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Jonathan Cook: Ignore Starmer’s theatrics. Gaza’s trail of blood leads straight to his door

Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific.

Western capitals are still coordinating with Israel and the US on their “criticisms” of the genocide — just as they earlier coordinated on their support for the slaughter

ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Cook

After 19 months of being presented with dissembling accounts of Gaza from their governments, Western publics are now being served up a different — but equally deceitful — narrative.

With the finishing line in sight for Israel’s programme of genocidal ethnic cleansing, the West’s Gaza script is being hastily rewritten. But make no mistake: it is the same web of self-serving lies.

As if under the direction of a hidden conductor, Britain, France and Canada — key US allies — erupted last week into a chorus of condemnation of Israel.

They called Israel’s plans to level the last fragments of Gaza still standing “disproportionate”, while Israel’s intensification of its months-long starvation of more than two million Palestinian civilians was “intolerable”.

The change of tone was preceded, as I noted in these pages earlier this month, by new, harsher language against Israel from the Western press corps.

The establishment media’s narrative had to shift first, so that the sudden outpouring of moral and political concern at Gaza’s suffering from British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney — after more than a year and a half of indifference — did not appear too abrupt, or too strange.

They are acting as if some corner has been turned in Israel’s genocide. But genocides don’t have corners. They just progress relentlessly until stopped.

Managing any cognitive dissonance
The media and politicians are carefully managing any cognitive dissonance for their publics.

But the deeper reality is that Western capitals are still coordinating with Israel and the US on their “criticisms” of Israel’s genocide in Gaza — just as they earlier coordinated their support for it.

As much was conceded by a senior Israeli official to Israel’s Ha’aretz newspaper. Referring to the sudden change of tone, he said: “The past 24 hours were all part of a planned ambush we knew about. This was a coordinated sequence of moves ahead of the EU meeting in Brussels, and thanks to joint efforts by our ambassadors and the foreign minister, we managed to moderate the outcome.”

The handwringing is just another bit of stagecraft, little different from the earlier mix of silence and talk about Israel’s “right to defend itself”. And it is to the same purpose: to buy Israel time to “finish the job” — that is, to complete its genocide and ethnic cleansing of Gaza.

The West is still promoting phoney “debates”, entirely confected by Israel, about whether Hamas is stealing aid, what constitutes sufficient aid, and how that aid should be delivered.

It is all meant as noise, to distract us from the only pertinent issue: that Israel is committing genocide by slaughtering and starving Gaza’s population, as the West has aided and abetted that genocide.

With stocks of food completely exhausted by Israel’s blockade, UN humanitarian chief Tom Fletcher told the BBC last Tuesday that some 14,000 babies could die in Gaza within 48 hours without immediate aid reaching them.

The longer-term prognosis is bleaker still.

A trickle of aid
Last Monday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu decided to let in a trickle of aid, releasing five trucks, some containing baby formula, from the thousands of vehicles Israel has held up at entry points for nearly three months. That was less than one percent of the number of trucks experts say must enter daily just to keep deadly starvation at bay.

Last Tuesday, as the clamour grew, the number of aid trucks allowed to enter Gaza reportedly climbed to nearly 100 — or less than a fifth of the bare minimum. None of the aid was reported to have reached the enclave’s population by the time of writing.

Netanyahu was clear to the Israeli public — most of whom appear enthusiastic for the engineered starvation to continue — that he was not doing this out of any humanitarian impulse.

This was purely a public relations exercise to hold Western capitals in check, he said. The goal was to ease the demands on these leaders from their own publics to penalise Israel and stop the continuing slaughter of Gaza’s population.

Or as Netanyahu put it: “Our best friends worldwide, the most pro-Israel senators [in the US] . . . they tell us they’re providing all the aid, weapons, support and protection in the UN Security Council, but they can’t support images of mass hunger.”

Israel’s Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, was even clearer: “On our way to destroying Hamas, we are destroying everything that’s left of the [Gaza] Strip.” He also spoke of “cleansing” the enclave.

Western publics have been watching this destruction unfold for the past 19 months — or at least they’ve seen partial snapshots, when the West’s establishment media has bothered to report on the slaughter.

Systematically eradicated everything
Israel has systematically eradicated everything necessary for the survival of Gaza’s people: their homes, hospitals, schools, universities, bakeries, water systems and community kitchens.

Israel has finally implemented what it had been threatening for 20 years to do to the Palestinian people if they refused to be ethnically cleansed from their homeland. It has sent them “back to the Stone Age”.

A survey of the world’s leading genocide scholars published last week by the Dutch newspaper NRC found that all conclusively agreed Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. Most think the genocide has reached its final stages.

This week, Yair Golan, leader of Israel’s main centrist party and a former deputy head of the Israeli military, expressed the same sentiments in more graphic form. He accused the government of “killing babies as a hobby”. Predictably, Netanyahu accused Golan of “antisemitism”.

The joint statement from Starmer, Macron and Carney was far tamer, of course — and was greeted by Netanyahu with a relatively muted response that the three leaders were giving Hamas a “huge prize”.

Their statement noted: “The level of human suffering in Gaza is intolerable.” Presumably, until now, they have viewed the hellscape endured by Gaza’s Palestinians for a year and a half as “tolerable”.

David Lammy, Britain’s Foreign Secretary who in the midst of the genocide was happy to be photographed shaking hands with Netanyahu, opined in Parliament last week that Gaza was facing a “dark new phase”.

British Foreign Secretary David Lammy shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is wanted on an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court for war crimes . . . says Gaza is facing a “dark new phase”. Image: www.jonathan-cook.net

Convenient interpretation
That’s a convenient interpretation for him. In truth, it’s been midnight in Gaza for a very long time.

A senior European diplomatic source involved in the discussions between the three leaders told the BBC that their new tone reflected a “real sense of growing political anger at the humanitarian situation, of a line being crossed, and of this Israeli government appearing to act with impunity”.

This should serve as a reminder that until now, Western capitals were fine with all the other lines crossed by Israel, including its destruction of most of Gaza’s homes; its eradication of Gaza’s hospitals and other essential humanitarian infrastructure; its herding of Palestinian civilians into “safe” zones, only to bomb them there; its slaughter and maiming of many tens of thousands of children; and its active starvation of a population of more than two million.

The three Western leaders are now threatening to take “further concrete actions” against Israel, including what they term “targeted sanctions”.

If that sounds positive, think again. The European Union and Britain have dithered for decades about whether and how to label goods imported from Israel’s illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank. The existence of these ever-expanding settlements, built on stolen Palestinian territory and blocking the creation of a Palestinian state, is a war crime; no country should be aiding them.

In 2019, the European Court of Justice ruled that it must be made clear to European consumers which products come from Israel and which from the settlements.

In all that time, European officials never considered a ban on products from the settlements, let alone “targeted sanctions” on Israel, even though the illegality of the settlements is unambiguous. In fact, officials have readily smeared those calling for boycotts and sanctions against Israel as “Jew haters” and “antisemites”.

Playing us for fools
The truth is that Western leaders and establishment media are playing us for fools once again, just as they have been for the past 19 months.

“Further concrete actions” suggest that there are already concrete actions imposed on Israel. That’s the same Israel that recently finished second in the Eurovision Song Contest. Protesters who call for Israel to be excluded from the competition — as Russia has been for invading Ukraine — are smeared and denounced.

When Western leaders can’t even impose a meaningful symbolic penalty on Israel, why should we believe they are capable of taking substantive action against it?

Last Tuesday, it became clearer what the UK meant by “concrete actions”. The Israeli ambassador was called in for what we were told was a dressing down. She must be quaking.

And Britain suspended — that is, delayed — negotiations on a new free trade agreement, a proposed expansion of Britain’s already extensive trading ties with Israel. Those talks can doubtless wait a few months.

Meanwhile, 17 European Union members out of 27 voted to review the legal basis of the EU–Israel Association Agreement — providing Israel with special trading status — though a very unlikely consensus would be needed to actually revoke it.

Such a review to see if Israel is showing “respect for human rights and democratic principles” is simple time-wasting. Investigations last year showed it was committing widespread atrocities and crimes against humanity.

Speaking to the British Parliament, Lammy said: “The Netanyahu government’s actions have made this necessary.”

More serious “concrete actions”
There are plenty of far more serious “concrete actions” that Britain and other western capitals could take, and could have taken many months ago.

A flavour was provided by Britain and the EU on Tuesday when they announced sweeping additional sanctions on Russia — not for committing a genocide, but for hesitating over a ceasefire with Ukraine.

Ultimately, the West wants to punish Moscow for refusing to return the territories in Ukraine that it occupies — something Western powers have never meaningfully required of Israel, even though Israel has been occupying the Palestinian territories for decades.

The new sanctions on Russia target entities supporting its military efforts and energy exports — on top of existing severe economic sanctions and an oil embargo. Nothing even vaguely comparable is being proposed for Israel.

The UK and Europe could have stopped providing Israel with the weapons to butcher Palestinian children in Gaza. Back in September, Starmer promised to cut arms sales to Israel by around eight percent — but his government actually sent more weapons to arm Israel’s genocide in the three months that followed than the Tories did in the entire period between 2020 and 2023.

Britain could also stop transporting other countries’ weapons and carrying out surveillance flights over Gaza on Israel’s behalf. Flight tracking information showed that on one night this week, the UK sent a military transport plane, which can carry weapons and soldiers, from a Royal Air Force base on Cyprus to Tel Aviv, and then dispatched a spy plane over Gaza to collect intelligence to assist Israel in its slaughter.

Britain could, of course, take the “concrete action” of recognising the state of Palestine, as Ireland and Spain have already done — and it could do so at a moment’s notice.

Turning Israel into a pariah state
The UK could impose sanctions on Israeli government ministers. It could declare its readiness to enforce Netanyahu’s arrest for war crimes, in line with the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant, if he visits Britain. And it could deny Israel access to sporting events, turning it into a pariah state, as was done to Russia.

It could announce that any Britons returning from military service in Gaza risk arrest and prosecution for war crimes.

And of course, the UK could impose sweeping economic sanctions on Israel, again as was done to Russia.

All of these “concrete actions”, and more, could be easily implemented. The truth is there is no political will to do it. There is simply a desire for better public relations, for putting a better gloss on Britain’s complicity in a genocide that can no longer be hidden.

The problem for the West is that Israel now stands stripped of the lamb’s clothing in which it has been adorned by Western capitals for decades.

Israel is all too evidently a predatory wolf. Its brutal, colonial behaviours towards the Palestinian people are fully on show. There is no hiding place.

This is why Netanyahu and Western leaders are now engaged in an increasingly difficult tango. The colonial, apartheid, genocidal project of Israel — the West’s militarised client-bully in the oil-rich Middle East — needs to be protected.

Endless, mindless recitations
Until now, that had involved Western leaders like Starmer deflecting criticism of Israel’s crimes, as well as British complicity. It involved endlessly and mindlessly reciting Israel’s “right to defend itself”, and the need to “eliminate Hamas”.

But the endgame of Israel’s genocide involves starving two million people to death — or forcing them out of Gaza, whichever comes first. Neither is compatible with the goals Western politicians have been selling us.

So the new narrative must accentuate Netanyahu’s personal responsibility for the carnage — as though the genocide is not the logical endpoint of everything Israel has been doing to the Palestinian people for many decades.

Most Israelis are on board, too, with the genocide. The only meaningful voices of dissent are from the families of the Israeli hostages — and then chiefly because of the danger posed to their loved ones by Israel’s assault.

The aim of Starmer, Macron and Carney is to craft a new narrative, in which they claim to have only belatedly realised that Netanyahu has “gone too far” and that he needs to be reined in. They can then gradually up the noise against the Israeli prime minister, lobby Israel to change tack, and, when it resists or demurs, be seen to press Washington for “concrete action”.

The new narrative, unlike the worn-thin old one, can be spun out for yet more weeks or months — which may be just long enough to get the genocidal ethnic cleansing of Gaza either over the finish line, or near enough as to make no difference.

That is the hope – yes, hope – in Western capitals.

New make-believe narrative
Starmer, Macron and Carney’s new make-believe narrative has several advantages. It washes Gaza’s blood from their hands. They were deceived. They were too charitable. Vital domestic struggles against antisemitism distracted them.

It lays the blame squarely at the feet of one man: Netanyahu.

Without him, a violent, highly militarised, apartheid state of Israel can continue as before, as though the genocide was an unfortunate misstep in Israel’s otherwise unblemished record.

New supposed “terror” threats — from Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iran — can be hyped to draw us back into cheerleading narratives about a plucky Western outpost of civilisation defending us from barbarians in the East.

The new narrative does not even require that Netanyahu face justice.

As news emerges of the true extent of the atrocities and death toll, a faux-remorseful Netanyahu can placate the West with revived talk of a two-state solution — a solution whose realisation has been avoided for decades and can continue to be avoided for decades more.

We will be subjected to yet more years of the Israel-Palestine “conflict” finally being about to turn a corner.

Other supremacist, genocidal monsters
Even were a chastened Netanyahu forced to step down, he would pass the baton to one of the other Jewish supremacist, genocidal monsters waiting in the wings.

After Gaza’s destruction, the crushing of Palestinian life in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem will simply have to return to an earlier, slower pace — one that has allowed it to be kept off the Western public’s radar for 58 years.

Will it really work out like this? Only in the imaginations of Western elites. In truth, burying nearly two years of a genocide all too visible to large swathes of Western publics will be a far trickier task.

Too many people in Europe and the US have had their eyes opened over the past 19 months. They cannot unsee what has been live-streamed to them, or ignore what it says about their own political and media classes.

Starmer and co will continue vigorously distancing themselves from the genocide in Gaza, but there will be no escape. Whatever they say or do, the trail of blood leads straight back to their door.

Jonathan Cook is an award-winning British journalist. He was based in Nazareth, Israel, for 20 years and returned to the UK in 2021. He is the author of three books on the Israel-Palestine conflict, including Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (2008). In 2011, Cook was awarded the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism for his work on Palestine and Israel. This article was first published in Middle East Eye and is republished with the author’s permission.

This article was first published on Café Pacific.

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Daylight can boost the immune system’s ability to fight infections – new study

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Hall, Associate Professor of Immunology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Getty Images

Ever found yourself out of sync with normal sleep patterns after late nights or working a night shift? It could be you’re experiencing what scientists call social jet lag.

The term describes the misalignment between our internal body clock (circadian rhythm) and our social schedule.

Social jet lag associated with irregular sleep patterns and inconsistent exposure to daylight is increasingly common, and has been linked with a weakened immune system.

Disruption of our circadian rhythms through shift work, for example, has been shown to have a negative impact on our ability to fight infections.

These observations reinforce the idea that maintaining a robust circadian rhythm through regular exposure to daylight supports a healthy immune system.

But how does the immune system know when it’s daytime? That is precisely what our research, published today in Science Immunology, has uncovered. Our findings could eventually deliver benefits for the treatment of inflammatory conditions.

First responders to infection

Circadian rhythms are a fundamental feature of all life on Earth. Believed to have evolved some 2.5 billion years ago, they enable organisms to adapt to challenges associated with the 24-hour solar day.

At the molecular level, these circadian rhythms are orchestrated through a genetically encoded multi-component time keeper called a circadian clock. Almost all cells are known to have the components for a circadian clock. But how they function within different cell types to regulate their behaviour is very poorly understood.

In the laboratory, we use zebrafish – small freshwater fish commonly sold in pet stores – as a model organism to understand our immune response to bacterial infection.

