It might seem surprising today in the era of Donald Trump, but Republicans in the United States once championed immigration and supported pathways to citizenship for undocumented Americans.

In January 1989, Ronald Reagan’s final speech as president was an impassioned ode to the immigrants who made America “a nation forever young, forever bursting with energy and new ideas”.

Contrast this with Trump, who has normalised dehumanising rhetoric and policies against immigrants. In this year’s presidential campaign, for instance, he has referred to undocumented immigrants as “animals” who are “poisoning the blood of our country”.

Both Trump and his vice presidential running mate, JD Vance, also repeated a false story about Haitian “illegal aliens” eating pets in Springfield, Ohio.

Perhaps most troubling, Trump has pledged to launch “the largest deportation operation in the history of our country”, if he’s elected.

Immigration policies throughout history

Nativism, or anti-immigrant sentiment, has a long history in American politics.

In 1924, a highly restrictive immigration quota system based on racial and national origins was introduced. This law envisaged America as a white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant nation.

However, there was no restriction on immigrants from the Western Hemisphere. The agricultural and railroad sectors relied heavily on workers from Mexico.

In 1965, the quota system was replaced by visa preference categories for family and employment-based migrants, along with refugee and asylum slots.

Then, as violence and economic instability spread across Central America in the 1970s, there was a surge in undocumented immigration to the US.

Scholar Leo Chavez argues that in the late 1980s and early 1990s, an alarmist “Latino threat narrative” became the dominant motif in media discussions of immigration.

This narrative was frequently driven by Republican politicians in states on the US-Mexico border, who derived electoral advantage from amplifying voter anxieties.

The growing popularity of this negative discourse coincided with a significant increase in income inequality – a byproduct of neo-liberal policies championed by Reagan and other Republicans.




Read more:
Before Trump, there was a long history of race-baiting, fear-mongering and building walls on the US-Mexico border


A dramatic shift in Republican rhetoric

In the early-to-mid 20th century, Democrats were often the party that supported restrictive immigration and border policies.

However, most Republicans at the national level – strongly supported by business – tended to endorse policies that encouraged the easy flow of workers across the border and increased levels of legal immigration.

Prominent conservative Republicans also rejected vilifying rhetoric towards undocumented Americans. They presented all immigrants as pursuing opportunities for their families, a framing that emphasised a shared vision of the American dream. In this telling, their labour contributed to the economy and America’s growth and prosperity.

George H. W. Bush And Ronald Reagan debate immigration in a Republican primary debate in 1980.

Reagan, the most influential conservative of the late 20th century, opposed erecting a border wall and supported amnesty over deportation.

Reagan also strongly supported bipartisan immigration reform. In 1986, Congress passed an immigration act that increased border security funding, but also ensured 2.7 million undocumented immigrants, primarily of Latino background, were able to gain legal status.

Twenty years later, President George W. Bush and Republican Senator John McCain lobbied for a bipartisan bill that would have tightened border enforcement while simultaneously “legalising” an estimated 12 million undocumented immigrants. It was narrowly defeated.

This vocal support for immigrants by leading Republicans was striking because for much of the period between the late 1980s and the early 2000s, a majority of Americans actually wanted immigration levels reduced.

Then, around 2009, a dramatic shift in political rhetoric took place. The Tea Party movement brought border security and “racial resentment” towards immigrants centre stage, challenging conservative Republicans from the populist right.

As a result, more and more Republicans began to voice restrictionist and xenophobic rhetoric and support legislation aimed at cracking down on illegal immigration.

What’s surprising, though, is the number of undocumented immigrants in the US was actually declining at this time, from 12.2 million in 2007 to 10.7 million in 2016.

Donald Trump and the new nativism

In this worsening anti-immigrant climate, Trump descended a golden escalator in mid-2015 to launch his presidential campaign.

In his speech that day, immigration was front and centre. Trump vowed to “build a great wall” and accused Mexico of sending “rapists” and “criminals” to America.

His speeches during the presidential campaign were marked by frequent anti-Mexican assertions and calls for Islamophobic visa policies. This hostile stance on immigration was central to his victory in both the Republican primaries and the general election against Hillary Clinton.

Once in office, Trump then adopted a “zero tolerance” stance towards undocumented immigration. His administration pursued a heartrending family separation policy that split children and their undocumented parents at the border. This approach was celebrated on conservative media outlets such as Fox News.

During his presidency, he also reduced legal immigration by almost half, drastically cut America’s refugee intake, and introduced bans on people from Muslim-majority countries.

Policy expert David Bier concluded the goal of Republican lawmakers had shifted:

It really looks like the entire debate about illegality is not the main issue anymore for Republicans in both chambers of Congress. The main goal seems to be to reduce the number of foreigners in the United States to the greatest extent possible.

Indeed, Trump’s vision of the nation had overtly racial overtones.

In one 2018 meeting, he asked why America should accept immigrants from “shithole countries” like Haiti, El Salvador or the African continent. His preference was for Norwegian migrants.

Immigration as a major election theme

From 2021–2023, undocumented US-Mexico border crossings surged due to natural disasters, economic downturns and violence in many Latin American and Caribbean nations. Many of the recent arrivals are asylum seekers.

Though the numbers have fallen sharply in 2024, immigration and the border are still one of the top issues for voters across the political spectrum. The issue is particularly important in the key swing state of Arizona.

In 2024, Trump’s central immigration promise was encapsulated by the beaming delegates waving signs calling for “Mass Deportations Now” at the Republican National Convention.

The Trump-Vance ticket has blamed undocumented immigrants for almost every economic and social problem imaginable. The two candidates present them as a dangerous and subversive “other” that cannot be assimilated into mainstream American culture.

Yet Trump, as both president and candidate, has worked to prevent the passage of border security legislation. Turmoil on the border benefits him.

And his nativism now encompasses all forms of immigration – he has pledged to curb legal channels for people to enter the country, as well.

All of this rhetoric has had a dramatic impact on public opinion. Between 2016 and 2024, the number of people supporting the deportation of undocumented immigrants jumped from 32% to 47%.

In July 2024, 55% of Americans also said they wanted to see immigration levels decrease, a 14-point increase in one year.

Many Americans do not perceive immigration as a source of vitality and renewal as they had in the past. Instead, reflecting Trump’s language, they are viewing immigrants as an existential threat to the country’s future.