We use larval zebrafish because their genetic makeup and immune system are similar to ours. Also, they have transparent bodies, making it easy to observe biological processes under the microscope.

We focus on an immune cell called a “neutrophil”, a type of white blood cell. We’re interested in these cells because they specialise in killing bacteria, are first responders to infection, and are the most abundant immune cell in our bodies.

Because they are very short-lived cells, neutrophils isolated from human blood are notoriously difficult to work with experimentally. However, with transparent larval zebrafish, we can film them to directly observe how these cells function, within a completely intact animal.

This time-lapse shows red fluorescent immune cells (neutrophils) moving through larval zebrafish to eat green fluorescent bacteria that have been microinjected.

Cells can tell if it’s daytime

Our initial studies showed the strength of immune response to bacterial infection peaked during the day, when the animals are active.

We think this represents an evolutionary response that provides both humans and zebrafish a survival advantage. Because diurnal animals such as humans and zebrafish are most active during daylight hours, they are more likely to encounter bacterial infections.

This work made us curious to know how this enhanced immune response was being synchronised with daylight. By making movies of neutrophils killing bacteria at different times of the day, we discovered they killed bacteria more efficiently during the daytime than at night.

We then genetically edited neutrophils to turn off their circadian clocks by carefully removing specific clock components. This is an approach similar to removing important cogs from an analogue clock so it doesn’t tick anymore.

This led to the discovery that these important immune cells possess an internal light-regulated circadian clock that alerts the cells to daytime (similar to an alarm clock). This boosts their ability to kill bacteria.

Our next challenge is to understand exactly how light is detected by neutrophils, and whether human neutrophils also rely on this internal timing mechanism to regulate their antibacterial activity.

We’re also curious to see if this killing mechanism is restricted to certain types of bacteria, such as those we’re more likely to encounter during the day. Or is it a more general response to all infectious threats (including viral infections)?

This research unlocks the potential for developing drugs that target the neutrophil circadian clock to regulate the cells’ activity. Given neutrophils are the first and most abundant immune cells to be recruited to sites of inflammation, the discovery has very broad implications for many inflammatory conditions.


The research described here was led by PhD candidates Lucia Du and Pramuk Keerthisinghe, and was a collaboration between the Hall laboratory and the Chronobiology Research Group, led by Guy Warman and James Cheeseman, at the University of Auckland’s Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences.


The Conversation

Chris Hall receives funding from the Marsden Fund.

ref. Daylight can boost the immune system’s ability to fight infections – new study – https://theconversation.com/daylight-can-boost-the-immune-systems-ability-to-fight-infections-new-study-257224

View from The Hill: Coalition is being glued together again after crisis week

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Coalition is being glued together again, after a Liberal Party meeting on Friday gave the go ahead for Liberal leader Sussan Ley to negotiate with Nationals leader David Littleproud on the fine print of a settlement on policy.

The Liberal party room agreed to accept broadly the Nationals’ four policy demands, with the two leaders to deal with the details.

A new agreement between the parties is expected within days.

The rapprochement followed days of chaos after the Nationals on Tuesday walked out of the Coalition.

The turmoil has done significant damage to Littleproud, who has received widespread criticism of his handling of the relationship, including from within his own party. The crisis has raised questions about whether he will survive in his position in the longer term.

The Liberal meeting had before it four policies that the Nationals insisted should be kept, and not be caught up in the Liberals’ planned review of all policies.

The four were:

  • removing the moratorium on nuclear energy, with a review of the remaining elements of the nuclear policy

  • a $20 billion Regional Australia Future Fund, including a $1 billion annual budget allocation until the fund matured

  • court-ordered divestiture powers in relation to major supermarkets and “big box” retailers

  • and Universal Service Obligation reforms to boost mobile phone and internet services for regional Australians.

The Nationals’ demand on nuclear drops the core of the policy the opposition took to the election, which was for the government to fund a string of nuclear power plants.

The Liberals are divided over nuclear energy, with some wanting any policy on it scrapped.

Probably the most difficult of the Nationals’ policy points for the Liberals is the divestiture power, which was controversial within the Liberals when it was adopted last term as opposition policy.

A number of Liberals are particularly opposed to extending it to “big box” retailers.

There was also some concern among Liberals about the fiscal arrangements around the regional fund – whether it should be off budget or on budget.

While Liberals resent the Nationals’ behaviour, they were also aware of the political problems presented by a Coalition split and were anxious to get the two parties together again.

In a provocative tweet the Nationals Matt Canavan said: “Well done David Littleproud! Liberals back down on all requests.”

“Great win for the Nationals.”

Canavan ran against Littleproud for the leadership after the election.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. View from The Hill: Coalition is being glued together again after crisis week – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-coalition-is-being-glued-together-again-after-crisis-week-257332

The TGA has approved donanemab for Alzheimer’s disease. How does this drug work and who will be able to access it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steve Macfarlane, Head of Clinical Services, Dementia Support Australia, & Associate Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University

Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock

This week, Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) approved a drug called donanemab for people in the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease.

Donanemab has previously been approved in a number of other countries, including the United States.

So what is donanemab, and who will be able to access it in Australia?

How does donanemab work?

There are more than 100 different causes of dementia, but Alzheimer’s disease alone accounts for about 70% of these, making it the most common form of dementia.

The disease is believed to be caused by the accumulation in the brain of two abnormal proteins, amyloid and tau. The first is thought to be particularly important, and the “amyloid hypothesis” – which suggests amyloid is the key cause of Alzheimer’s disease – has driven research for many years.

Donanemab is a “monoclonal antibody” treatment. Antibodies are proteins the immune system produces that bind to harmful foreign “invaders” in the body, or targets. A monoclonal antibody has one specific target. In the case of donanemab it’s the amyloid protein. Donanemab binds to amyloid protein deposits (plaques) in the brain and allows our bodies to remove them.

Donanemab is given monthly, via intravenous infusion.

What does the evidence say?

Australia’s approval of donanemab comes as a result of a clinical trial involving 1,736 people published in 2023.

This trial showed donanemab resulted in a significant slowing of disease progression in a group of patients who had either early Alzheimer’s disease, or mild cognitive impairment with signs of Alzheimer’s pathology. Before entering the trial, all patients had the presence of amyloid protein detected via PET scanning.

Participants were randomised, and half received donanemab, while the other half received a placebo, over 18 months.

A 3D illustration showing amyloid plaques in brain tissue.
The accumulation of amyloid plaques in brain tissue is a hallmark of Alzheimer’s disease.
Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock

For those who received the active drug, their Alzheimer’s disease progressed 35% more slowly over 18 months compared to those who were given the placebo. The researchers ascertained this using the Integrated Alzheimer’s Disease Rating Scale, which measures cognition and function.

Those who received donanemab also demonstrated large reductions in the levels of amyloid in the brain (as measured by PET scans). The majority, by the end of the trial, were considered to be below the threshold that would normally indicate the presence of Alzheimer’s disease.

These results certainly seem to vindicate the amyloid hypothesis, which had been called into question by the results of multiple failed previous studies. They represent a major advance in our understanding of the disease.

That said, patients in the study did not improve in terms of cognition or function. They continued to decline, albeit at a significantly slower rate than those who were not treated.

The actual clinical significance has been a topic of debate. Some experts have questioned whether the meaningfulness of this result to the patient is worth the potential risks.

Is the drug safe?

Some 24% of trial participants receiving the drug experienced brain swelling. The rates rose to 40.6% in those possessing two copies of a gene called ApoE4.

Although three-quarters of people who developed brain swelling experienced no symptoms from this, there were three deaths in the treatment group during the study related to donanemab, likely a result of brain swelling.

These risks require regular monitoring with MRI scans while the drug is being given.

Some 26.8% of those who received donanemab also experienced small bleeds into the brain (microhaemorrhages) compared to 12.5% of those taking the placebo.

Cost is a barrier

Reports indicate donanemab could cost anywhere between A$40,000 and $80,000 each year in Australia. This puts it beyond the reach of many who might benefit from it.

Eli Lilly, the manufacturer of donanemab, has made an application for the drug to be listed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, with a decision pending perhaps within a couple of months. While this would make the drug substantially more affordable for patients, it will represent a large cost to taxpayers.

The cost of the drug is in addition to costs associated with the monitoring required to ensure its safety and efficacy (such as doctor visits, MRIs and PET scans).

A younger woman interacts with a senior woman in a nursing home. Both look happy.
Donanemab won’t be accessible to all patients with Alzheimer’s disease.
pikselstock/Shutterstock

Who will be able to access it?

This drug is only of benefit for people with early Alzheimer’s-type dementia, so not everybody with Alzheimer’s disease will get access to it.

Almost 80% of people who were screened to participate in the trial were found unsuitable to proceed.

The terms of the TGA approval specify potential patients will first need to be found to have specific levels of amyloid protein in their brains. This would be ascertained either by PET scanning or by lumbar puncture sampling of spinal fluid.

Also, patients with two copies of the ApoE4 gene have been ruled unsuitable to receive the drug. The TGA has judged the risk/benefit profile for this group to be unfavourable. This genetic profile accounts for only 2% of the general population, but 15% of people with Alzheimer’s disease.

Improving diagnosis and tempering expectations

It’s estimated more than 400,000 Australians have dementia. But only 13% of people with dementia currently receive a diagnosis within a year of developing symptoms.

Given those with very early disease stand to benefit most from this treatment, we need to expand our dementia diagnostic services significantly.

Finally, expectations need to be tempered about what this drug can reasonably achieve. It’s important to be mindful this is not a cure.

The Conversation

Steve Macfarlane was an investigator on the donanemab trial, but received no direct compensation from Eli Lily for being so. Separately, has done consultancy work for Eli Lilly, for which he’s received payments.

ref. The TGA has approved donanemab for Alzheimer’s disease. How does this drug work and who will be able to access it? – https://theconversation.com/the-tga-has-approved-donanemab-for-alzheimers-disease-how-does-this-drug-work-and-who-will-be-able-to-access-it-257321

The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘difficult and complicated grief’ of losing an estranged parent

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Breen, Professor of Psychology, Curtin University

Grieving the death of a parent is often considered a natural part of life. But there are added layers of complexity when you had a difficult or estranged relationship.

This week former tennis star Jelena Dokic confirmed the death of her father and former coach Damir, whose verbal, physical and emotional abuse she revealed in 2009 and further detailed in her 2017 autobiography. They had been estranged for a decade.

In a social media post on Thursday, Dokic wrote about her “conflicting and complex emotions and feelings” around his death:

no matter how how hard, difficult and in the last 10 years even non existent [sic] our relationship and communication was, it is never easy losing a parent […] The loss of an estranged parent comes with a difficult and complicated grief.

Dokic’s news is a reminder that, when a parent dies, not all of us get to grieve a stable, warm and comforting relationship.

As in her case, a strained relationship might even be marked by maltreatment or abuse. Relinquishing contact can sometimes be the best, albeit difficult, choice.

When the parent dies, the loss can feel surprisingly complex. We may be grieving both the literal death of the parent and the figurative death, of what should have been – what we wished for and desired.

Death can spark more than sadness

Grief is not a single emotion. Usually, it involves a combination of many. Common feelings can include sadness, guilt, anger and even relief.

In sharing her social media post, Dokic has said among conflicting emotions she’s chosen to “focus on a good memory”.

Grief can reach beyond feelings. It can disrupt eating and sleeping habits and impair memory and concentration.

Deaths can also affect relationships.

For example, when grieving, someone might receive a lot of social support from family, friends and colleagues. But for others, the support they’d like might not be forthcoming. The lack of support is yet another loss and is linked to worse physical and mental health.

Family members may also react in different ways. It might be jarring or alienating if your sibling responds differently, for example by sharing fond memories of a parent you found harsh and distant.

A death can also affect your financial standing. A grieving person may be burdened with outstanding bills and funeral payments. Or the impact can be positive, via windfalls from insurance and inheritance.

Hands touching an open album with a photo of a kid on dad's shoulders.
Family members may grieve in different ways.
Meteoritka/Shutterstock

What if I don’t feel sad?

With grief, it’s OK to feel how you feel. You might think you’re grieving the “wrong” way, but it can be helpful to remember there are no strict rules about how to grieve “right”.

Be gentle on yourself. And give other family members, who may have had a different relationship with the parent and therefore grieve differently, the same courtesy.

It’s also OK to feel conflicted about going to the funeral.

In this case, take the time to think through the pros and cons of attending. It might be helpful in processing your grief and in receiving support. Or you might feel that attending would be too difficult or emotionally unsafe for you.

If you choose to attend, it can help to go with someone who can support you through it.

In an estranged relationship, the adult child might not even find out about the death of the parent for many weeks or months afterwards. This means there is no option of attending the funeral or other mourning rituals. Consider making your own rituals to help process the loss and grief.

What if I do feel sad – but still hurt?

It can be really confusing to feel sad about the death of a parent with whom we had a difficult, strained or violent relationship.

Identifying where these conflicting thoughts and feelings come from can help.

You might need to acknowledge and grieve the loss of your parent, the loss of the parent-child relationship you deserved, and even the loss of hoped-for apologies and reconnections.

In many cases, it is a combination of these losses that can make the grief more challenging.

It may also be difficult to get the social support you need from family, friends and colleagues.

These potential helpers might be unaware of the difficulties you experienced in the relationship, or incorrectly believe troubled relationships are easier to grieve.

It can feel like a taboo to speak ill of the dead, but it might be helpful to be clear about the relationship and your needs so that people can support you better.

In fact, grieving the death of people with whom we have challenging, conflicting or even abusive relationships can lead to more grief than the death of those with whom we shared a warm, loving and more straightforward relationship.

If the loss is particularly difficult and your grief doesn’t change and subside over time, seek support from your general practitioner. They might be able to recommend a psychologist or counsellor with expertise in grief.

Alternatively, you can find certified bereavement practitioners who have specialised training in grief support online or seek telephone support from Griefline on 1300 845 745.

The Conversation

Lauren Breen receives funding from Healthway and has previously received funding from Wellcome Trust, Australian Research Council, Department of Health (Western Australia), Silver Chain, iCare Dust Diseases Board (New South Wales), and Cancer Council (Western Australia). She is on the board of Lionheart Camp for Kids, is a member of Grief Australia, and a Fellow of the Australian Psychological Society.

ref. The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘difficult and complicated grief’ of losing an estranged parent – https://theconversation.com/the-death-of-jelena-dokics-father-reveals-the-difficult-and-complicated-grief-of-losing-an-estranged-parent-257324

Antarctica has its own ‘shield’ against warm water – but this could now be under threat

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ellie Ong, Research Fellow, ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather, Monash University

The Australian ice-breaker RSV Nuyina, cruising around Antarctica. Pete Harmsen/Australian Antarctic Division

A little-known ocean current surrounds Antarctica, shielding it from warm water further north. But our new research shows Antarctica’s melting ice is disrupting this current, putting the continent’s last line of defence at risk.

We found meltwater from Antarctica is speeding up the current, known as the Antarctic Slope Current. And it’s set to become even faster by mid-century.

A faster current could be more unstable. This means eddies of warm water could eat away at Antarctica’s ice, posing a major concern for the stability of the Earth’s climate system.

Faster ice-melt means faster sea-level rise. Humanity must act now to preserve this natural phenomena that helps Antarctica’s ice shelves remain intact.

Schematic of Antarctic Slope Current flow around Antarctica
The Antarctic Slope Current moves ocean water westward over the continental slope, close to the coast.
Ellie Ong

Melting of Antarctic ice has global consequences

Antarctica is melting as the world warms. This causes sea levels to rise. Even just a few centimetres of sea-level rise can double the chance of flooding in vulnerable coastal regions.