Prudence Flowers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Republicans once championed immigration in the US. Now, under Trump, an ugly nativism has been normalised – https://theconversation.com/republicans-once-championed-immigration-in-the-us-now-under-trump-an-ugly-nativism-has-been-normalised-239836

Will the Earth warm by 2°C or 5.5°C? Either way it’s bad, and trying to narrow it down may be a distraction

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonny Williams, Climate Scientist, University of Reading

Getty Images

Climate change is usually discussed in terms of rising temperatures.

But scientists often use a different measure, known as “equilibrium climate sensitivity”. This is defined as the global mean warming caused by a doubling of pre-industrial carbon dioxide (CO₂) levels in the atmosphere.

We use this measure to describe the range of potential temperature increases on longer timescales, and to compare how well climate models reproduce observed warming.

But the predicted range of rising temperature has remained stubbornly wide, somewhere between 2°C and 5.5°C of warming, as assessed in several generations of reports issued by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. This is despite concerted efforts to narrow it down.


Figure from Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to show that Earth's climate sensitivity covers a wide range.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has assessed Earth’s climate sensitivity in each of its reports.
IPCC, CC BY-SA

Measuring long-term climate sensitivity is central to future predictions, but we are already seeing the effects of warming across the world with extremes in weather, even at the low end of the range. We argue efforts to boil down Earth’s response to climate change to one number may be unhelpful.

The continued uncertainty could be seen as a failure of climate models to converge on the correct value. Using equilibrium climate sensitivity as a metric for “precisely” predicting the amount of warming expected from a given amount of greenhouse gases is, at best, ambiguous.

History of climate sensitivity

About a century before the first computational estimates of Earth’s climate sensitivity were published in 1967, the Swedish physicist and 1903 Nobel laureate Svante August Arrhenius was the first to estimate values at 4-6°C.

Since the early efforts to model Earth systems, computer simulations have steadily increased in complexity. The first models only simulated the atmosphere, but they have evolved to include vegetation, processes in the ocean and sea ice.

While undoubtedly beneficial to the understanding of fundamental science, each of these added processes has introduced uncertainties in the models’ warming response.

Indeed, given the level of complexity (which differs between models) and resolution of some current models, it is not surprising the estimates of climate sensitivity differ so much.

Self-enforcing feedbacks

Climate feedbacks are central to our argument that equilibrium climate sensitivity is poorly defined. An example of this is the relationship between ice volume and reflectivity.

As highly reflective ice melts on land or sea, the underlying surface is exposed and less sunlight reflected back into space. This increases the amount of warming for a given amount of greenhouse gases. It’s what scientists refer to as a positive feedback loop.

Another such self-enforcing feedback concerns potentially large climate impacts from the release of methane from tropical wetlands and permafrost melt.

Atmosphere models can’t account for this alone, and when they are coupled with an ice-sheet or sea-ice model, the estimate of climate sensitivity changes.

Melting permafrost on Svalbard, ice covered in mossy vegetation
Melting permafrost, such as seen here on Svalbard, represents a climate feedback loop, increasing the amount of warming for a given amount of greenhouse gases.
Getty Images

Overheated arguments

It quickly became apparent when studying some recent climate model results that some simulations are producing equilibrium climate sensitivity ranges noticeably higher than before.

In some models, this has been linked to larger self-enhancing cloud feedbacks and how aerosols are represented.

There has been some hesitancy to trust the results produced by these models. They are considered “too hot”.

But we feel these high equilibrium simulations still have value. While we are not arguing they are correct, they force us to consider the what-if situation of very high climate sensitivity, where a doubling of CO₂ would result in warming of 5°C or higher. We know the impact on our environment would be devastating.

Some view high equilibrium climate sensitivity as more consistent with warmer climates in the past, but others have questioned this.

There are several reasons why past climate sensitivity may differ from modern conditions. We may be in a different phase of Earth’s orbital cycles or the balance between volcanism and weathering.

Of course, we should treat all scientific results with caution, but the potential insights gained for uncertain futures are of particular importance when climate change is already being felt across the globe.

Where to from here?

We are continually improving our understanding of the climate – how it has changed in the past and how we think it may change in the future. Equilibrium climate sensitivity has consequently become the single solution we are seeking from climate models, even though the precise value will arguably never be known.

Equilibrium climate sensitivity is undoubtedly a convenient way of distilling future projections. However, it is important not to over-rely on an idealised quantity, because its utility as a useful comparative measure of climate models can give the false impression of a lack of progress in understanding.

There is similarity with the common misconception of a 50% probability of rainfall in a weather forecast, which is often misinterpreted as forecasters not knowing whether it will rain or not.

Communicating uncertainty in projections of future climate conditions is a “wicked” problem. But we risk losing perspective of Earth’s system response by focusing on the effort to make climate models agree on one measure. This is not the answer future generations need.

The Conversation

Jonny Williams receives funding from the Deep South National Science Challenge.

Georgia Rose Grant receives funding from MBIE Strategic Science Investment Fund.

ref. Will the Earth warm by 2°C or 5.5°C? Either way it’s bad, and trying to narrow it down may be a distraction – https://theconversation.com/will-the-earth-warm-by-2-c-or-5-5-c-either-way-its-bad-and-trying-to-narrow-it-down-may-be-a-distraction-229497

Physics Nobel awarded to neural network pioneers who laid foundations for AI

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aaron J. Snoswell, Research Fellow in AI Accountability, Queensland University of Technology

The 2024 Nobel Prize in Physics has been awarded to scientists John Hopfield and Geoffrey Hinton “for foundational discoveries and inventions that enable machine learning with artificial neural networks”.

Inspired by ideas from physics and biology, Hopfield and Hinton developed computer systems that can memorise and learn from patterns in data. Despite never directly collaborating, they built on each other’s work to develop the foundations of the current boom in machine learning and artificial intelligence (AI).

What are neural networks? (And what do they have to do with physics?)

Artificial neural networks are behind much of the AI technology we use today.

In the same way your brain has neuronal cells linked by synapses, artificial neural networks have digital neurons connected in various configurations. Each individual neuron doesn’t do much. Instead, the magic lies in the pattern and strength of the connections between them.

Neurons in an artificial neural network are “activated” by input signals. These activations cascade from one neuron to the next in ways that can transform and process the input information. As a result, the network can carry out computational tasks such as classification, prediction and making decisions.

Infographic comparing natural and artificial neurons.

Johan Jarnestad / The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences

Most of the history of machine learning has been about finding ever more sophisticated ways to form and update these connections between artificial neurons.

While the foundational idea of linking together systems of nodes to store and process information came from biology, the mathematics used to form and update these links came from physics.

Networks that can remember

John Hopfield (born 1933) is a US theoretical physicist who made important contributions over his career in the field of biological physics. However, the Nobel Physics prize was for his work developing Hopfield networks in 1982.

Hopfield networks were one of the earliest kinds of artificial neural networks. Inspired by principles from neurobiology and molecular physics, these systems demonstrated for the first time how a computer could use a “network” of nodes to remember and recall information.

The networks Hopfield developed could memorise data (such as a collection of black and white images). These images could be “recalled” by association when the network is prompted with a similar image.

Although of limited practical use, Hopfield networks demonstrated that this type of ANN could store and retrieve data in new ways. They laid the foundation for later work by Hinton.

Infographic showing how a neural network can store information as a kind of 'landscape'.

Johan Jarnestad / The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences

Machines that can learn

Geoff Hinton (born 1947), sometimes called one of the “godfathers of AI”, is a British-Canadian computer scientist who has made a number of important contributions to the field. In 2018, along with Yoshua Bengio and Yann LeCun, he was awarded the Turing Award (the highest honour in computer science) for his efforts to advance machine learning generally, and specifically a branch of it called deep learning.

The Nobel Prize in Physics, however, is specifically for his work with Terrence Sejnowski and other colleagues in 1984, developing Boltzmann machines.

These are an extension of the Hopfield network that demonstrated the idea of machine learning – a system that lets a computer learn not from a programmer, but from examples of data. Drawing from ideas in the energy dynamics of statistical physics, Hinton showed how this early generative computer model could learn to store data over time by being shown examples of things to remember.

Infographic showing different types of neural network.

Johan Jarnestad / The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences

The Boltzmann machine, like the Hopfield network before it, did not have immediate practical applications. However, a modified form (called the restricted Boltzmann machine) was useful in some applied problems.

More important was the conceptual breakthrough that an artificial neural network could learn from data. Hinton continued to develop this idea. He later published influential papers on backpropagation (the learning process used in modern machine learning systems) and convolutional neural networks (the main type of neural network used today for AI systems that work with image and video data).

Why this prize, now?

Hopfield networks and Boltzmann machines seem whimsical compared to today’s feats of AI. Hopfield’s network contained only 30 neurons (he tried to make one with 100 nodes, but it was too much for the computing resources of the time), whereas modern systems such as ChatGPT can have millions. However, today’s Nobel prize underscores just how important these early contributions were to the field.

While recent rapid progress in AI – familiar to most of us from generative AI systems such as ChatGPT – might seem like vindication for the early proponents of neural networks, Hinton at least has expressed concern. In 2023, after quitting a decade-long stint at Google’s AI branch, he said he was scared by the rate of development and joined the growing throng of voices calling for more proactive AI regulation.

After receiving the Nobel prize, Hinton said AI will be “like the Industrial Revolution but instead of our physical capabilities, it’s going to exceed our intellectual capabilities”. He also said he still worries that the consequences of his work might be “systems that are more intelligent than us that might eventually take control”.

The Conversation

Aaron J. Snoswell receives funding from OpenAI in 2024.

ref. Physics Nobel awarded to neural network pioneers who laid foundations for AI – https://theconversation.com/physics-nobel-awarded-to-neural-network-pioneers-who-laid-foundations-for-ai-240833

Government to put pressure on opposition with legislation to ensure NBN stays in public hands

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Albanese government on Wednesday will introduce legislation to ensure the NBN remains in government ownership.

The move is designed to set up a test for the Coalition, putting pressure on the opposition ahead of the election to declare whether it would try to privatise the NBN.

The government said in a statement from Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher and Communications Minister Michelle Rowland: “The Coalition rushed to declare the NBN ‘complete’ so they could put it on the block for sale – selling out Australian consumers and regional communities.

“The Albanese government won’t let that happen. This legislation will ensure the NBN is owned by who it belongs to – the Australian people.”

The upgrades the government had undertaken “are already making a real difference in the lives of Australians through faster, more reliable internet access. Keeping the NBN in public hands will lock in affordable and accessible high speed internet for all Australians for generations to come.”

Albanese said:“The Coalition made a mess of the NBN – my government is getting on with the job of fixing it and making sure it stays in public hands, where it belongs.”

Rowland said: “Australians don’t trust the Coalition not to flog off the NBN just like they did with Telstra, resulting in higher prices and poorer services, especially in the regions.”

Downgraded

The Rudd Labor government announced what was to be a predominantly fibre-to-the-home wholesale network in 2009, promising it would cost $43 billion and later be privatised to claw back the expense.

In 2010 Communications Minister Stephen Conroy said Labor “remained firmly committed to selling its stake in NBN Co after the network was fully built and operational, subject to market conditions and security considerations”.

By 2020 the government was estimated to have spent $51 billion on a scaled-down version of the project completed using a mix of technologies.

In June that year a review by the Parliamentary Budget Office put its fair value at $8.7 billion.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Government to put pressure on opposition with legislation to ensure NBN stays in public hands – https://theconversation.com/government-to-put-pressure-on-opposition-with-legislation-to-ensure-nbn-stays-in-public-hands-240807

From mass deportations to huge tariff hikes, here’s what Trump’s economic program would do to the US and Australia

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Prashantrajsingh/Shutterstock

It’s time to take Donald Trump seriously. Betting markets say it’s as likely as not he will be elected US president four weeks from today.

And unlike in 2016 when his program wasn’t clearly defined, he has set out plainly what he intends to do. Which means it’s possible to model the consequences.

The three Trump promises with the greatest economic impact are

  • the deportation of millions of US residents

  • steep restrictions on imports, especially from China

  • presidential influence over interest rates.

The best way to model the consequences is with an established model of the kind used by the International Monetary Fund and central banks around the world rather than one set up for the purpose that could be seen as designed to favour or not favour Trump.

The Washington-based Peterson Institute for International Economics has just done that, noting that during Trump’s first term as president he “by and large” did what he said he would do.

It finds

ironically, despite his ‘make the foreigners pay rhetoric’, Trump’s package of policies does more damage to the US economy than to any other in the world.

No other country in the world would be hurt by Trump’s program as much as the US – not even China – although several US allies would suffer, including Australia, which would be the fourth-worst hit by the most extreme version of what Trump is proposing.