Previous research has shown meltwater is also slowing the global network of deep ocean currents. These currents transport water, heat and nutrients around the planet, so a global slow-down has huge ramifications.

It’s therefore crucial to reduce further loss of Antarctic ice, to stabilise our global climate system.

The Antarctic Slope Current moves ocean water westward over the continental slope, close to the coast. It acts as a barrier, preventing warm waters from further north from reaching the ice.

In this way, the current provides an important line of defence keeping warmer water at bay. It doesn’t stop Antarctica from melting, because warming air temperatures still cause this. But it slows the process.

However, our research shows this defence is under threat.

The Australian ice-breaker RSV Nuyina near the Shackleton Ice Shelf, captured by drone.
Ships cruising around Antarctica often encounter the Antarctic Slope Current.
Pete Harmsen/Australian Antarctic Division

What we did

We wanted to find out how the Antarctic Slope Current will respond to changes in wind, heat, and meltwater as the climate changes. We did this using high-resolution ocean-sea ice models.

The meltwater makes the ocean around Antarctica less salty. This makes the waters closer to the coast less dense, changing the structure of the Antarctic Slope Current and speeding it up.

The models predicted a 14% increase in the speed of the current over the past 25 years and a 49% increase over the next 25 years.

But meltwater from Antarctic ice has another effect too. We found the added water also slows down the movement of dense, salty coastal water in “waterfalls” running off the Antarctic coast that feeds into the global overturning current network.

When these waterfalls of dense water slow down, warmer waters are able to flow closer to the Antarctic continent.

Together, these changes compound and cause the Antarctic Slope Current to speed up even more.

A complex story

It might be assumed the changes we modelled would be a good thing for Antarctica. That’s because the stronger the Antarctic Slope Current, the stronger the barrier between Antarctica and the warm waters to the north.

But there’s more to the story. When ocean currents flow faster, they become more turbulent –generating vigorous eddies or whirlpools.

You can see this effect if you rapidly run your hand through a bathtub of water. Watch for the dynamic, circular whirlpools in your hand’s wake.

Ocean eddies are also becoming more vigorous under climate change.

Around Antarctica, whirlpools or eddies can move large amounts of warm water towards the poles. This can make melting worse.

So although a stronger current might be expected to act as a better shield for Antarctica, the extra eddies in its wake can have the opposing effect. These eddies can amplify the transport of heat towards Antarctica, increasing melting.

Eddies/whirlpools in the Southern Ocean around Antarctica.

Why this matters

No matter how uncertain Antarctica’s future may be, one thing is clear: this frozen frontier is crucial to the stability of our global climate.

The Antarctic Slope Current was once a steadfast guardian of the icy continent. But now the current is being transformed by the very ice it protects.

Humanity must act fast to preserve the current, by cutting carbon emissions. When it comes to Antarctica, this action isn’t optional — it’s the only way to hold the line.

The Conversation

Ellie Ong receives funding from the Australian Research Council and an Australian Government Research and Training Program Scholarship.

Edward Doddridge receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Matthew England receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Navid Constantinou receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Antarctica has its own ‘shield’ against warm water – but this could now be under threat – https://theconversation.com/antarctica-has-its-own-shield-against-warm-water-but-this-could-now-be-under-threat-255738

‘Starving’ masked Palestine protesters condemn Luxon’s Gaza ‘appeasement’

Asia Pacific Report

Protesting New Zealanders donned symbolic masks modelled on a Palestinian artist’s handiwork in Auckland’s Takutai Square today to condemn Israel’s starvation as war weapon against Gaza and the NZ prime minister’s weak response.

Coming a day after the tabling of Budget 2025 in Parliament, peaceful demonstrators wore hand-painted masks inspired by Gaza-based Palestinian artist Reem Arkan, who is fighting for her life alongside hundreds of thousands of the displaced Gazans.

The “bodies” represented more than 53,000 Palestinians killed by Israel’s brutal 19-month war on Gaza.

The protest coincided with Prime Minister Christopher Luxon addressing the Trans-Tasman Business Circle in Auckland.

The demonstrators said they chose this moment and location to “highlight the alarmingly tepid response” by the New Zealand government to what global human rights organisations — such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch — have branded as war crimes and acts of collective punishment amounting to genocide.

“This week, we heard yet another call for Israel to abide by international law. This is not leadership. It’s appeasement,” said a spokesperson, Olivia Coote.

“The time for statements has long passed. What we are witnessing in Gaza is a humanitarian catastrophe, and New Zealand must impose meaningful sanctions.

“Israel’s actions, including the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure, forced displacement, and obstruction of humanitarian aid, constitute grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of which we are signatories.”

A self-portrait by Palestinian artist Reem Arkan who depicts the suffering of Gaza – and the beauty – in spite of the savagery of the Israel attacks. Image: Insta/@artist_reemarkan

Green Party Co-Leader Chlöe Swarbrick challenged Prime Minister Luxon in Parliament over his government’s response earlier this week, saying: “We’ve had lots of words. We need action.”

Luxon claimed that sanctions were in place — but the only measure taken has been a travel ban on 12 extremist Israeli settlers from the West Bank.

“This is an action that does nothing to protect the more than two million Palestinians in Gaza who face daily bombardment, siege, and starvation,” Coote said.

The protesters are calling on the New Zealand government to act immediately by:

  • Imposing sanctions on Israel; and
  • Suspending all diplomatic and trade relations with Israel until there is an end to hostilities and full compliance with international humanitarian law.

“This government must not be complicit in atrocities through silence and inaction,” Coote said. “The people of Aotearoa New Zealand demand leadership as the world watches a genocide unfold in real time.”

A street theatre protester demonstrates today against starvation as a weapon of war as deployed by Israel in its brutal war on Gaza. Image: APR

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘complex and difficult grief’ of losing an estranged parent

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Breen, Professor of Psychology, Curtin University

Grieving the death of a parent is often considered a natural part of life. But there are added layers of complexity when you had a difficult or estranged relationship.

This week former tennis star Jelena Dokic confirmed the death of her father and former coach Damir, whose verbal, physical and emotional abuse she revealed in 2009 and further detailed in her 2017 autobiography. They had been estranged for a decade.

In a social media post on Thursday, Dokic wrote about her “conflicting and complex emotions and feelings” around his death:

no matter how how hard, difficult and in the last 10 years even non existent [sic] our relationship and communication was, it is never easy losing a parent […] The loss of an estranged parent comes with a difficult and complicated grief.

Dokic’s news is a reminder that, when a parent dies, not all of us get to grieve a stable, warm and comforting relationship.

As in her case, a strained relationship might even be marked by maltreatment or abuse. Relinquishing contact can sometimes be the best, albeit difficult, choice.

When the parent dies, the loss can feel surprisingly complex. We may be grieving both the literal death of the parent and the figurative death, of what should have been – what we wished for and desired.

Death can spark more than sadness

Grief is not a single emotion. Usually, it involves a combination of many. Common feelings can include sadness, guilt, anger and even relief.

In sharing her social media post, Dokic has said among conflicting emotions she’s chosen to “focus on a good memory”.

Grief can reach beyond feelings. It can disrupt eating and sleeping habits and impair memory and concentration.

Deaths can also affect relationships.

For example, when grieving, someone might receive a lot of social support from family, friends and colleagues. But for others, the support they’d like might not be forthcoming. The lack of support is yet another loss and is linked to worse physical and mental health.

Family members may also react in different ways. It might be jarring or alienating if your sibling responds differently, for example by sharing fond memories of a parent you found harsh and distant.

A death can also affect your financial standing. A grieving person may be burdened with outstanding bills and funeral payments. Or the impact can be positive, via windfalls from insurance and inheritance.

Hands touching an open album with a photo of a kid on dad's shoulders.
Family members may grieve in different ways.
Meteoritka/Shutterstock

What if I don’t feel sad?

With grief, it’s OK to feel how you feel. You might think you’re grieving the “wrong” way, but it can be helpful to remember there are no strict rules about how to grieve “right”.

Be gentle on yourself. And give other family members, who may have had a different relationship with the parent and therefore grieve differently, the same courtesy.

It’s also OK to feel conflicted about going to the funeral.

In this case, take the time to think through the pros and cons of attending. It might be helpful in processing your grief and in receiving support. Or you might feel that attending would be too difficult or emotionally unsafe for you.

If you choose to attend, it can help to go with someone who can support you through it.

In an estranged relationship, the adult child might not even find out about the death of the parent for many weeks or months afterwards. This means there is no option of attending the funeral or other mourning rituals. Consider making your own rituals to help process the loss and grief.

What if I do feel sad – but still hurt?

It can be really confusing to feel sad about the death of a parent with whom we had a difficult, strained or violent relationship.

Identifying where these conflicting thoughts and feelings come from can help.

You might need to acknowledge and grieve the loss of your parent, the loss of the parent-child relationship you deserved, and even the loss of hoped-for apologies and reconnections.

In many cases, it is a combination of these losses that can make the grief more challenging.

It may also be difficult to get the social support you need from family, friends and colleagues.

These potential helpers might be unaware of the difficulties you experienced in the relationship, or incorrectly believe troubled relationships are easier to grieve.

It can feel like a taboo to speak ill of the dead, but it might be helpful to be clear about the relationship and your needs so that people can support you better.

In fact, grieving the death of people with whom we have challenging, conflicting or even abusive relationships can lead to more grief than the death of those with whom we shared a warm, loving and more straightforward relationship.

If the loss is particularly difficult and your grief doesn’t change and subside over time, seek support from your general practitioner. They might be able to recommend a psychologist or counsellor with expertise in grief.

Alternatively, you can find certified bereavement practitioners who have specialised training in grief support online or seek telephone support from Griefline on 1300 845 745.

The Conversation

Lauren Breen receives funding from Healthway and has previously received funding from Wellcome Trust, Australian Research Council, Department of Health (Western Australia), Silver Chain, iCare Dust Diseases Board (New South Wales), and Cancer Council (Western Australia). She is on the board of Lionheart Camp for Kids, is a member of Grief Australia, and a Fellow of the Australian Psychological Society.

ref. The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘complex and difficult grief’ of losing an estranged parent – https://theconversation.com/the-death-of-jelena-dokics-father-reveals-the-complex-and-difficult-grief-of-losing-an-estranged-parent-257324

Disaster or digital spectacle? The dangers of using floods to create social media content

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samuel Cornell, PhD Candidate in Public Health & Community Medicine, School of Population Health, UNSW Sydney

Almost 700 rescues had been carried out in New South Wales by Friday morning as
record-breaking rainfall pounds the state. Tragically, four people have died in floodwaters.

Amid the chaos, videos posted on social media show people deliberately entering or standing above swollen rivers and flooded roads. It is a pattern of dangerous behaviour that occurs frequently during natural disasters in Australia.

Filming unsafe acts for social media is not just risky for participants. It may inspire copycat behaviour, and, if things go wrong, can endanger the lives of rescuers. It’s a public health problem which requires new remedies.

Selfies in floods: a risky business

During a flood, water can be deceiving. Just 15cm of water can knock an adult off their feet or cause a car to lose traction and float. Submerged debris and contaminated water add to the dangers.

Emergency services routinely warn the public not to enter floodwaters – on foot or in vehicles. But many people ignore the warnings, including those out to create social media content.

In a startling example posted on Tiktok during the current floods, a young man stands on a mossy log which has fallen over a flooded river. The video, accompanied by dramatic music, shows swirling floodwaters surging beneath him. One wrong step, and the man could easily have drowned.

In other examples posted on Tiktok in recent days, a woman wades through murky floodwaters, and a person films as the car they are travelling in drives down a flooded road.

Similar behaviour was observed during floods in Townsville earlier this year. Residents filmed themselves diving and wading into floodwaters, and towing each other on inflatable rafts.

And during ex-Tropical Cyclone Alfred, social media was filled with images of people in Queensland surfing dangerous swells and wading in rough surf.

A worrying trend

Our research explores the links between social media and adverse health outcomes.

Selfie-related injury has become a public health concern. People are increasingly venturing off-trail, seeking out attractive but hazardous locations such as cliff edges and coastal rock platforms.

These behaviours can lead to injury and death. They can also put emergency services personnel in harm’s way. In 2021, for example, a woman fell into a swollen river on Canberra’s outskirts while trying to take a selfie with friends, prompting a police official to warn:

There is no photo or social media post that is worth risking your life to get. Any water rescue puts the lives of not only of yourself but those of emergency services personnel at risk.

Getting to grips with the problem

How should the problem be tackled? Previous research by others has recommended “no-selfie zones”, barriers, and signs as ways to prevent selfie incidents. But our research suggests these measures may not be enough.

The phenomenon of selfie-related incidents requires a public health approach. This entails addressing the behaviour through prevention, education, and other interventions such as via social media platforms.

In the latest floods, unsafe behaviour has occurred despite a series of official flood, weather and other warnings. Residents also continue to drive into floodwaters, despite repeated pleas from authorities.

Official warnings compete with – and can lose out to – more emotionally compelling, visually rich content. If the public sees other people behaving recklessly and apparently unharmed, then even clear, fact-based warnings can be ignored.

This is especially true in communities experiencing “alert-fatigue” after having gone through disasters before.

Sometimes, vague terminology in warnings means the messages don’t necessarily cut through. We’ve seen this before in relation to surf safety. Technical phrases such as “hazardous swell” don’t change behaviour if people don’t understand what they mean.

For warnings to work, they need to be clear and provide instruction – stating what the danger actually is, and what to explicitly do, or not do.

For social media users, that might mean spelling out not to go into floodwaters to capture content for social media.

We’ve also previously called on social media companies to be held more accountable for the dangerous content they publish – by flagging risky content and supporting in-app safety messaging, especially at high-risk locations or during extreme weather events.

What to do right now

If you’re in or near a flood zone, follow guidance from emergency services to keep yourself and your loved ones safe.

When it comes to using social media in an emergency:

  • stay entirely out of floodwaters, even for a quick photo

  • think before you post. Your safety is more important than your content. No post is worth risking your life

  • avoid glamourising risk. Sharing risky photos or videos can influence others to do the same, potentially with worse outcomes

  • follow official advice. Floodwaters are unpredictable. Warnings are issued for a reason

  • use your platform for good. Share verified information, support affected communities and help amplify safety messages.

As extreme weather becomes more frequent in Australia under climate change, so too will the urge to document them. But we risk turning disasters into digital spectacles – at the expense of our lives and that of rescuers.

The Conversation

Samuel Cornell receives funding from Meta Platforms, Inc. His research is supported by a University of New South Wales Sydney, University Postgraduate Award. His research is supported by Royal Life Saving Society – Australia to aid in the prevention of drowning. Research at Royal Life Saving Society – Australia is supported by the Australian government. He has been affiliated with Surf Life Saving Australia and Surf Life Saving NSW in a paid and voluntary capacity.

Amy Peden receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Meta Platforms, and NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service. She holds an honorary affiliation with Royal Life Saving Society – Australia.

ref. Disaster or digital spectacle? The dangers of using floods to create social media content – https://theconversation.com/disaster-or-digital-spectacle-the-dangers-of-using-floods-to-create-social-media-content-257350

ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 23, 2025

ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 23, 2025.