Peterson Institute for International Economics.

Mass deportations

Trump has repeatedly promised the “largest domestic deportation operation in American history,” targeting up to 20 million unauthorised immigrants, including about 8.3 million thought to be in the workforce.

He says his model is Operation Wetback – a 1956 Eisenhower administration program that used military-style tactics to deport 1.3 million Mexicans.

The institute says Eisenhower’s success makes it easy to believe Trump could remove 1.3 million immigrant workers. It has modelled two scenarios: removing 1.3 million and 8.3 million, both over two years in 2025 and 2026.

Both slash employment, including the employment of non-immigrants, both push up inflation, which eventually is brought under control, and both make the US a less attractive place to invest, which benefits much of the rest of the world.

The institute says the low and high scenarios differ “only by the degree of damage inflicted on people, households, firms, and the overall economy”.

Huge tariff hikes

Trump wants to increase every tariff on goods imported to the US by 10 percentage points, including where there is at present no tariff. And he wants at least a 60% tariff on imports from China. The institute has modelled both, with and without retaliatory tariffs from China and the rest of the world.

It finds, unsurprisingly, that extra tariffs push up the price of US imports and the prices of US-produced goods that compete with imports. Many are used as inputs in manufacturing, which means US manufacturing suffers (which is probably not what Trump had in mind).

Fewer imports mean less demand for foreign exchange within the US, which means a higher US dollar which makes US exports less competitive. The US economy is weaker as a result, although China’s is weaker still and Australia’s is weakened as much as the US given its role in providing resources to China.

Nobbling the Fed

Trump has raised the prospect of more presidential influence over interest rates, saying he thinks he has “a better instinct than, in many cases” the board of US Federal Reserve. This could be achieved by requiring the president to be consulted on rate decisions or by appointing a compliant chair.

However it’s done, the institute’s “conservative” assumption based on what happens in developing countries with less central bank independence is that it will push inflation two percentage points higher.

The modelled result is capital flight. While the US economy is initially stronger than it would have been because of the Fed’s willingness to tolerate higher inflation, after a few years it is weaker and every other economy is stronger.

When all the measures are combined, under the extreme scenarios the US economy is 6.7% weaker than it would have been by 2035 and Australia’s is 0.2% weaker. Under the more modest scenarios, the US economy is 1.6% weaker and Australia’s is 0.06% weaker.

Why not examine Harris?

Despite a history of non-partisanship, the Peterson Institute is prepared for criticism. It points out that the economic model it used is regarded as the best in the world for scenario planning and is Australian, built by Warwick McKibbin of the Australian National University.

And it says it has modelled the Trump policies rather than the Harris policies because only Trump’s represent a departure from business as usual.

As the Institute’s president Adam Posen put it in Washington last month, the Harris campaign has said it will not impose across-the-board tariffs, will not engage in mass deportations and will not interfere with the independence of the US Federal Reserve.

The Trump campaign has indicated it will do all three.

It’s entirely possible that in office Trump wouldn’t do everything he proposed while campaigning, and it’s entirely possible that he would change course if what was doing damaged the US in the way the modelling suggests.

But there’s something to be said for taking people at their word, at least to get an idea of what we could be in store for after a knife-edge election.

The Conversation

Peter Martin is Economics Editor of The Conversation.

ref. From mass deportations to huge tariff hikes, here’s what Trump’s economic program would do to the US and Australia – https://theconversation.com/from-mass-deportations-to-huge-tariff-hikes-heres-what-trumps-economic-program-would-do-to-the-us-and-australia-240650

From mass deportations to huge tariff hikes, here’s what Trump’s economic program would do the US and to Australia

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Prashantrajsingh/Shutterstock

It’s time to take Donald Trump seriously. Betting markets say it’s as likely as not he will be elected US president four weeks from today.

And unlike in 2016 when his program wasn’t clearly defined, he has set out plainly what he intends to do. Which means it’s possible to model the consequences.

The three Trump promises with the greatest economic impact are

  • the deportation of millions of US residents

  • steep restrictions on imports, especially from China

  • presidential influence over interest rates.

The best way to model the consequences is with an established model of the kind used by the International Monetary Fund and central banks around the world rather than one set up for the purpose that could be seen as designed to favour or not favour Trump.

The Washington-based Peterson Institute for International Economics has just done that, noting that during Trump’s first term as president he “by and large” did what he said he would do.

It finds

ironically, despite his ‘make the foreigners pay rhetoric’, Trump’s package of policies does more damage to the US economy than to any other in the world.

No other country in the world would be hurt by Trump’s program as much as the US – not even China – although several US allies would suffer, including Australia, which would be the fourth-worst hit by the most extreme version of what Trump is proposing.

Peterson Institute for International Economics.

Mass deportations

Trump has repeatedly promised the “largest domestic deportation operation in American history,” targeting up to 20 million unauthorised immigrants, including about 8.3 million thought to be in the workforce.

He says his model is Operation Wetback – a 1956 Eisenhower administration program that used military-style tactics to deport 1.3 million Mexicans.

The institute says Eisenhower’s success makes it easy to believe Trump could remove 1.3 million immigrant workers. It has modelled two scenarios: removing 1.3 million and 8.3 million, both over two years in 2025 and 2026.

Both slash employment, including the employment of non-immigrants, both push up inflation, which eventually is brought under control, and both make the US a less attractive place to invest, which benefits much of the rest of the world.

The institute says the low and high scenarios differ “only by the degree of damage inflicted on people, households, firms, and the overall economy”.

Huge tariff hikes

Trump wants to increase every tariff on goods imported to the US by 10 percentage points, including where there is at present no tariff. And he wants at least a 60% tariff on imports from China. The institute has modelled both, with and without retaliatory tariffs from China and the rest of the world.

It finds, unsurprisingly, that extra tariffs push up the price of US imports and the prices of US-produced goods that compete with imports. Many are used as inputs in manufacturing, which means US manufacturing suffers (which is probably not what Trump had in mind).

Fewer imports mean less demand for foreign exchange within the US, which means a higher US dollar which makes US exports less competitive. The US economy is weaker as a result, although China’s is weaker still and Australia’s is weakened as much as the US given its role in providing resources to China.

Nobbling the Fed

Trump has raised the prospect of more presidential influence over interest rates, saying he thinks he has “a better instinct than, in many cases” the board of US Federal Reserve. This could be achieved by requiring the president to be consulted on rate decisions or by appointing a compliant chair.

However it’s done, the institute’s “conservative” assumption based on what happens in developing countries with less central bank independence is that it will push inflation two percentage points higher.

The modelled result is capital flight. While the US economy is initially stronger than it would have been because of the Fed’s willingness to tolerate higher inflation, after a few years it is weaker and every other economy is stronger.

When all the measures are combined, under the extreme scenarios the US economy is 6.7% weaker than it would have been by 2035 and Australia’s is 0.2% weaker. Under the more modest scenarios, the US economy is 1.6% weaker and Australia’s is 0.06% weaker.

Why not examine Harris?

Despite a history of non-partisanship, the Peterson Institute is prepared for criticism. It points out that the economic model it used is regarded as the best in the world for scenario planning and is Australian, built by Warwick McKibbin of the Australian National University.

And it says it has modelled the Trump policies rather than the Harris policies because only Trump’s represent a departure from business as usual.

As the Institute’s president Adam Posen put it in Washington last month, the Harris campaign has said it will not impose across-the-board tariffs, will not engage in mass deportations and will not interfere with the independence of the US Federal Reserve.

The Trump campaign has indicated it will do all three.

It’s entirely possible that in office Trump wouldn’t do everything he proposed while campaigning, and it’s entirely possible that he would change course if what was doing damaged the US in the way the modelling suggests.

But there’s something to be said for taking people at their word, at least to get an idea of what we could be in store for after a knife-edge election.

Peter Martin is Economics Editor of The Conversation.

ref. From mass deportations to huge tariff hikes, here’s what Trump’s economic program would do the US and to Australia – https://theconversation.com/from-mass-deportations-to-huge-tariff-hikes-heres-what-trumps-economic-program-would-do-the-us-and-to-australia-240650

Politics with Michelle Grattan: Danielle Wood on the keys to growing Australia’s weak productivity

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

“Productivity” might sound a nerdy word to many, but improving it is vital for a more affluent life for Australians in coming years. At the moment it is languishing.

Investigating ways in which our national productivity can be improved is at the heart of the work of the Productivity Commission, headed by Danielle Wood.

Wood is an economist and former CEO of the Grattan Institute. Picked by Treasurer Jim Chalmers for the PC job, she has already acquired a reputation for being willing to express forthright views, even when they don’t suit the government. She joins us today to talk about the tasks ahead, the commission’s work and some of the current big issues.

On Australia’s weak productivity numbers, Wood highlights what steps the government can and can’t take:

There’s a lot in productivity that’s outside of government’s control. So we sometimes talk about it like it’s something that government does to the economy. There’s a lot around technology, the pace of change and diffusion of change that are critically important for productivity that’s largely outside of government’s hands.

There’s no sort of single lever that you pull that makes all the difference. And, you know, if you looked at the Productivity Commission’s last big review of productivity released at the start of last year, you definitely get that sense.

If I was to pick just a small number […] of what I think are critically important areas. Sensible, durable, long-term market-based approach to climate policy that’s going to allow us to make the huge transition, including the energy transition that we need in the lowest possible cost way. That’s hugely important for long-run productivity. Housing: fixing the housing challenge and that’s got to go to some pretty serious work being done on planning policy, which I think is really important.

Then I would point to policies that support the rollout of new technologies. As I said before technological change is critical for productivity growth. So policies that build the right environment, particularly for big changes in technology like AI. So there you’re looking at the regulatory environment, your data policies, your IP policies. They all need to be working together.

If I can sneak in one more, I would put the government’s announcement that it will revitalise national competition policy, and I think that’s a really exciting one. And if it’s done well, if they can actually get the states to come to the table and agree on areas where we can reduce regulatory and other barriers to competition across the country, that’s a really important lever for getting economic dynamism moving again.

How has working from home has affected productivity?

Look, it’s a very big change, and you don’t often get these kinds of really sharp structural shifts in behaviour and in labour markets, and we’re still learning about it.

The research tends to suggest that hybrid work, so working at home sometimes and in the office sometimes, […] doesn’t seem to have negative productivity impacts If anything, slightly positive productivity benefits, and it has big benefits to individuals in terms of giving them flexibility, avoiding the commute and particularly for things like women’s workforce participation. I think it’s been really helpful and positively influential.

On the other hand, fully remote work, which is rarer – there is some evidence if you’re not ever coming into the office, you miss out on some of the spill-over benefits of sharing ideas, the kind of water-cooler effects, training and development.

I work from home one day a week, on Monday, and I do no meetings or calls on that day. And I do all my deep, deep work on Monday, and then the rest of the week I’m in the office and back to back.

With housing policy front and centre and a debate about whether changes to negative gearing and the capital gains discount should be made, Wood hoses down how much difference that would make:

It’s not a silver bullet on the house price front. There may be other reasons that you make those changes, particularly if you were doing a kind of broader base tax reform exercise. I would say that you’d want to have those on the table. But when it comes to housing challenges, there’s probably some bigger ones there. The ones […] around planning, around construction productivity, around workforce, are going to be more important in the long term to getting the housing challenge right.

Wood was initially had concerns about the Future Made in Australia policy. Now she says she now is pleased with where the government has landed:

Look, I’m certainly very pleased with the guardrails that the government have put in place. I think the publishing of the national interest framework, which puts a lot more economic rigour around the assessments of particular sectors looking for support, was a really important development.

Certainly puts my mind at ease that there is a lot of rigour around who gets support. Because as you said there is always a risk with these types of policies that we end up wasting money for supporting industries that don’t have a good case for economic support from the taxpayer.

— Transcript —

Michelle Grattan: Danielle Wood is almost a year into her post as head of the Productivity Commission. A leading economist and formerly chief of the think tank the Grattan Institute, Wood has taken the Commission’s message out into the public arena. She’s been refreshingly forthright in her willingness to critique government policies, most notably the Future Made in Australia industry policy, for which legislation is due to pass Parliament soon. Languishing productivity is one of Australia’s major economic challenges. In this podcast, Danielle Wood joins us to discuss this and other issues.

Danielle Wood in your relatively brief time as head of the Productivity Commission, you’ve been out and about and publicly vocal a good deal more, I think, than your predecessors, sometimes criticising government policies. Did you decide on this strategy when you accepted the job? And how important do you think it is for the head of key institutions like the Commission and indeed the Reserve Bank to be willing to use their voices even when that might make the Government squirm a bit?