Half the remaining habitat of Australia’s most at-risk species is outside protected areas
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Ward, Lecturer, School of Environment and Science, Griffith University Land clearing for agriculture poses a real threat to many species. Rich Carey/Shutterstock More and more Australian species are being listed as critically endangered – the final stage before extinction in the wild. Hundreds of species of

How should central banks respond to US tariffs? The RBA provides some clues
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stella Huangfu, Associate professor, University of Sydney Lightspring/Shutterstock With the return of Donald Trump to the White House, the United States has signalled a return to aggressive tariff policies, upending economic forecasts around the world. This leaves central banks with a tricky dilemma: how to respond when

Vivid, thrilling and ghastly: new theatrical adaptation of The Birds evokes climate disaster, terrorism and lockdown
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Austin, Senior Lecturer in Theatre, The University of Melbourne Pia Johnson/Malthouse Theatre Malthouse’s new production of The Birds is a thrillingly realised take on the 1952 short story by Daphne Du Maurier. Adapted by Louise Fox and directed by Matthew Lutton, this vivid realisation is a

Air New Zealand to resume Auckland-Nouméa flights from November
By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk Air New Zealand has announced it plans to resume its Auckland-Nouméa flights from November, almost one and a half years after deadly civil unrest broke out in the French Pacific territory. “Air New Zealand is resuming its Auckland-Nouméa service starting 1 November 2025. Initially, flights will

Budget 2025: Pacific Ministry faces major cuts, yet new initiatives aim for development
By ‘Alakihihifo Vailala of PMN News Funding for New Zealand’s Ministry for Pacific Peoples (MPP) is set to be reduced by almost $36 million in Budget 2025. This follows a cut of nearly $26 million in the 2024 budget. As part of these budgetary savings, the Tauola Business Fund will be closed. But, $6.3 million

Air New Zealand to resume Auckland-Nouméa flights from November
By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk Air New Zealand has announced it plans to resume its Auckland-Nouméa flights from November, almost one and a half years after deadly civil unrest broke out in the French Pacific territory. “Air New Zealand is resuming its Auckland-Nouméa service starting 1 November 2025. Initially, flights will

Budget 2025: Pacific Ministry faces major cuts, yet new initiatives aim for development
By ‘Alakihihifo Vailala of PMN News Funding for New Zealand’s Ministry for Pacific Peoples (MPP) is set to be reduced by almost $36 million in Budget 2025. This follows a cut of nearly $26 million in the 2024 budget. As part of these budgetary savings, the Tauola Business Fund will be closed. But, $6.3 million

Why Donald Trump has put Asia on the precipice of a nuclear arms race
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Langford, Executive Director, Security & Defence PLuS and Professor, UNSW Sydney For the past 75 years, America’s nuclear umbrella has been the keystone that has kept East Asia’s great‑power rivalries from turning atomic. President Donald Trump’s second‑term “strategic reset” now threatens to crack that arch. By

Corroboree 2000, 25 years on: the march for Indigenous reconciliation has left a complicated legacy
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heidi Norman, Professor of Aboriginal political history, Faculty of Arts, Design and Architecture, Convenor: Indigenous Land & Justice Research Group, UNSW Sydney First Nations people please be advised this article speaks of racially discriminating moments in history, including the distress and death of First Nations people. On

KiwiSaver at a crossroads: budget another missed opportunity to fix NZ’s underperforming retirement scheme
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aaron Gilbert, Professor of Finance, Auckland University of Technology Lynn Grieveson/Getty Images When KiwiSaver was introduced in 2007 it was built on a stark reality: New Zealand Super alone will not be enough for most people to retire with dignity. As the population ages and the cost

Deaf President Now! traces the powerful uprising that led to Deaf rights in the US – now again under threat
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma King, ARC DECRA Fellow in Screen Studies, Senior Lecturer in French Studies, Australian National University Archival footage shows Tim Rarus, Greg Hlibok, Bridgetta Bourne-Firl and Jerry Covell, in Apple TV+ Deaf President Now! Apple TV+ In March 1988, students of the world’s only Deaf university started

Head knocks and ultra-violence: viral games Run It Straight and Power Slap put sports safety back centuries
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Yorke, Lecturer in sport management, Western Sydney University runitstraight24/instagram.com, The Conversation, CC BY Created in Australia, “Run It Straight” is a new, ultra-violent combat sport. Across a 20×4 metre grassed “battlefield,” players charge at full speed toward one another. Alternating between carrying the ball (ball runner)

NZ Budget 2025: funding growth at the expense of pay equity for women could cost National in the long run
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Curtin, Professor of Politics and Policy, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau Pay equity protest outside parliament on budget day, May 22 2025. Getty Images In 1936, when the National Party was created through a merger of the United and Reform parties, there was a recognition

Australian roads are getting deadlier – pedestrians and males are among those at greater risk
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Associate Professor & Principal Fellow in Urban Risk & Resilience, The University of Melbourne At least ten people died in fatal crashes earlier this month in a single 48-hour period on Victorian roads. It was the latest tragic demonstration of the mounting road trauma in

There is a growing number of ‘super-sized’ schools. Does the number of students matter?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Rowe, Associate Professor in Education, Deakin University LBeddoe/Shutterstock Earlier this week, The Sydney Morning Herald reported one of Sydney’s top public high schools had more than 2,000 students for the first time, thanks to the booming population in the area. This follows similar reports of other

From peasant fodder to posh fare: how snails and oysters became luxury foods
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Garritt C. Van Dyk, Senior Lecturer in History, University of Waikato An Oyster cellar in Leith John Burnet, 1819; National Galleries of Scotland, Photo: Antonia Reeve Oysters and escargot are recognised as luxury foods around the world – but they were once valued by the lower classes

Govt should defuse NZ’s social timebomb – but won’t
We have been handed a long and protracted recession with few signs of growth and prosperity. Budget 2025 signals more of the same, writes Susan St John. ANALYSIS: By Susan St John With the coalition government’s second Budget being unveiled, we should question where New Zealand is heading. The 2024 Budget laid out the strategy.

Punitive criminal libel charge against Samoan journalist draws flurry of criticism
Pacific Media Watch A punitive defamation charge filed against one of Samoa’s most experienced and trusted journalists last week has sparked a flurry of criticism over abuse of power and misuse of a law that has long been heavily criticised as outdated. Talamua Online senior journalist Lagi Keresoma, who is also president of the Journalists

Grattan on Friday: if Ley and Littleproud find a way to cohabit, it will be a tense household
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra Remember that cliche about the Nationals tail wagging the Liberal dog? That tail wagged very vigorously this week, and smashed a lot of crockery, as it sought to bring Liberal leader Sussan Ley to heel. In a gesture of overreach,

Legal academic says Samoa’s criminal libel law should go after charge
By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist An Auckland University law academic says Samoa’s criminal libel law under which a prominent journalist has been charged should be repealed. Lagi Keresoma, the first female president of the Journalists Association of Samoa (JAWS) and editor of Talamua Online, was charged under the Crimes Act 2013 on Sunday

Half the remaining habitat of Australia’s most at-risk species is outside protected areas

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Ward, Lecturer, School of Environment and Science, Griffith University

Land clearing for agriculture poses a real threat to many species. Rich Carey/Shutterstock

More and more Australian species are being listed as critically endangered – the final stage before extinction in the wild. Hundreds of species of plants and animals are now at this point.

For a species to be critically endangered, it is on death’s door. Its numbers must have shrunk alarmingly and its outlook is bleak. Why? One common reason is habitat loss. If we convert bushland or swamps into farmland or suburbs, we reduce how much space species have to survive.

Our new research examines how much habitat is left for 305 of Australia’s critically endangered species – more than 70% of the total. Alarmingly, we found almost half the remaining habitat is outside the protected area estate. That means the last remaining areas where these species are clinging on could very easily be cleared.

The good news? We now know exactly which areas most need to be safeguarded. If we protected an extra 0.5% of Australia’s land mass, we could slash the risk to hundreds of species approaching the point of no return. This is a relatively small amount compared to the 22.5% of Australia that already has some form of protection. The Australian government has committed to increasing this to 30% by 2030.

What did we do?

Australia now has 426 critically endangered species, including plants, fish, frogs, reptiles, mammals, birds and other animals. We focused on 305 of these species – those clinging to life in six or fewer isolated patches of habitat across Australia.

We then worked with 18 scientists whose expertise covers these 305 species to refine the maps of habitat for species to ensure we used the most accurate and current data available.

Once we had these maps, we compared them to maps of Australia’s network of protected areas. When we found unprotected habitat, we assessed whether it might be appealing for clearing and conversion into farmland.

When we put this data together, we found something startling – and encouraging. Our work found approximately 85,000 square kilometres of habitat (about 1% of Australia’s land area) urgently needs protection and management to halt extinction for these 305 species.

map showing australia's protected areas and areas of good but unprotected habitat.
This map shows Australia’s existing protected areas in green. Suitable but unprotected habitat for our critically endangered species are coloured from dark blue through to yellow. The lighter the colour, the more species this habitat is suited to. Islands not to scale.
Michelle Ward, CC BY-NC-ND

Alarmingly, half of this vital habitat currently lies outside existing protected areas, with 39 species having none of their remaining habitat in the protected area estate. Habitat in protected areas is safer, but not completely safe. Fuel reduction burns, invasive species and even harvesting can affect species inside protected areas.

Consider the Margaret River burrowing crayfish (Engaewa pseudoreducta), Lyon’s grassland striped skink (Austroablepharus barrylyoni) and the Rosewood keeled snail (Ordtrachia septentrionalis). Each of these critically endangered species survives in one or two tiny patches of habitat outside the protected area estate. They could be wiped out by something as simple as a highway expansion or a new suburban development.

Some remaining habitat is especially precious, as it could support several critically endangered species at once. These include areas west of Atherton in Queensland as well as areas around Tumbarumba in New South Wales and Campbell Town in Tasmania.

Other hotspots include Lord Howe Island, Macquarie Island, Christmas Island, Norfolk Island and its neighbour Phillip Island. Many critically endangered species with small ranges survive here, including Suter’s striped glass-snail, Christmas Island spleenwort and the Lord Howe Island phasmid (giant stick insect). While most of these islands are well protected, their conservation programs need to be well funded to deal with ongoing threats.

striped skink, endangered.
The critically endangered Lyon’s grassland striped skink is now found only on small fragments of habitat southwest of Cairns.
Conrad Hoskin, CC BY-NC-ND

The last of them

When a species goes extinct, we lose an entire set of genes, traits, behaviours and history. Despite recent headlines, extinction is forever.

In 2022, the Australian government pledged to bring an end to extinction of the continent’s unique species.

This is easier said than done – extinctions are continuing, especially among invertebrates.

Our maps show the last known areas where these 305 species are holding on. If nothing is done, some of these areas of habitat will likely be converted to farming or grazing land. The most logical thing to do is to preserve and manage this habitat as quickly as possible.

The challenge is ownership. At present, much of this habitat occurs on private land (about 17,000 km²) or in state forests (about 7,000 km²) which often does not stop activities that cause habitat destruction, such as native forest logging. Other areas are under different forms of tenure which often lack stringent conservation measures.

Protecting species on private lands requires careful negotiation and incentives for landholders. The government doesn’t have to buy the land – it just has to find ways to conserve it. Australia now has many good examples of conservation on private land.

Agricultural potential poses another challenge. More than half (55%) of the habitat we identified has a clear overlap with lands suitable for farming or grazing. These preferred areas are usually flat and on fertile soils.

Conversion of habitat to farms or paddocks is a major reason why Australia is still one of the top land-clearing nations. In just one year, 6,800 km² of woody vegetation was cleared in Queensland – largely to make way for agriculture.

What can we do?

Our research gives policymakers detailed, geographically specific and actionable information on vital areas of habitat remaining for more than 70% of Australia’s critically endangered species.

These maps can help shape decisions on land management, expansion of protected areas and where biodiversity stewardship programs should be prioritised.

Policymakers must find effective incentives for landowners to preserve species on their land and rigorously enforce regulations to prevent illegal clearing.

Australia stands at a crossroads. The action (or inaction) of decision makers will change the fate of hundreds of critically endangered species. We know where these species are just holding on. The question is whether we can get to them in time.

The Conversation

Michelle Ward has received funding from various sources including the Australian Research Council, the Queensland Department of Environment and Science, WWF Australia, and the federal government’s National Environmental Science Program, and has advised both state and federal government on conservation policy.

James Watson has received funding from the Australian Research Council, National Environmental Science Program, South Australia’s Department of Environment and Water, Queensland’s Department of Environment, Science and Innovation as well as from Bush Heritage Australia, Queensland Conservation Council, Australian Conservation Foundation, The Wilderness Society and Birdlife Australia. He serves on the scientific committee of BirdLife Australia and has a long-term scientific relationship with Bush Heritage Australia and Wildlife Conservation Society. He serves on the Queensland government’s Land Restoration Fund’s Investment Panel as the Deputy Chair.

ref. Half the remaining habitat of Australia’s most at-risk species is outside protected areas – https://theconversation.com/half-the-remaining-habitat-of-australias-most-at-risk-species-is-outside-protected-areas-256818

How should central banks respond to US tariffs? The RBA provides some clues

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stella Huangfu, Associate professor, University of Sydney

Lightspring/Shutterstock

With the return of Donald Trump to the White House, the United States has signalled a return to aggressive tariff policies, upending economic forecasts around the world.

This leaves central banks with a tricky dilemma: how to respond when inflation and global growth are being shaped by political decisions rather than economic fundamentals?

Tariffs lift import prices and disrupt trade, which could lead to higher inflation. But they can also dampen consumer demand and undermine business confidence, which would slow economic growth.

This leaves central banks balancing two opposing forces – do they raise interest rates to control inflation, or cut interest rates to support growth?

Three big shocks in a row

This week, Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) Governor Michele Bullock addressed this challenge in a press conference after cutting interest rates for the second time this year.

She described the current period as one of “shifting and unusual uncertainty”.

Central banks, she noted, have faced three major shocks in succession: the global financial crisis, the COVID pandemic, and now the fallout from Trump’s trade policies.

Each, she said, is different – this latest one being political in nature and harder to categorise. Bullock stressed the difficulty of judging whether such shocks are supply-driven or demand-driven, or both, and emphasised the need to prepare for a range of outcomes.

So, the Reserve Bank took the unusual step of outlining three alternative global scenarios – trade war, trade peace, and a central baseline. Each one has distinct implications for Australian monetary policy.

It’s a clear example of how central banks can remain flexible and forward-looking in a world where the next shock may look nothing like the last.

Looking at three global scenarios

1. Trade war (escalation)

In this scenario laid out in the Reserve Bank’s quarterly statement on monetary policy, the US imposes sweeping new tariffs. That prompts retaliation and a slowdown in global trade. Supply chains are hit and business confidence falls.

Australia would feel the consequences quickly: weaker export demand, rising import prices, and a difficult mix of slower growth and temporary inflation. Here, the Reserve Bank would likely look past short-term price increases and focus on deteriorating demand. A rate cut would become more likely, despite inflation being above target in the short run.

2. Trade peace (de-escalation)

If the US backs away from new tariffs and tensions ease, global confidence improves and trade stabilises. Australia benefits from stronger global demand, a rebound in commodity exports and rising investment.

In this setting, inflation rises gradually due to higher activity – not import price shocks. The Reserve Bank might hold rates steady, or even consider hiking rates if inflation pressures build. But this scenario also carries risk: if the recovery is faster than expected, interest rates may be left low for too long.

3. Baseline scenario

In the bank’s central case, trade tensions persist but do not escalate. Global growth slows moderately and firms adjust to ongoing strain in supply chains.