Danielle Wood: A very interesting question, Michelle. Look, I mean, I have been out and about a lot, and I certainly did make that a deliberate strategy. And that’s largely because I think organisations like the Productivity Commission have a really important role in informing and shaping debate and making the case for difficult policy reform. I think it’s true to say that any time I say something that might be seen as politically inconvenient for the government the media get excited. And there’s probably a lot more reporting on those comments than perhaps a lot of the other commentary I’ve been making. Making those sort of criticisms is definitely not something I do lightly. But I think there are circumstances where the PC has deep expertise and research in areas. And I think if the policy’s not as well designed as it could be that there can be a case for independent agencies like the PC to speak up. And in doing so I really hope that makes the debate stronger. I think it makes the policy responses stronger. And I think we’re fortunate to have a system with the degree of political maturity that allows that to happen. You know, there are actually not that many countries with an independent, broad ranging policy institution like the Productivity Commission. The fact that governments of various stripes have supported that role over several decades now – I think it makes it a really important and unique part of the policy landscape.

Michelle Grattan: Now productivity in Australia is languishing. What are the reasons, do you think, for this? And what are the top performing countries when it comes to productivity and how are they performing better?

Danielle Wood: This is a complicated one and I think it’s really important to differentiate, as I’ll do, Michelle, between what’s happened since COVID and the more business as usual world pre-COVID, because we’ve been on this crazy rollercoaster ride when it comes to productivity in the post-COVID period. It shot up very rapidly early on in COVID as we shut down parts of the economy because they were the lower productivity services sectors that mechanically made it go up. We then came down that hump as things reopened.

On the other side of COVID we’ve also had a very strong labour market just because of the very fast increase in working hours we’ve seen as unemployment’s come down, as borders have reopened, as people are working more hours. Our capital stock hasn’t kept up and that’s kept productivity really subdued in the post-COVID period. So we’re running at only about half a percent in the year to June.

In that period, most countries have been going through similar challenges. The US actually stands out as a very strong performer in this post-COVID period and we’re doing some work with the RBA at the moment looking at that and trying to understand that – it may be because of their COVID policies or because they’ve got a fairly substantial investment boom underway. It can be about differences in the labour market. But we’re looking at that question.

The more substantive piece, given that a lot of that is about the macro environment, is really the question of what are we recovering to? You’ll recall that that decade sandwiched between COVID and the GFC leading up to 2020 saw really weak productivity growth. We were running about 1.1% a year on average – the lowest level in 60 years. That was not just an Australian phenomenon. At that point, if you looked around the industrialised world, we saw that same sluggish productivity growth basically everywhere.

There’s a number of structural factors at play that we think contributed to that. One is the expansion of services sectors– they tend to be lower productivity. We’ve seen fewer gains from technological advancements – at least up to that point technology hadn’t played the same role in driving productivity improvements as it had in the past. A reduction in economic dynamism, so fewer new businesses being started, fewer people changing jobs. And just more generally lower levels of investment – it looked like businesses were scarred in a post-GFC world and were not investing in the way they had in the past. So there’s a lot of common factors across countries. The real question going forward is can we break free of some of those constraints and see productivity moving again?

Michelle Grattan: So what would you say would be the three most productivity enhancing measures that Australia could take in the short term?

Danielle Wood: You’re really going to try and pin my colours to the mast Michelle! So two things I think are really important to say at the outset of this conversation. First, there’s a lot in productivity that’s outside of government’s control. So we sometimes talk about it like it’s something that government does to the economy. There’s a lot around technology, the pace of change and diffusion of change that are critically important for productivity, largely outside of government’s hands.

The other thing to say is it’s a game of inches. You actually need governments to move across a range of different policy fronts at once. There’s no single lever that you pull that makes all the difference. And if you look at the Productivity Commission’s last big review of productivity released at the start of last year, you definitely get that sense. There were 70 recommendations, five big areas for reform.

But if I was to pick just a small number of critically important areas, and we will take some political constraints off the table here maybe for the purposes of this conversation… a sensible, durable, long-term market-based approach to climate policy that’s going to allow us to make the huge transition, including the energy transition that we need in the lowest possible cost way. That’s hugely important for long-run productivity.

Housing. Fixing the housing challenge. And that’s got to go to some pretty serious work being done on planning policy, which I think is really important. But there are a lot of other barriers to housing supply around the regulatory environment and workforce. And that matters because if you can’t build houses where people live close to jobs, if people can’t get into housing, they have reduced capacity to start their own businesses and take risks in the economy. That is a big drag on productivity over time.

Then I would point to policies that support the rollout of new technologies. As I said before, technological change is critical for productivity growth. So policies that build the right environment, particularly for big changes in technology like AI. There you’re looking at the regulatory environment, your data policies, your IP policies. They all need to be working together, of course we need to manage the risks associated with these new technologies, but we don’t want to be putting unnecessary impediments that would slow down technological change across the economy.

So those are three big areas. Actually, if I can sneak in one more… the Government has announced that it will revitalise national competition policy, and I think that’s a really exciting one. And if it’s done well, if they can actually get the states to come to the table and agree on areas where we can reduce regulatory and other barriers to competition across the country, that’s a really important lever for getting economic dynamism moving again.

Michelle Grattan: Just on housing, there’s been a lot of controversy lately, of course, around negative gearing and the discount. Do you think that it would be useful to change negative gearing arrangements and the capital gains discount? The Grattan Institute, where you came from, was a supporter of change. Do you agree with that?

Danielle Wood: You know, it’s not something that the Productivity Commission has done work on so I can’t talk about it from a PC perspective.

Michelle Grattan: But you are, beyond tax, you’re a tax expert.

Danielle Wood: Yes, indeed. But look, what we said in that Grattan work, which I think is important, is it’s not a silver bullet on the house price front. There might be other reasons that you make those changes, particularly if you were doing a kind of broader base tax reform exercise I would see that you’d want to have those on the table. But when it comes to housing challenges, there’s probably some bigger ones there. You know, the ones I was talking about before around planning, around construction productivity, around workforce, that are going to be more important in the long term to getting the housing challenge right.

Michelle Grattan: So you would say it is a second-order issue in terms of housing policy?

Danielle Wood: In terms of housing affordability that’s right. But there may be other reasons that you would look at it if you were looking at the tax system more broadly.

Michelle Grattan: Now, you mentioned services before, and they’re obviously an increasingly large part of our economy, and yet it’s hard to define productivity in this sector. For example, if you have a carer spending a longer time with a person in a nursing home, is that actually increasing productivity? Probably not, but it has other obvious benefits. So how do you deal with this non-market part of the economy?

Danielle Wood: It’s an incredibly important question and it’s a very difficult one, and I think there are two parts to it. So the thing you’re picking up with your aged care example is essentially the challenge of trying to measure service quality. Across the national accounts when we work out productivity we try and adjust for quality, and I think the ABS does that really well in some areas like housing and technology, there are ways that they control for quality change over time, but that is very hard to do in services.

The PC did some recent work where we looked at this question for health and we tried to control for improvements in health outcomes across a range of chronic diseases. And what we found is productivity is much higher than what would be measured using traditional techniques because we’ve seen these really big improvements in outcomes for treating chronic diseases that don’t get captured in the statistics. And that gets even harder, as you say, in areas like aged care. How do you measure the warmth of care or the quality of care? I think we just have to recognise that there will always be gaps in the statistics and they are not perfect when it comes to measuring quality of services.

The other big challenge when it comes to services is that historically we haven’t seen the same productivity gains in services as we’ve seen in areas like manufacturing or agriculture. Going forward, I think we can look at new technologies like AI and see potential for gains in some areas of government-provided services like health and perhaps education. But there are going to be other sectors, particularly those care sectors, where it is irreducibly human. You know, I say labour is the product, that spending time with people is what you are providing. And that means it’s just going to be harder to get productivity gains in those sectors. So none of that is to say that we shouldn’t provide these services and continue to support them and expand them where there is a good economic or social policy case to do so. But we need to recognise that the productivity gains will not be there in those areas as they are in other parts of the economy.

Michelle Grattan: Now you have a long-term interest in childcare and the Commission has just recommended a major expansion in government spending on early childhood education and care, but it does not envisage that this will in fact lift women’s participation in the workforce to any great degree. So is expanding childcare now mainly about educational equity rather than participation and productivity?

Danielle Wood: Well, I think the first thing to say is that childcare has been transformative for women’s workforce participation. And even in the last few years, Michelle, as you would know, as it’s become more affordable, we have seen big gains in workforce participation. Women’s workforce participation is now at record levels.

But it is true that you expect some of those gains to start to slow down as participation rises. And what we found in our report is not that there aren’t barriers to access and affordability that constrain women’s choices, but that childcare is a smaller part of that now. And things like the tax and transfer system, withdrawal of family tax benefits play a bigger role in the sort of workforce disincentives that we’ve been worried about for a long time. Critically, though, as you say, it’s the education benefits that really loom large here. And we found that kids that are going to get the most out of childcare in terms of their development and education are the ones that are accessing it least. So children from disadvantaged backgrounds tend to use care a lot less than other children. Helping those children get the benefits of care for development, for being school ready, is a critical social and economic opportunity.

Michelle Grattan: The pandemic saw a big shift to many people working from home, and this has continued to a considerable degree. Workers want it and indeed, in some companies, are demanding it. What are the productivity implications of this shift?

Danielle Wood: Yeah, look, it’s a very big change and you don’t often get these really sharp structural shifts in behaviour and in labour markets. And we’re still learning about it, you need to be modest about these things, but from the research and data we’ve seen to date, I’m much less concerned that it’s going to have a big negative impact as we might have been earlier on. And by that, I mean the research tends to suggest that hybrid work, so working at home sometimes and in the office sometimes, particularly well-managed hybrid work, doesn’t seem to have negative productivity impacts. If anything, it has slightly positive productivity benefits. And it has big benefits to individuals in terms of giving them flexibility, avoiding the commute. And particularly for things like women’s workforce participation I think it’s been really helpful and positively influential.

On the other hand, fully remote work, which is rarer… there is some evidence, again, the data is mixed, but some studies suggest that it may negatively affect productivity. If you’re not ever coming into the office, you miss out on some of the spill-over benefits of sharing ideas, the kind of watercooler effects, training, development. So, if we were in a world where everyone was working fully remotely I think I would be more concerned. But I think broadly, when it comes to hybrid work, the best evidence we have suggests it’s unlikely to be a drag on productivity.

Michelle Grattan: What about your own work? Do you work from home at all?

Danielle Wood: I work from home one day a week on Monday, and I do no meetings or calls on that day. And I do all my deep work on Monday. Then the rest of the week I’m in the office and back-to-back.

Michelle Grattan: Now, the government has made a number of important changes in the industrial relations area. It’s been a priority for it. How important are workplace arrangements to productivity and have the recent changes been positive or negative or mixed for our productivity challenge?

Danielle Wood: Look, it’s definitely fair to say that workplace relations policies matter for productivity. This is not an area that the Commission has been asked to look into for some time. I think the last time we did a serious review into workplace relations was a decade or so ago, Michelle. And in that review, we really talked about the balancing act that exists – the need to balance the need for good standards in the workplace and protections for workers, against the benefits that come with flexibility and the advantages of that for business. And at that time, we had suggestions for improvements, but we found that the system was working relatively well. There have been a number of changes since then, including in recent years. But without reviewing those in any detail, it’s difficult for me to comment on the broader impact of those particular changes.

Michelle Grattan: Treasurer Jim Chalmers indicated some time ago when he was talking about the reform of the PC that he wanted it to be active in the sphere of the energy transition. How have you responded to this?

Danielle Wood: Something that I’ve done since taking on the role of Chair is to recognise the need to build expertise in some key policy areas that aren’t going away. So we’ve developed a number of research streams, energy and climate being one of those. We are really building up a team that will continue to work on those issues and put out research on those issues over time. We have a new Commissioner, Barry Sterland, who has deep expertise in climate policy, so that’s an important part of building that internal expertise. So you will see us putting out a whole series of pieces on energy and climate and I think we’re really well-placed to make a constructive contribution in that sphere. So watch this space.

Michelle Grattan: Could you give us any detail of time or topic?

Danielle Wood: I am not able to do that at the moment for various complicated reasons, but there will certainly be material coming out next year.

Michelle Grattan: One thing that you made a media splash on was the Government’s Future Made in Australia program, its industry program aimed at supporting Australian industry in the transition to the green economy. You expressed some concern about it at the time. Are you now convinced that there are enough guardrails around this policy that it doesn’t become a waste of taxpayer money and that money won’t be going to rent seekers who don’t deserve or need it?