Australia sees subdued but stable economic growth. Inflation remains within the 2-3% target band in the near term, and the Reserve Bank would stay open to either raising or lowering interest rates, depending on how risks evolve.

Other central banks face similar choices

Australia’s central bank is not alone in navigating these challenges.

At the Bank of England, the decision to cut rates in May showed a divided Monetary Policy Committee. While the majority supported a 0.25% cut, two members – including trade expert Swati Dhingra – called for a larger 0.5% move to better support growth. The split highlights the difficulty of gauging how aggressively to respond in an uncertain environment.

In the US, Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell has warned of the risks posed by Trump’s new tariffs. Speaking in April, Powell said the impact could be “larger than expected”, threatening both growth and inflation.

With trade policy largely out of the Fed’s hands, he noted, the central bank must still monitor developments on tariffs closely because of their potential to disrupt both employment and prices.

The road ahead

The re-emergence of US tariffs adds to the complexity facing central banks. As Bullock noted, this is not just another economic shock – it’s a politically driven one, which is harder to model and forecast.

The Reserve Bank’s response offers a practical framework: map out potential scenarios, weigh their implications and stand ready to move. In an uncertain world, monetary policy must be based not just on data, but on judgement, flexibility and contingency planning.




Read more:
What are tariffs?


Stella Huangfu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How should central banks respond to US tariffs? The RBA provides some clues – https://theconversation.com/how-should-central-banks-respond-to-us-tariffs-the-rba-provides-some-clues-257329

Vivid, thrilling and ghastly: new theatrical adaptation of The Birds evokes climate disaster, terrorism and lockdown

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Austin, Senior Lecturer in Theatre, The University of Melbourne

Pia Johnson/Malthouse Theatre

Malthouse’s new production of The Birds is a thrillingly realised take on the 1952 short story by Daphne Du Maurier. Adapted by Louise Fox and directed by Matthew Lutton, this vivid realisation is a chilling treatise on fear and resilience in the face of an external threat.

Paula Arundell plays Tessa, a wife and mother whose family has recently undergone a seachange to a sleepy little coastal town. Tessa serves as both our narrator and key storyteller as the show unfolds, and Arundell embodies multiple other characters with precise vocal and physical shifts.

As the birds start to amass on the sleepy seaside hamlet, Tessa becomes increasingly concerned about their intentions. After a random avian attack on a neighbour and the terror of the persistent nocturnal window-tapping visitors who eventually invade Tessa’s daughter’s bedroom, it becomes clear to Tessa her concerns are justified.

At first, no one takes the threat of the birds as seriously as Tessa. They fail to recognise the sinister and particular interest the birds have in the human species. Her husband and neighbour dismiss Tessa’s concerns as a sort of paranoia.

But as the amount of birds begins to sharply increase, creating a shadow in the sky that blocks out the sun, Tessa becomes the galvanising force determined to protect her family from this imminent deadly attack.

A theatrical feat

Sound, light and text support the audience to imagine rich landscapes of domestic, natural and urban settings.

Kat Chan’s set is stripped back, with a raised area in the middle of the stage and a few set and prop items on long tables along the walls. With this deceptively simple design, we are transported to the seashore, the interior of a home and a neighbourhood park as we journey with Tessa over two or three days during this apocalyptic disaster.

Kat Chan’s set is deceptively simple.
Pia Johnson/Malthouse Theatre

J. David Franzke’s sound design is a feat of theatrical audio engineering. Headphones immerse the audience within a binaural sonic landscape.

Every sound Arundell makes on stage is emphasised, interwoven with a cacophony of bird squawks, cries, songs and calls.

Microphones and speakers are all cleverly disguised as wooden bird boxes, adding a beautiful conceptual touch to the never-seen – but absolutely present – flocks of murderous birds.

Post-pandemic theatre

In the original story, the male protagonist strategises his defence against the birds using logic and reasoning, as a post-World War Two disability limits him physically.

Fox’s adaptation nods to this part of the original story by a subtle reference to Tessa’s husband’s mental health, and that he has been “let go” (or, as he interjects, “let down”) by his company.

It is clear Tessa must use her wits to protect her family, including her husband. She has no one she can rely on but herself.

As this story reaches a ghastly and violent climax, I was struck by the similarities to some of the experience of pandemic lockdowns, still so recent in our collective memory.

Creative responses that reflect and depict this time are only really just beginning to emerge on Australian stages.

Maybe it was the effect of wearing headphones while watching a live performance that catapulted me back to the isolated feeling of only connecting with others outside my home through the digital realm.

The Birds evokes the isolation felt during COVID lockdowns.
Pia Johnson/Malthouse Theatre

Tessa barricades her frightened family in her house to fend off this pervasive and ever-present threat. She counts her food supplies and how long they might last, operates under a curfew controlled by the tides, and tunes into the radio to hear what the government has to say about the bird situation. I was taken immediately back to a time of daily COVID numbers and premier briefings, toilet paper rationing and social distancing.

The possibility of what The Birds represents is manifold, with ideas of climate disaster, genocide, war and terrorism all present in the storytelling and the richly evocative text.

The simple final image of a woman reclining on a chair, calmly reciting names of bird species as she smokes a cigarette and awaits the dread that will come in the night is a powerful symbol of quiet fortitude.

Perhaps in this post pandemic context, it is Tessa’s determination in the face of this catastrophe that might speak to us of resilience in the face of seemingly impossible disasters and how we must continue to adapt, fight and resist to survive.

The Birds is at Malthouse Theatre, Melbourne, until June 7.

Sarah Austin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Vivid, thrilling and ghastly: new theatrical adaptation of The Birds evokes climate disaster, terrorism and lockdown – https://theconversation.com/vivid-thrilling-and-ghastly-new-theatrical-adaptation-of-the-birds-evokes-climate-disaster-terrorism-and-lockdown-254819

Air New Zealand to resume Auckland-Nouméa flights from November

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

Air New Zealand has announced it plans to resume its Auckland-Nouméa flights from November, almost one and a half years after deadly civil unrest broke out in the French Pacific territory.

“Air New Zealand is resuming its Auckland-Nouméa service starting 1 November 2025. Initially, flights will operate once a week on a Saturday. This follows the New Zealand Government’s decision to update its safe travel advisory level for New Caledonia”, the company stated in its latest update yesterday.

“The resumption of services reflects our commitment to reconnecting New Zealand and New Caledonia, ensuring that travel is safe and reliable for our customers. We will continue to monitor this route closely.

“Passengers are encouraged to check the latest travel advisories and Air New Zealand’s official channels for updates on flight schedules”, said Air New Zealand general manager short haul Lucy Hall.

In its updated advisory regarding New Caledonia, the New Zealand government still recommends “Exercise increased caution” (Level 2 of 4).

It said this was “due to the ongoing risk of civil unrest”.

In some specific areas (the Loyalty Islands, the Isle of Pines (Iles de Pins), and inland of the coastal strip between Mont Dore and Koné), it is still recommended to “avoid non-essential travel (Level 3 of 4).”

Warning over ‘civil unrest’
The advisory also recalls that “there was a prolonged period of civil unrest in New Caledonia in 2024. Political tensions and civil unrest may increase at short notice”.

“Avoid all demonstrations, protests, and rallies as they have the potential to turn violent with little warning”.

Air New Zealand ceased flights between Auckland and the French territory’s capital, Nouméa on 15 June 2024, at the height of violent civil unrest.

Since then, it has maintained its no-show for the French Pacific territory, one of its closest neighbours.

Air New Zealand’s general manager international Jeremy O’Brien said at the time this was due to “pockets of unrest” remaining in New Caledonia and “safety is priority”.

New Caledonia’s international carrier Air Calédonie International (Aircalin) is also operating two weekly flights to Auckland from the Nouméa-La Tontouta international airport.

The riots that broke out on 13 May 2024 resulted in 14 deaths and more than 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4.1 billion) in damages, bringing New Caledonia’s economy to its knees, with thousands of businesses and jobs destroyed.

Tourism from its main regional source markets, namely Australia and New Zealand, also came to a standstill.

Specifically regarding New Zealand, local statistics show that between the first quarters of 2024 and 2025, visitor numbers collapsed by 90 percent (from 1731 to 186).

New Caledonia’s tourism stakeholders have welcomed the resumption of the service to and from New Zealand, saying this will allow the industry to relaunch targeted promotional campaigns in the New Zealand market.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Budget 2025: Pacific Ministry faces major cuts, yet new initiatives aim for development

By Alakihihifo Vailala of PMN News

Funding for New Zealand’s Ministry for Pacific Peoples (MPP) is set to be reduced by almost $36 million in Budget 2025.

This follows a cut of nearly $26 million in the 2024 budget.

As part of these budgetary savings, the Tauola Business Fund will be closed. But, $6.3 million a year will remain to support Pacific economic and business development through the Pacific Business Trust and Pacific Business Village.

The Budget cuts also affect the Tupu Aotearoa programme, which supports Pacific people in finding employment and training, alongside the Ministry of Social Development’s employment initiatives.

While $5.25 million a year will still fund the programme, a total of $22 million a year has been cut over the last four years.

The ministry will save almost $1 million by returning funding allocated for the Dawn Raids reconciliation programme from 2027/28 onwards.

There are two years of limited funding left to complete the ministry Dawn Raids programmes, which support the Crown’s reconciliation efforts.

Funding for Pasifika Wardens
Despite these reductions, a new initiative providing funding for Pasifika Wardens will introduce $1 million of new spending over the next four years.

The initiative will improve services to Pacific communities through capacity building, volunteer training, transportation, and enhanced administrative support.

Funding for the National Fale Malae has ceased, as only $2.7 million of the allocated $10 million has been spent since funding was granted in Budget 2020.

The remaining $6.6 million will be reprioritised over the next two years to address other priorities within the Arts, Culture and Heritage portfolio, including the National Music Centre.

Foreign Affairs funding for the International Development Cooperation (IDC) projects, particularly focussed on the Pacific, is also affected. The IDC received an $800 million commitment in 2021 from the Labour government.

The funding was time-limited, leading to a $200 million annual fiscal cliff starting in January 2026.

Budget 2025 aims to mitigate this impact by providing ongoing, baselined funding of $100 million a year to cover half of the shortfall. An additional $5 million will address a $10 million annual shortfall in departmental funding.

Support for IDC projects
The new funding will support IDC projects, emphasising the Pacific region without being exclusively aimed at climate finance objectives. Overall, $367.5 million will be allocated to the IDC over four years.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis said the Budget addressed a prominent fiscal cliff, especially concerning climate finance.

“The Budget addresses this, at least in part, through ongoing, baselined funding of $100 million a year, focused on the Pacific,” she said in her Budget speech.

“Members will not be surprised to know that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has made a case for more funding, and this will be looked at in future Budgets.”

More funding has been allocated for new homework and tutoring services for learners in Years nine and 10 at schools with at least 50 percent Pacific students to meet the requirements for the National Certificate of Educational Achievement (NCEA).

About 50 schools across New Zealand are expected to benefit from the initiative, which will receive nearly $7 million over the next four years, having been reprioritised from funding for the Pacific Education Programme.

As a result, funding will be stopped for three programmes aimed at supporting Tu’u Mālohi, Pacific Reading Together and Developing Mathematical Inquiry Communities.

Republished from Pacific Media Network News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Why Donald Trump has put Asia on the precipice of a nuclear arms race

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Langford, Executive Director, Security & Defence PLuS and Professor, UNSW Sydney

For the past 75 years, America’s nuclear umbrella has been the keystone that has kept East Asia’s great‑power rivalries from turning atomic.

President Donald Trump’s second‑term “strategic reset” now threatens to crack that arch.

By pressuring allies to shoulder more of the defence burden, hinting that US forces might walk if the cheques do not clear and flirting with a return to nuclear testing, Washington is signalling that its once‑ironclad nuclear guarantee is, at best, negotiable.

In Seoul, Tokyo and even Taipei, a once-unthinkable idea — building nuclear weapons — has begun to look disturbingly pragmatic.

Nuclear umbrella starting to fray

Extended deterrence is the promise the United States will use its own nuclear weapons, if necessary, to repel an attack on an ally.

The logic is brutally simple: if North Korea contemplates a strike on South Korea, it must fear an American retaliatory strike, as well.

The pledge allows allies to forgo their own bombs, curbing nuclear proliferation while reinforcing US influence.

The idea dates to Dwight D. Eisenhower’s “New Look” military strategy, which relied on the threat of “massive retaliation” against the Soviet Union to defend Europe and Asia at a discount: fewer troops, more warheads.

John F. Kennedy replaced that hair‑trigger doctrine with a “flexible response” defence strategy. This widened the spectrum of options to respond to potential Soviet attacks, but kept the nuclear backstop in place.

By the 1990s, the umbrella seemed almost ornamental. Russia’s nuclear arsenal had rusted, China was keeping to a “minimal deterrent” strategy (maintaining a small stockpile of weapons), and US supremacy looked overwhelming.

In 2020, then-President Barack Obama’s Nuclear Posture Review reaffirmed the umbrella guarantee, though Obama had voiced aspirations for the long‑term abolition of nuclear weapons.

Barack Obama’s 2009 speech advocating nuclear disarmament in Prague.

The Biden administration then embraced a new term – “integrated deterrence”, which fused cyber, space and economic tools with nuclear forces to deter potential foes.

In recent years, however, North Korea’s sprint towards intercontinental ballistic missiles and the modernisation and expansion of China’s nuclear arsenal began testing the faith of US allies.

Trump has now turbo‑charged those doubts. He has mused that his “strategic reset” ties protection to payment. If NATO’s Article 5 (which obliges members to come to each other’s defence) is “conditional” on US allies paying their fair share, why would Asia be different?

Reports the White House has weighed a resumption of underground nuclear tests – and, under the Biden administration, even a more extensive arsenal – have rattled non‑proliferation diplomats.

A Politico analysis bluntly warns that sustaining global “extended deterrence” in two parts of the world (Europe and Asia) may be beyond Trump’s patience — or pocketbook.

A regional nuclear arms race

Allies are taking note. Last month, an Institute for Strategic Studies survey found officials in Europe and Asia openly questioning whether an American president would risk San Francisco to save Seoul.

In South Korea, public backing for a bomb now tops 70%.

Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party is, for the first time since 1945, considering a “nuclear sharing” arrangement with the US. Some former defence officials have even called for a debate on nuclear weapons themselves.

Taiwan’s legislators — long muzzled on the subject — whisper about a “porcupine” deterrent based on asymmetrical warfare and a modest nuclear capability.

If one domino tips, several could follow. A South Korean nuclear weapon program would almost certainly spur Japan to act. That, in turn, would harden China’s strategic outlook, inviting a regional arms race and shredding the fragile Nuclear Non‑Proliferation Treaty.

The respected international relations journal Foreign Policy has already dubbed Trump’s approach “a nuclear Pandora’s box.”

The danger is not just about more warheads, but also the shorter decision times to use them.

Three or four nuclear actors crammed into the world’s busiest sea lanes — with hypersonic missiles and AI‑driven, early‑warning systems — create hair‑trigger instability. One misread radar blip over the East China Sea could end in catastrophe.

What does this mean for Australia?

Australia, too, has long relied on the US umbrella without demanding an explicit nuclear clause in the ANZUS treaty.

The AUKUS submarine pact with the US and UK deepens technological knowledge sharing, but does not deliver an Australian bomb. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese insists the deal is about “deterrence, not offence,” yet the debate over funding nuclear-powered submarines exposes how tightly Australian strategy is lashed to American political will.

A regional cascade of nuclear proliferation would confront Australia with agonising choices. Should it cling to the shrinking US umbrella, invest in a missile defence shield, or contemplate its own nuclear deterrent? Any such move towards its own weapon would collide with decades of proud non‑proliferation diplomacy and risk alienating Southeast Asian neighbours.

More likely, Canberra will double down on alliance management — lobbying Washington to clarify its commitments, urging Seoul and Tokyo to stay the non‑nuclear course, and expanding regional defence exercises that make American resolve visible.

In a neighbourhood bristling with new warheads, middle powers that remain non‑nuclear will need thicker conventional shields and sharper diplomatic tools.

This means hardening Australia’s northern bases against a potential attack, accelerating its long‑range strike programs, and funding diplomatic initiatives that keep the Non-Proliferation Treaty alive.

The Trump administration’s transactional posture risks broadcasting a deficit of will precisely when East Asian security hangs in the balance. If Washington allows confidence in extended deterrence to erode, history will not stand still; it will split the atom again, this time in Seoul, Tokyo or beyond.

Australia has every incentive to prod its great power ally back toward strategic steadiness. The alternative is a region where the umbrellas proliferate — and, sooner or later, fail.

The Conversation

Ian Langford is affiliated with the University of New South Wales.

ref. Why Donald Trump has put Asia on the precipice of a nuclear arms race – https://theconversation.com/why-donald-trump-has-put-asia-on-the-precipice-of-a-nuclear-arms-race-256577

Corroboree 2000, 25 years on: the march for Indigenous reconciliation has left a complicated legacy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heidi Norman, Professor of Aboriginal political history, Faculty of Arts, Design and Architecture, Convenor: Indigenous Land & Justice Research Group, UNSW Sydney

First Nations people please be advised this article speaks of racially discriminating moments in history, including the distress and death of First Nations people.


On a cold day 25 years ago, a bitter wind swept up from the south, pushing against an endless throng of people crossing one of Australia’s most famous landmarks.

Some 250,000 people were walking across Sydney Harbour Bridge in support of Indigenous reconciliation. It was an event called Corroboree 2000.

It took more than six hours for the mass of people to make their way from north to south, into the city. Across the nation, in small towns and in the capital cities, bridge walks symbolised overcoming a difficult past and coming together.

But Australia’s relationship with First Nations people in the years since has been sometimes tumultuous, occasionally optimistic and often vexed. What legacy did the event leave?

A ‘decade of reconciliation’?

A “Decade of Reconciliation” started with the unanimous passage of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation Act through the federal parliament in 1991. “Reconciliation” was to be achieved between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians by the centenary of Federation in 2001.

The act made a national commitment for the federal government to address both “Aboriginal disadvantage and aspirations”.

It didn’t, however, specify what reconciliation was or what a reconciled nation would look like. The 2001 deadline would come and go without any way of knowing if it had been achieved.

The amorphous nature of the concept likely contributed to the widespread political support for reconciliation. But whether it meant addressing Indigenous rights, or disadvantage, or both, was often decided down political party lines.

Some First Nations activists were unequivocal in their criticism of reconciliation. It was widely perceived as a poor substitute for Bob Hawke’s 1984 promise of national land rights, and later, Treaty.

The late Uncle Chicka Dixon renamed the movement “ReCONsillynation”. The “con” was the call to “walk together” as an alternative to Treaty and land rights.

Instead, the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation was established in 1991. Its approach to reconciliation was largely about building knowledge and understanding among non-Indigenous Australians about Australian Indigenous lives, experience and history. This was seen as essential to advancing justice.

Changing hearts and minds

For more than a decade, the council worked to achieve its vision, recruiting thousands of participants to the cause. It produced educational materials to guide learning about First Peoples histories and cultures. It also promoted reconciliation activities in the community.

Community-led reconciliation activities proliferated quickly. Some of these continue today, helping establish a foundation for truth-telling.

Huge historical events were unfolding alongside this work. In 1992, the Mabo decision in the High Court ruled Australia was not terra nullius (land belonging to nobody) when it was claimed by Britain in 1770. This led to native title laws, which have made it possible for some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to claim ownership of their traditional lands.

In 1997, the Bringing Them Home report highlighted the trauma caused to generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait children across Australia by removing them from their families. They are known as the Stolen Generations.

The report recommended all Australian governments apologise to Indigenous people for their involvement in the policies and practices of forcible child removal.

By 1999, all states and territory governments had apologised. The federal government had not.

A contested history

These seismic shifts in public conversation inevitably came to feature in federal politics.

In the 1996 election, the two leaders – Labor Prime Minister Paul Keating and Liberal leader John Howard – outlined very different political visions based on opposing approaches to Australian history.

While Keating was in office, he combined two causes – native title and the republic – hoping they would help generate a new story of the nation’s foundation.

He sought to replace the positive, comforting and Anglo-centric view of Australian history. He highlighted the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal people and cast doubt on the morality of British occupation.

Howard largely framed his history in opposition to Keating’s. Whereas Keating’s history dwelled on identifiable historical wrongs, Howard famously said Australians should “feel comfortable and relaxed about their history”.

For Howard, there was much to be proud of in the story of the nation’s past. He accused the Labor party of peddling “the rhetoric of apology and shame”, or what came to be known as the “black armband” view of the past.

Despite the recommendation of the Bringing Them Home report, Howard didn’t apologise to Indigenous people. He championed “practical outcomes” instead of “symbolism”, although ultimately failed to deliver either.

A historic culmination

With all these debates brewing throughout the 1990s, Australians used the new millennium to make their own large, symbolic gesture.

Corroboree 2000 was held over two days in May. At the first event held on May 27, Indigenous and non-Indigenous leaders met at the Sydney Opera House. The Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation presented non-Indigenous leaders with two documents: the Australian Declaration Towards Reconciliation and the Roadmap for Reconciliation.

All the leaders who took part left their handprints on a canvas to show their support.

But in the intervening years, the shape of reconciliation and what Indigenous people could expect from it changed.

Reflecting the Howard government’s emphasis on practical reconciliation, the council’s final report emphasised that “overcoming disadvantage is central to the reconciliation process”. The original brief for reconciliation to also address “Aboriginal aspirations” was forgotten.

Howard gave a speech at the event and expressed “regret” for the past treatment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, but he did not apologise. This left many in the crowd unhappy.

The apology would eventually come in 2008 from Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd.

Where are we now?

In his recent election victory speech, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese emphasised national unity. He again placed reconciliation at the forefront of the Australian government’s Indigenous affairs agenda, saying:

we will be a government that supports reconciliation with First Nations people, because we will be a stronger nation when we close the gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.

It was a far cry from his 2022 victory speech when he promised the full implementation of the Uluru Statement from the Heart.

In the aftermath of the Voice referendum, the Albanese government says it is focusing on First Nations economic independence and empowerment, along with continuing to “Close the Gap” in experiences of disadvantage.

So 25 years on from the bridge walk, reconciliation remains a feature of the government’s response to First Peoples’ calls for recognition and justice.

But reconciliation can be seen as a safe harbour to merely rebuild consensus, when more ambitious Indigenous affairs agendas stall or fail.

The Conversation

Heidi Norman receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Anne Maree Payne has previously received research funding from Reconciliation Australia.

ref. Corroboree 2000, 25 years on: the march for Indigenous reconciliation has left a complicated legacy – https://theconversation.com/corroboree-2000-25-years-on-the-march-for-indigenous-reconciliation-has-left-a-complicated-legacy-252805

KiwiSaver at a crossroads: budget another missed opportunity to fix NZ’s underperforming retirement scheme

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aaron Gilbert, Professor of Finance, Auckland University of Technology

Lynn Grieveson/Getty Images

When KiwiSaver was introduced in 2007 it was built on a stark reality: New Zealand Super alone will not be enough for most people to retire with dignity.

As the population ages and the cost of superannuation continues to climb, the gap between what the state provides and what retirees actually need is only going to grow. KiwiSaver was designed to bridge that gap – to give New Zealanders a fighting chance at financial independence in retirement.

But changes to KiwiSaver laid out in this year’s budget undermine what was already an underperforming scheme.

Despite 17 years of operation, KiwiSaver balances remain shockingly low. As of mid-2024, the average sits around NZ$37,000. That’s barely enough for a couple of years’ worth of modest top-ups, let alone funding a comfortable retirement.

For many nearing retirement, balances are even lower. And about 40% of members aren’t actively contributing. That includes people on contribution holidays, in irregular work, or who opted out altogether. Many accounts are effectively dormant “ghost accounts” created by auto-enrolment and never activated.

Let’s be blunt: a retirement savings scheme that doesn’t result in meaningful savings for the majority of its members isn’t working.

Political leaders walk down a corridor on the day the budget is released.
The 2025 Budget from the National Party, ACT and NZ First, included changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.
Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

Small cuts, big consequences

KiwiSaver’s design isn’t its only problem. Political decisions have steadily chipped away at the scheme’s effectiveness. Every tweak and cut might seem minor on its own. But together they’ve eroded the core engine of the scheme: compounding contributions over time.

Take the $1,000 kick-start payment from the state, scrapped in 2015. Left invested in a growth fund for 40 years, that single payment could have grown to over $8,000.

Or look at the member tax credit – an annual payment made by the government to eligible members. The reduction from $1,042 to $521.43 might seem modest, but over a working life, that change alone could shave more than $70,000 off your KiwiSaver balance. This year’s budget has cut it further to $260.72.

Then there’s the tax on employer contributions – the amount paid into KiwiSaver by employers. For someone earning $80,000 a year, that tax can reduce total contributions by around 1% of salary annually. Over 40 years, that means nearly $100,000 less at retirement.

These aren’t just numbers on a spreadsheet. They’re the difference between retiring with options and retiring with anxiety. The $200,000 that past policy changes have stripped from the average KiwiSaver balance could have provided an extra $170 a week in retirement – enough to cover basics like food, power or transport.

By eroding those balances now, we’re not saving money. We’re simply passing the bill to future governments and taxpayers who will have to pick up the slack.

The worst time to weaken saving

There’s never a good time to undermine a long-term savings scheme, but doing it during a cost-of-living crisis is especially reckless. People are already struggling to keep up with everyday expenses. Contributions to KiwiSaver – despite their long-term benefits – are one of the first things households cut when budgets are tight.

If people start to believe KiwiSaver won’t be there for them – or that it’s not worth the effort – they’ll opt out or reduce contributions. And the scheme, already struggling with engagement, will lose even more ground.

Which brings us to the current budget.

The changes to the member tax credit will undermine the core purpose of KiwiSaver, reducing the amount people will retire with by another $35,000 for someone investing for 40 years in a growth fund.

Income-testing the member tax credit, coming into effect on July 1 this year, is pitched as targeting support where it’s needed. But that assumes income is a good proxy for need. It isn’t. Plenty of people have high incomes now but low KiwiSaver balances due to career gaps, home purchases or starting late.

If we want to better target support, base it on balances, not income. That would help those with low savings regardless of their current salary – and encourage rebuilding after big life expenses, such as buying a first home.

Raising the minimum contribution rate from 3% to 4% of gross salary sounds promising. Nudging people into saving more is smart policy – in theory. Plus requiring higher employer contributions is a welcome benefit.

But with households stretched thin, there’s a real risk people will just cease contributing at all. The danger is we end up with a headline policy that looks bold but delivers little – or worse, backfires.

The bottom line

The bigger issue? These are tweaks around the edges. They don’t address the fundamental problem: KiwiSaver is not set up to deliver retirement security at scale.

Plenty of experts have put forward good ideas to improve it. But right now, the urgent priority isn’t invention – it’s protection. Every time we reduce incentives, chip away at contributions or confuse the message, we undermine the very idea that long-term saving is worth it.

A retirement savings scheme only works if people trust it. That means policy stability. That means recognising KiwiSaver not as a cost, but as a commitment – a promise that if you put money aside during your working life, the system will have your back when you stop.

KiwiSaver is at a crossroads. It can continue its slow drift into irrelevance –eroded by short-term thinking and piecemeal reform. Or it can be treated as the critical infrastructure it is: a tool for ensuring financial independence in retirement and relieving future pressure on the public purse.

Budget decisions should honour KiwiSaver’s original promise. We owe future retirees – and future taxpayers – nothing less.

The Conversation

Aaron Gilbert does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. KiwiSaver at a crossroads: budget another missed opportunity to fix NZ’s underperforming retirement scheme – https://theconversation.com/kiwisaver-at-a-crossroads-budget-another-missed-opportunity-to-fix-nzs-underperforming-retirement-scheme-257341

Deaf President Now! traces the powerful uprising that led to Deaf rights in the US – now again under threat

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma King, ARC DECRA Fellow in Screen Studies, Senior Lecturer in French Studies, Australian National University

Archival footage shows Tim Rarus, Greg Hlibok, Bridgetta Bourne-Firl and Jerry Covell, in Apple TV+ Deaf President Now! Apple TV+

In March 1988, students of the world’s only Deaf university started a revolution that made national news. Now, the first film to document this historic uprising is screening on Apple TV+.

At the same time, American universities are grappling with the consequences of President Donald Trump’s war on diversity, equity and inclusion.

Gallaudet, home of the Deaf Rights movement

By 1988, Washington DC’s Gallaudet University had been educating Deaf students in American Sign Language (ASL) for 124 years. But it had never had a Deaf president.

For the first time, two Deaf candidates were in the running for the top job. One was Gallaudet’s own Irving King Jordan. The second was Harvey Corson of the American School for the Deaf.

The third was Elisabeth Zinser, a hearing woman from the University of North Carolina Greensboro. She had no experience of Deaf community or knowledge of ASL.

As the hearing board of trustees met to choose a new leader, the student body waited with bated breath. Self-determination in higher education – by the Deaf, for the Deaf – was finally a possibility. But once again the board chose a hearing person, Zinser.

When chair Jane Spilman was questioned about the choice, she replied, “Deaf people are not ready to function in a hearing world.”

Incensed, Gallaudet students barricaded the campus, gave impassioned media interviews and took to marching. First they marched around the university – Zinser effigies burning – and then all the way to the Capitol.

The Deaf President Now protest became national news, leading to the resignations of Zinser and Spilman, and the appointment of Jordan as president. It also helped propel the Disability Rights Movement, contributed to the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act and inspired Deaf Pride movements around the world.

Jane Bassett Spilman and Elisabeth Zinser resigned as a result of the Deaf President Now movement.
Apple TV+

Timely, vital and imperfect

The 2025 documentary Deaf President Now! opens with footage of a political act: not from the 1988 protests, but from the present day, as the movement’s original student leaders – Bridgetta Bourne, Jerry Covell, Greg Hlibok and Tim Rarus – advise on their interview setups.

One alerts the crew they can’t see the interpreter. Another explains how much signing space they need in the frame. A third asks, joking but incisive, “What’s the microphone for?”

These aren’t throwaway moments; they show how inclusion and authenticity are only possible when Deaf people are in control of their own stories.

The film excels in exposing the paternalistic attitude and tightly-held hearing power that has long shaped Deaf education.

The film’s most powerful moments are when it contrasts the board’s dismissive rhetoric against the eloquent, impassioned arguments of the Deaf student body. Through intimate interviews and carefully curated archival footage, the documentary dismantles prevailing presumption that Deaf individuals need hearing oversight to succeed.

At the same time, the film embodies a paradox that mirrors its subject matter, as it is co-directed by hearing filmmaker Davis Guggenheim and Deaf director Nyle DiMarco.