Danielle Wood: Look, I’m certainly very pleased with the guardrails that the Government has put in place. I think the publishing of the National Interest Framework, which puts a lot more economic rigour around the assessments of particular sectors looking for support, was a really important development. We think that it’s really important that those sector assessments be done before the government offers support to new areas. And we’ve encouraged things like the sort of public release of those assessments, which I believe will occur. So, I think provided that process gets used, it certainly puts my mind at ease that there is a lot of rigour around who gets support. Because as you said, you know, there is always a risk with these types of policies that we end up wasting money supporting industries that don’t have a good case for economic support from the taxpayer.

Michelle Grattan: So would the Commission be doing its own assessment of how this program is working after some time?

Danielle Wood: We are putting in a submission to the Treasury consultation process on the frameworks that might underpin the national interest assessments and the legislation, if it passes, I think requires ongoing consultation with the Commissioners as Treasury does these assessments. So we will continue to play an active role in this process going forward.

Michelle Grattan: Now, just finally, in a speech recently, you defended the role of economists in assessing government policies and programs. You were saying that they were able to tell, in your words, inconvenient truths, but you also had a go at your profession saying that many have been willfully blind to questions of distribution, arguing that it’s not their job to consider economic inequality. Can you just say what you’re getting at here and perhaps give some examples of this failing? And why do you think this blind spot is there?

Danielle Wood: Well let me let me give the plug for economists, Michelle, before we talk about all our failures. As I was trying to say in that speech, economists bring something really important to the table in policy discussions, and that is, you know, rigorous frame frameworks for thinking about trade-offs. And that’s really important in the policy world because you’ve got a million good ideas out there, as you know, but you’ve got scarce resources. Scarce time, scarce money. You need to prioritise and you need to make trade-offs. So economists can and should play a really important role in policy for that reason.

The blind spots I was talking about, as I said, there had been a sort of strain in the economics profession, I think, for a long time that basically said we’re focussed on questions of efficiency, we don’t do distribution. And I think that came from the fact that that was seen to involve value judgements that we don’t want to contend with. We’ve since learned a lot more about the way in which inequality can feed into growth, around the importance of issues like economic mobility. I think most economists would now understand that these are actually really important economic as well as social questions. In terms of where that played out – probably the place where it was most evident, and I think this is probably more squarely in the US and Australia, was around fallout to trade policy and trade liberalization. It was all about increasing the size of the pie, which it did very effectively. But it certainly never said that, you know, there wouldn’t be any losers from that. I think the learning was that you really have to care about the transition, that you have to work with the communities and workers that are affected if you’re doing a policy that’s broadly in the public good, but sees some people go backwards. I think we did that better in Australia than the US, but there are probably still some lessons to learn there.

The other area I was pointing out where I think economists haven’t always covered themselves with glory, more in the Australian context, was around opening up human services markets to competition. I think there were a number of areas where we were too enamoured with the idea that competition and consumer choice would drive good outcomes, and we just didn’t give enough thought to questions of provider incentives, the regulatory frameworks we would need in place. I think employment services and vocational education and training are key examples of that, and probably some of the challenges we face with the NDIS at the moment as well. So I think they were areas where some economists were a bit naive and certainly I think the thinking and the profession has progressed a lot about how we could do better in those types of markets.

Michelle Grattan: Danielle Wood, thank you so much for joining us today. We hope to hear continued bold words from you in the months and years ahead. That’s all for today’s Conversation Politics podcast. Thank you to my producer, Ben Roper. We’ll be back with another interview soon, but goodbye for now.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Danielle Wood on the keys to growing Australia’s weak productivity – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-danielle-wood-on-the-keys-to-growing-australias-weak-productivity-240793

Partisanship dominates as federal parliament fights over Middle East war

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Federal parliament has split on partisan lines over the Middle East crisis, just a day after the anniversary of the Hamas atrocities against Israelis.

After discussions between Anthony Albanese and Peter Dutton failed to reach agreement, the government’s wide-ranging motion passed the House of Representatives with the Coalition voting against it.

The Greens abstained from voting. Almost all the crossbench voted with the government, although “teal” MP Allegra Spender said “I wish that we as a parliament could come together and lead unitedly”.

The division between Labor and Coalition over the escalating war has increasingly widened over recent months, with Dutton giving unqualified backing to Israel’s strategy and using the issue to paint the prime minister as a “weak” leader.

The government, while backing Israel’s right to defend itself, has had a more qualified position, including supporting calls for a ceasefire.

The long motion reiterated “unequivocal condemnation” of the Hamas’ terror attacks, and called for the immediate release of the remaining hostages.

It condemned antisemitism “in all its forms and stands with Jewish Australians who have felt the cold shadows of antisemitism reaching into the present day”.

It also recognised the number of Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza, and supported international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance in Gaza and Lebanon.

It condemned Iran’s attacks on Israel and recognised Israel’s right to defend itself.

Backing international efforts for a ceasefire in Gaza and in Lebanon, the motion reaffirmed “support for a two-state solution, a Palestinian State alongside Israel, so that Israelis and Palestinians can live securely within internationally recognised borders, as the only option to ensuring a just and enduring peace”.

As well, the motion recognised the deep distress the Middle East situation was causing many in Australia.

Albanese told parliament the government would continue to call for de-escalating the violence and conflict in the region. “Tragically, we are seeing the situation worsening.”

“Further hostilities put civilians at risk. We cannot accept the callous arithmetic of so-called acceptable casualties.”

Dutton said the motion was supposed to be about what had happened on October 7.

“The prime minister is trying to speak out of both sides of his mouth.”

“There has been a position of bipartisanship on these issues, and your predecessors would have had the decency to respect the Jewish community in a way that you have not done today. And for that, prime minister, you should stand condemned.”

He accused Albanese of rejecting the opposition’s position “for his own political domestic advancement”.

A later attempt by Dutton to move his alternative motion was shut down by the government.

In the Senate Greens senators held up placards with the words “SANCTIONS NOW”. Some Greens wore keffiyehs.

Crossbencher Lidia Thorpe accused Foreign Minister Penny Wong of being “complicit in genocide”.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Partisanship dominates as federal parliament fights over Middle East war – https://theconversation.com/partisanship-dominates-as-federal-parliament-fights-over-middle-east-war-240791

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