DiMarco has been active in the screen industry for more than a decade, in acting roles and as a producer on Netflix hits Deaf U (2020) and Audible (2021). Though his involvement represents progress, Guggenheim’s raises an uncomfortable question: when will Deaf filmmakers fully own their narratives and be entrusted to lead projects?

Nyle DiMarco and Davis Guggenheim co-directed the documentary, with interviews from several of the movement’s leading figures.
Apple TV+

The collaboration reflects how stories celebrating Deaf empowerment often require hearing endorsement to reach a mainstream audience. The film’s distribution on Apple TV+ offers unprecedented visibility, but comes through channels controlled by hearing decision-makers.

This production context reminds us true representation extends beyond what appears onscreen, to who controls the storytelling process — a revolution unfinished in Deaf cinema.

Using film for Deaf empowerment

The industry may remain exclusive, but the camera itself can be a tool for Deaf power. Throughout history, Deaf individuals have harnessed film as a means of resistance.

The extensive archival footage in Deaf President Now! shows how, by 1988, film was already being used by the Deaf community as a form of advocacy. Through the blending of this footage with present-day interviews in ASL, we witness Deaf individuals taking ownership of their history and recounting it in their authentic language form.

The documentary also mirrors how media attention was integral to spreading the protest’s message back in 1988. This culminated in a national broadcast of a live debate between Zinser and Greg Hlibok, the then student body president.

To understand the film’s profound importance for the Deaf community, we must recognise how sign languages have historically been undocumented in their true form, with speech and writing considered superior modes of communication.

Deaf culture, language and community are powerful forces of resistance that have continually defied mainstream oppression.

Trump: a step back for the movement

While the film was long overdue, its arrival now is eerily relevant. Trump’s push for conservative policies – part of what he calls “Project 2025” – seeks to dismantle programs and funding that serve minority students, including disability groups.

Many of the protections in the Americans with Disabilities Act are under threat as a result, including fundamental rights to sign language and interpreting access in higher education and beyond.

According to the New York Times, hundreds of terms including “accessibility”, “disability”, “minority” and “inequality” are being limited or outright removed from official government materials. In some cases, grant proposals and contracts have been automatically flagged for including “woke” terminology.

The spirit of the Deaf President Now! resistance has never been more vital.

But if Deaf history has taught us anything, it’s that the Deaf community forges a deep sense of pride and connection in the face of such pressures. And films like Deaf President Now! show us how integral film is to this resistance.

The Conversation

Gemma King receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Samuel Martin and Sofya Gollan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Deaf President Now! traces the powerful uprising that led to Deaf rights in the US – now again under threat – https://theconversation.com/deaf-president-now-traces-the-powerful-uprising-that-led-to-deaf-rights-in-the-us-now-again-under-threat-257233

Head knocks and ultra-violence: viral games Run It Straight and Power Slap put sports safety back centuries

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Yorke, Lecturer in sport management, Western Sydney University

runitstraight24/instagram.com, The Conversation, CC BY

Created in Australia, “Run It Straight” is a new, ultra-violent combat sport.

Across a 20×4 metre grassed “battlefield,” players charge at full speed toward one another.

Alternating between carrying the ball (ball runner) and defending (tackler), victory is awarded via knockout (a competitor cannot continue), or a judge’s decision based on an athlete’s dominance during the collisions.

Despite neuroscientists issuing grave warnings about the brutal sport’s risks, Run It Straight’s viral popularity, including endorsement among high profile athletes, is accelerating.

A growing scene

This month, Melbourne hosted the inaugural “RUNIT Championship League” event.

Footage showed some participants convulsing after their collisions as the winner celebrated, surrounded by children.

Drawing hundreds of spectators and millions of online views, the full-speed collision challenge is already turning its violence and social media footprint into commercial success abroad, securing interest in the United States.

The sport held some events in New Zealand this week, but one was was halted by Auckland Council due to safety concerns and failure to secure necessary permits.

A history of sport and violence

In ancient times, symbolic cultural displays of power and physical dominance featured in combat sports such as wrestling, boxing, pankration (a mixed martial art combining boxing and wrestling) and even armoured foot races.

This brutal entertainment is reflected in contemporary collision sports such as the National Rugby League (NRL) and Australian Football League (AFL).

In recent decades however, the danger of concussion has resulted in most contact sports changing rules and regulations to protect athletes from head injuries.

Various measures have been implemented to mitigate, eliminate and treat head trauma.

The Australian government is exerting influence and committing material resources to support athletes living with brain issues such as chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE).




Read more:
When does the love of the game outweigh the cost? ABC’s Plum brings rugby league’s concussion crisis to the fore


Considering this multi-pronged effort to make contact sports safer, the violence of Run It Straight is jarring.

Why are these new sports so popular?

With its origins as a social media challenge, Run It Straight is perfect content for short-form social media platforms: an entire competition can be distilled into a 30-second highlight.

Run It Straight’s accessible and minimalist format is also attractive to fans compared to many collision sports that have complex rules and strategies. This can be a barrier to interest, engagement and commercial returns.

Run It Straight and other emerging, violent sports such as Power Slap (a fight sport where contestants slap each other so hard they can be knocked unconscious) are simplistic and brutal.

But athletes in most traditional collision sports use their physical ability and skill to evade contact. Similarly, boxing is not just about strikes to the head, it is punch evasion, physical fitness and point scoring.

But the visual spectacle and shock of two people running toward one another for an inevitable collision is a form of violence that appeals to an increasing number of sport fans.

The risks involved

Run It Straight is a new sport, and to our knowledge there is no empirical peer-reviewed research focusing on it.

But many neurologists have expressed concerns about its total disregard for scientific evidence showing repeated head trauma damages brain health.

With Run it Straight appearing to lack the medical resources and infrastructure of professional sports organisations, and with the competition’s expressed intent to have participants collide at high speed, the risk of significant injury is high.

Power Slap, though, has been the subject of empirical research. A 2024 study reported many of the sport’s combatants showed visible signs of concussion (motor incoordination, slowness to get up and blank and vacant looks during bouts).

An opportunity for ‘traditional’ sports?

The rise of Run It Straight and Power Slap creates a unique opportunity for the governing bodies of contact codes such as AFL, NRL and rugby union to highlight what sets them apart.

Key to this is athlete safety. For years, governing bodies in these codes have invested time and resources to implement concussion management protocols at professional and community levels.

Currently, the tournament-based format for individual adult participants allows Run It Straight to operate without the broader governance responsibilities of football codes.

However, it is because of those governance responsibilities that the football codes can amplify their athlete wellbeing credentials to reassure participants and parents who may be nervous about concussion risks.

Second, the football codes are organised team sports played with multiple players on a team, facilitating skill acquisition, teamwork, mental wellbeing and physical fitness. While there appears to be a degree of camaraderie during Run It Straight events, it is evidently a one-on-one competition.

Ultimately, the rise and evident popularity of Run It Straight and Power Slap provides a stark reminder there will always be a section of society that is drawn to high-risk behaviours.

In turn, the football codes should look to highlight the value of balance and their athlete wellbeing credentials.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Head knocks and ultra-violence: viral games Run It Straight and Power Slap put sports safety back centuries – https://theconversation.com/head-knocks-and-ultra-violence-viral-games-run-it-straight-and-power-slap-put-sports-safety-back-centuries-256473

NZ Budget 2025: funding growth at the expense of pay equity for women could cost National in the long run

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Curtin, Professor of Politics and Policy, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Pay equity protest outside parliament on budget day, May 22 2025. Getty Images

In 1936, when the National Party was created through a merger of the United and Reform parties, there was a recognition among the power brokers that attracting women’s votes was crucial.

National’s women’s organisations were integral to mobilising support. Throughout the 1940s, the party’s publicity material promised the women of New Zealand a happy family life. This was a consistent approach over the next 20 years, and National was rewarded with the women’s vote.

Intermittent research on gender differences in vote choice between 1963 and 1993 indicate women made up between 45% and 51% of National’s support compared to 36% and 43% of Labour’s support.

After 1996, this trend became less consistent. The New Zealand Election Study indicates a decreasing share of the women’s vote going to National, and fluctuations in vote choice among both women and men.

Given the advent of proportional representation, some volatility may be expected. But there are also some constants. There is evidence women are more likely than men to support government spending on social policy, and they are significantly less likely than men to vote for National’s coalition partners NZ First and ACT.

Now, with Budget 2025 – in particular its reliance on funds that would otherwise have gone towards settling pay equity claims – National’s historical success at attracting the women’s vote may be under threat.

Growth before pay equity

The budget represents a ruthless determination to deliver economic growth, including through its centrepiece “Investment Boost” tax breaks for businesses investing in productive assets.

There is additional funding for health, defence, education and disability services, and the establishment of a social investment fund, and the budget left national superannuation untouched (for the remainder of this coalition government’s term, at least).

It focused instead on KiwiSaver. Contributions from employers and employees will increase from 3% to 4%, while the government contribution will be halved for those earning under NZ$180,000 and cancelled for those earning over this amount.

In summary, the new operational spend comes to $6.7 billion while savings, reprioritised spending and revenue-raising initiatives totalled $5.3 billion. As a result, the government has produced the lowest operational allowance in a decade ($1.3 billion) and promised $4 billion in new capital expenditure.

But it was the radical restructuring and cancellation of pay equity for a range of undervalued female-dominated occupations that funded this budget. Almost half of the $12 billion recouped will be spent on the business tax incentives.

The government expects the initiative will increase GDP and wages by 1% to 1.5% over the next 20 years. But given the gender-segregated structure of New Zealand’s labour market, it may take some time for women to benefit from the Investment Boost.

Nicola Willis and Christopher Luxon in parliament for Budget 2025
Pay equity peril: Finance Minister Nicola Willis delivers the budget while Prime Minister Christopher Luxon looks on.
Getty Images

The gender gap and economic growth

Applying a systematic and evidence-based gender analysis as part of the budget preparation process would have revealed more inclusive ways of delivering economic growth.

For example, OECD modelling demonstrates the historical importance of increases in women’s labour market participation for economic growth, but notes that persistent gender gaps remain in productive capcity and hours of employment.

Closing these gaps could potentially add a 0.1 percentage point of additional economic growth per year, culminating in a 3.9% boost to GDP in the next 35 years.

Moreover, increasing women’s labour force participation may be a valuable mechanism to limit declines in the size of the labour force, given the rapidly ageing population.

Such an outcome would require increased government investment in childcare and early childhood education for under twos, ideally for more than 20 hours per week.

This would be a significant investment, given OECD data shows the net cost of childcare in New Zealand is as much as 38% of a two-earner couple’s average earnings (after accounting for government subsidies or benefits). This is considerably more expensive than most OECD member states.

Potential cost to National

Income and spending averages often mask more extreme impacts for different groups of women and men. For example, traditional economic models value labour used in the production of goods and services in the “market economy” but exclude the production of goods and services for their own use.

For wāhine Māori, non-market work includes care for whānau, community and land, as well as upholding the mana of the marae, and the intergenerational transfer of knowledge.

Finally, implementing pay equity, recognising the economic value of the unpaid care economy, and providing increased financial support for childcare, would also contribute to closing the gender pension gap.

Westpac data shows men have an average KiwiSaver balance 16% higher than women’s, most likely attributable to gender wage gaps and parenting career breaks.

Therefore the reduction in government contributions to KiwiSaver, and National’s desire to lift the retirement age, matter more to women because statistically they have a longer retirement to fund.

Budget 2025 came at a cost to many women in New Zealand, and it may yet come at a cost for National.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. NZ Budget 2025: funding growth at the expense of pay equity for women could cost National in the long run – https://theconversation.com/nz-budget-2025-funding-growth-at-the-expense-of-pay-equity-for-women-could-cost-national-in-the-long-run-257225

Australian roads are getting deadlier – pedestrians and males are among those at greater risk

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Associate Professor & Principal Fellow in Urban Risk & Resilience, The University of Melbourne

At least ten people died in fatal crashes earlier this month in a single 48-hour period on Victorian roads. It was the latest tragic demonstration of the mounting road trauma in Australia.

In the decade up to 2020, the national road toll was gradually declining, albeit with some fluctuations. But the trend has since reversed, with fatalities rising steadily year after year.

According to the latest official data, 1,296 people died on Australian roads in the year to April. 108 lives were lost last month alone, almost 15% more than the average for April over the previous five years.

While our population has increased by about 6% over this five-year period, our road deaths have gone up by 18.5%.

Road fatalities rarely follow evenly distributed averages. They sometimes spike, as they have in Victoria. And while we must never lose sight of the fact that these are people, and not just data, there is value in interrogating clusters when they occur.

Victoria breakdown

In the 12 months to May 20 this year, 118 lives were lost on Victorian roads, up 8.3% on the previous year and well above the five-year average of 100 annual deaths.

The sharpest increases by transport mode have been among pedestrians (up 24%), one of the most vulnerable road-user groups. And a new threat has emerged with the first publicly reported case in Australia of a pedestrian dying after being struck by an electric bike.

At least one pattern stands out from the recent cluster: five of the eight crashes occurred outside metropolitan Melbourne. This reflects the longstanding reality that fatal collisions remain disproportionately common in regional and remote areas. Over the 12 months, country road deaths have risen by 11%, compared to a 2% increase in metropolitan Melbourne.

Large yello sign by a road in the country
A large share of road deaths continue to occur in the country.
Inge Blessas/Shutterstock

Another striking detail is the gender distribution. Male deaths are up 22% on the previous period and now comprise nearly 80% of all fatalities. In contrast, female deaths have declined by 33%.

Another trend that stands out is the rising toll among older road users. In the last 12 months, 40 people aged 60 and over have died on Victorian roads – a 25% increase on the previous period.

4 National trends

The national road fatality data tells us some of these trends are not exclusive to Victoria. They reflect what is happening across the country.

1. Vulnerable road users: Nationally, pedestrians and motorcyclists have experienced sustained increases in lives lost for at least four years in a row. The share of pedestrians in total road deaths has risen from 11% in 2021 to 14% in the latest period. Despite the growing number, motorcyclist fatalities have remained relatively stable at about 20% of all deaths.

2. Gender disparity: Men continue to be disproportionately represented in the national road toll, accounting for approximately 75% of all road deaths in Australia.

3. Older age groups: In the 12 months to April 2025, deaths among individuals aged 75 and over increased by nearly 19% to 185.

4. Regional and remote areas: in the 12 months to April 2024, there were roughly 818 deaths on country roads, compared to 400 in metropolitan areas.

What do the trends tell us?

There are several key points in the data.

First, the persistent over-representation of men in fatalities remains a defining feature of the road toll. This gender imbalance is not specific to Australia.

But put simply, we still know very little about what’s driving this pattern. Known behavioural and physiological sex-based differences don’t fully explain the scale of the disparity.

The rise in fatalities among older Australians does not appear to be particularly abnormal when tracked with demographic changes. From 2020 to 2024, the number of Australians aged 75 and over increased by nearly 31%. In comparison, fatalities in this age group rose by around 25% over the same period. This suggests that the relative risk for older Australians has not necessarily increased.

As for rural and regional areas, approximately two-thirds of road deaths occur in these areas, while only one-third of Australians reside there. Despite years of acknowledgment, this urban–rural divide in road safety remains wide and unresolved.

SUVs a menace?

While vehicles have become safer for their occupants, they have become more dangerous for other road users, especially pedestrians.

One contributing factor could be the fast growing dominance of SUVs and light trucks in Australia.

A recent international review that pooled the findings of 24 studies found SUVs were associated with significantly higher fatality rates in crashes involving vulnerable road users, compared to smaller cars. The effect was particularly pronounced for children.

The crumpled bonnet of a blue SUV
Heavier vehicles, such as SUVs, pose a higher road risk to pedestrians.
King Ropes Access/Shutterstock

The dangers are not limited to pedestrians. In two-vehicle collisions, increasing the striking vehicle’s weight by around 450 kilograms raises the probability of a fatality in the other vehicle by 40–50%.

New targets

Australian governments have adopted a Vision Zero goal of no road deaths or serious injuries by 2050.

The complete elimination of fatalities should remain our moral benchmark. But the current data suggests intermediate targets are urgently needed.

A more achievable near-term priority may be to first reverse the rising national toll by focusing on where the greatest preventable harms persist: vulnerable road users, especially pedestrians, males and non-urban roads.

The Conversation

Milad Haghani receives funding from The Australian Government.

Iman Taheri Sarteshnizi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Australian roads are getting deadlier – pedestrians and males are among those at greater risk – https://theconversation.com/australian-roads-are-getting-deadlier-pedestrians-and-males-are-among-those-at-greater-risk-256994

There is a growing number of ‘super-sized’ schools. Does the number of students matter?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Rowe, Associate Professor in Education, Deakin University

LBeddoe/Shutterstock

Earlier this week, The Sydney Morning Herald reported one of Sydney’s top public high schools had more than 2,000 students for the first time, thanks to the booming population in the area.

This follows similar reports of other “super-sized” schools in Victoria, Western Australia and Queensland.

Parents may be wondering if a school’s size will impact their child’s opportunities or experience. What does the research say?

A controversial subject

Policy-makers have been concerned about school sizes for decades. This largely relates to declining enrolments in some areas and growing demand in others. For example, in Victoria during the Kennett government in the 1990s, some schools were merged into “super schools”.

Super schools are attractive to policy-makers due to their ability to pool resources. However, anecdotally, parents have tended to oppose mergers on the basis that big schools detract from the community feel and personal relationships.

There is no national data on average school size, although you can check individual school sizes on the MySchool website.

Education authorities consider a school to be “small” if it has fewer than 300 students for primary school and fewer than 700 for high school.

What does the research say?

Australian-based research tends to support larger schools, on the basis they provide more curriculum choices. In a 2014 study published in the Journal of Education Policy, the authors wrote:

large schools have more resources and are therefore better placed to offer a large range of curriculum, often including both academic and vocational subjects.

A 2023 study similarly argued:

smaller schools are generally less able to offer a wide range and diversity of curricular offerings compared to larger schools.

Small schools can be beneficial

But other education advocates argue small schools better facilitate participatory democratic environments for young people, improve discipline and sense of community.

A 2009 review of 57 studies (the majority from the United States) published after 1990 recommended high schools do not have more than 1,000 students.

The review said smaller schools can offer a community-like feel for students and are more likely to have smaller class sizes. A smaller school may be particularly advantageous for neurodiverse students if there are lower levels of noise and movement.

A US-based study from 1991 found schools with less than 400 students lead to better student participation, attendance and satisfaction with school:

The two primary arguments for large schools, cost savings and curriculum enhancement, pale in comparison with the positive schooling outcomes […] achieved by small schools.

A small group of children put their hand up in class. A teacher stands close to them in front of a board.
Smaller schools can offer a stronger sense of community.
Dean Drobot/ Shutterstock

But context matters

In 2000, the Gates Foundation had a “big idea” to break up large high schools and turn them into “small learning communities” of 400 or fewer students.

The foundation believed the initiative would lift graduation rates and student achievement, especially among minority students, because of the close relationships between students and teachers.

But by 2008, the foundation conceded it had not worked – there had been no “dramatic improvements” in the number of students who leave high school adequately prepared for further study.

But it’s not really about size

So the research offers a mixed picture – this strongly suggests the size of a school on its own is not the most important factor.

We also need to look at factors such as class size. Research shows smaller class sizes and lower teacher to student ratios are beneficial for student outcomes.

Smaller class sizes and lower teacher to student ratios can lead to more one-on-one attention, improved relationships and lower noise levels in a classroom.

Some studies have categorised “small classes” as between 13-17 students and larger classes as between 22-25 students.

Teaching quality may also be improved with a smaller class size, as the teacher has more time to tailor their instruction to individual students.

Importantly, the size of a school overall does not necessarily determine class sizes. A large school or a small school can still have large class sizes, and still struggle for quality one-on-one time.

Similarly, a large school can still offer a strong sense of community and positive relationships between teachers and peers, depending on the way the school is organised (for example, a “school-within-a-school” or specific learning group within the school).

If a small school is not well-resourced or does not have enough teachers, it may struggle to provide a positive, happy learning environment.

The point is the school size on its own is not necessarily a positive or negative. What matters is what else is going on inside that school and whether it has the funding and resources to offer smaller class sizes, specialised teachers and access to a wide variety of subjects.

The Conversation

Emma Rowe receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. There is a growing number of ‘super-sized’ schools. Does the number of students matter? – https://theconversation.com/there-is-a-growing-number-of-super-sized-schools-does-the-number-of-students-matter-257012

From peasant fodder to posh fare: how snails and oysters became luxury foods

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Garritt C. Van Dyk, Senior Lecturer in History, University of Waikato

An Oyster cellar in Leith John Burnet, 1819; National Galleries of Scotland, Photo: Antonia Reeve

Oysters and escargot are recognised as luxury foods around the world – but they were once valued by the lower classes as cheap sources of protein.

Less adventurous eaters today see snails as a garden pest, and are quick to point out that freshly shucked oysters are not only raw but also alive when they are eaten.

How did these unusual ingredients become items of conspicuous consumption?

From garden snail to gastronomy

Eating what many consider to be a slimy nuisance seems almost counter-intuitive, but consuming land snails has an ancient history, dating to the Palaeolithic period, some 30,000 years ago in eastern Spain.

Ancient Romans also dined on snails, and spread their eating habits across their empire into Europe.

Lower and middle class Romans ate snails from their gardens, while elite consumers ate specially farmed snails, fed spices, honey and milk.

Blue snails in a mosaic.
An Ancient Roman mosaic dating to the 4th century AD depicting a basket of snails, Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta, Aquileia, Italy.
Carole Raddato/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Pliny the Elder (AD 24–79) described how snails were raised in ponds and given wine to fatten them up.

The first French recipe for snails appears in 1390, in Le Ménagier de Paris (The Good Wife’s Guide), but not in other cookbooks from the period.

In 1530, a French treatise on frogs, snails, turtles and artichokes considered all these foods bizarre, but surprisingly popular. Some of the appeal had to do with avoiding meat on “lean” days. Snails were classified as fish by the Catholic Church, and could even be eaten during Lent.

For the next 200 years, snails only appeared in Parisian cookbooks with an apology for including such a disgusting ingredient. This reflected the taste of upper-class urbanites, but snails were still eaten in the eastern provinces.

Colour etching: a woman at a market stall with baskets of snails.
Schneckenweib, or Snail Seller, illustrated by Johann Christian Brand in Vienna, after 1798.
Wien Museum

An 1811 cookbook from Metz, in the Alsace region in northeastern France, describes raising snails like the Romans, and a special platter, l’escargotière, for serving them. The trend did not travel to Paris until after 1814.

French diplomat Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord (1754–1838) hosted a dinner for Russian Tsar Alexander I, after he marched into Paris following the allied forces’ defeat of Napoleon in 1814.

The chef catering the meal was the father of French cuisine Marie-Antoine Carême, a native of Burgundy, spiritual home of the now famous escargots de Bourgogne.

Carême served the Tsar what would become a classic recipe, prepared with garlic, parsley and butter. Allegedly, the Tsar raved about the “new” dish, and snails became wildly popular. A recipe for Burgundy snails first appeared in a French culinary dictionary published in 1825.

It is ironic that it took the approval of a foreign emperor, who had just conquered Napoleon, to restore luxury status to escargot, a food that became a symbol of French cuisine.

Snails remain popular today in France, with consumption peaking during the Christmas holidays, but May 24 is National Escargot Day in France.

Oysters: the original fast food

Oysters are another ancient food, as seen in fossils dating to the Triassic Era, 200 million years ago. Evidence of fossilised oysters are found on every major land mass, and there is evidence of Indigenous oyster fisheries in North America and Australia that dates to the Holocene period, about 12,000 years ago.

There are references in classical Greek texts to what are probably oysters, by authors like Aristotle and Homer. Oyster shells found at Troy confirm they were a favoured food. Traditionally served as a first course at banquets in Ancient Greece, they were often cooked, sometimes with exotic spices.

bust of a man eating oyster, placing the shell in front of his mouth with one hand, the other hand on bib on chest.
Music-cover sheet for ‘Bonne-Bouche’ by Emile Waldteufel, 1847-1897.
© The Trustees of the British Museum, CC BY-NC-SA

Pliny the Elder refers to oysters as a Roman delicacy. He recorded methods of the pioneer of Roman oyster farming, Sergius Orata, who brought the best specimens from across the Empire to sell to elite customers.

Medieval coastal dwellers gathered oysters at low tide, while wealthy inland consumers would have paid a premium for shellfish, a perishable luxury, transported to their castles.

French nobles in 1390 preferred cooked oysters, roasted over coals or poached in broths, perhaps as a measure to prevent food poisoning. As late as the 17th century, authors cautioned:

But if they be eaten raw, they require good wine […] to aid digestion.

Etching: a man peddles oysters in a wheelbarrow, caption reads 'Twelve Pence a Peck Oysters'
Oyster Seller, Jacob Gole, 1688–1724.
Rijksmuseum

By the 18th century, small oysters were a popular pub snack, and larger ones were added as meat to the stew pot. That century, it is believed as many as 100,000 oysters were eaten each day in Edinburgh and the shells from the tavern in the basement filled in gaps in the brickwork at Gladstone’s Land in Edinburgh’s Royal Mile.

Scottish oyster farms in the Firth of Forth, an inlet of the North Sea, produced 30 million oysters in 1790, but continual over-harvesting took its toll.

By 1883 only 6,000 oysters were landed, and the population was declared extinct in 1957.

As wild oyster stocks dwindled, large oyster farms developed in cities like New York in the 19th century. Initially successful, they were polluted, and infected by typhoid from sewage. An outbreak in 1924 killed 150 people, the deadliest food poisoning in United States history.

Black and white photograph: sellers at a street stall.
Costumes of Naples: Oyster Sellers, c. 1906–10.
Rijksmuseum

Far from the overabundance of oysters we once had, over-fishing, pollution, and invasive species all threaten oyster populations worldwide today. Due to this scarcity of wild oysters and the resources required to safely farm environmentally sustainable oysters, they are now a premium product.

Next on the menu

Scarcity made oysters a luxury, and a Tsar’s approval elevated snails to gourmet status. Could insects become the next status food?

Ancient Romans ate beetles and grasshoppers, and cultures around the world consume insects, but not (yet) as luxury products.

Maybe the right influencer can make honey-roasted locust the next species to jump from paddock to plate.

The Conversation

Garritt C. Van Dyk has received funding from the Getty Research Institute.

ref. From peasant fodder to posh fare: how snails and oysters became luxury foods – https://theconversation.com/from-peasant-fodder-to-posh-fare-how-snails-and-oysters-became-luxury-foods-254299

Govt should defuse NZ’s social timebomb – but won’t

We have been handed a long and protracted recession with few signs of growth and prosperity. Budget 2025 signals more of the same, writes Susan St John.

ANALYSIS: By Susan St John

With the coalition government’s second Budget being unveiled, we should question where New Zealand is heading.

The 2024 Budget laid out the strategy. Tax cuts and landlord subsidies were prioritised with a focus on cuts to social and infrastructure spending. Most of the tax package went to the well-off, while many low-income households got nothing, or very little.

Even the tiny bit of the tax package directed to low-income people fell flat. Family Boost has significantly helped only a handful of families, while the increase of $25 per week (In Work Tax Credit) was denied all families on benefits, affecting about 200,000 of the very poorest children.

In the recession, families that lost paid work also lost access to full Working for Families, an income cut for their children of about $100 per week.

No one worked out how the many spending cuts would be distributed, but they have hurt the poor the most. These changes are too numerous to itemise but include increased transport costs; the reintroduction of prescription charges; a disastrous school lunch system; rising rents, rates and insurance; fewer budget advisory services; cuts to foodbank funding and hardship grants; stripping away support programmes for the disabled; inadequately adjusted benefits and minimum wage; and reduced support for pay equity and the living wage.

The objective is to save money while ignoring the human cost. For example, a scathing report of the Auditor General confirms that Oranga Tamariki took a bulldozer to obeying the call for a 6.5 percent cut in existing social services with no regard to the extreme hurt caused to children and struggling parents.

Budget 2025 has already indicated that Working for Families will continue to go backwards with not even inflation adjustments. The 2025 child and youth strategy report shows that over the year to June 2024 the number of children in material poverty continued to increase, there were more avoidable hospitalisations, immunisation rates for babies declined, and there was more food insecurity.

Human costs all around us
We can see the human costs all around us in homelessness, food insecurity, and ill health. Already we know we rank at the bottom among developed countries for child wellbeing and suicide rates.

Abject distress existing alongside where homes sell for $20 million-$40 million is no longer uncommon, and neither are $6 million helicopters of the very rich.

Changes in suicide rates (three-year average), ages 15 to 19 from 2018 to 2022 (or most recent four-year period available). Source: WHO mortality database

At the start of the year, Helen Robinson, CEO of the Auckland City Mission, had a clear warning: “I am pleading with government for more support, otherwise what we and other food relief agencies in Auckland can provide, will dramatically decrease.

“This leaves more of Auckland hungry and those already there become more desperate. It is the total antithesis of a thriving city.”

The theory held by this government is that by reducing the role of government and taxes, the private sector will flourish, and secure well-paid jobs will be created. Instead, as basic economic theory would predict, we have been handed a long and protracted recession with few signs of growth and prosperity.

Budget 2025 signals more of the same.

It would be a mistake to wait for simplistic official inequality statistics before we act. Our current destination is a sharply divided country of extreme wealth and extreme poverty with an insecure middle class.

Underfunded social agencies
Underfunded and swamped social agencies cannot remove the relentless stress on the people who are invisible in the ‘fiscally responsible’ economic narrative. The fabricated bogeyman of outsized net government debt is at the core, as the government pursues balanced budgets and small government-size targets.

A stage one economics student would know the deficit increases automatically in a recession to cushion the decline and stop the economy spiralling into something that looks more like a depression. But our safety nets of social welfare are performing very badly.

Rising unemployment has exposed the inadequacy of social protections. Working for Families, for instance, provides a very poor cushion for children. Many “working” families do not have enough hours of work and face crippling poverty traps.

Future security is undermined as more KiwiSavers cash in for hardship reasons. A record number of the talented young we need to drive the recovery and repair the frayed social fabric have already fled the country.

The government is fond of comparing its Budget to that of a household. But what prudent household would deliberately undermine the earning capacity of family members?

The primary task for the Budget should be to look after people first, to allow them to meet their food, dental and health needs, education, housing and travel costs, to have a buffer of savings to cushion unexpected shocks and to prepare for old age.

A sore thumb standing
In the social security part of the Budget, NZ Super for all at 65, no matter how rich or whether still in full-time well-paid work, dominates (gross $25 billion). It’s a sore thumb standing out alongside much less generous, highly targeted benefits and working for families, paid parental leave, family boost, hardship provisions, accommodation supplement, winter energy and other payments and subsidies.

Given the political will, research shows we can easily redirect at least $3 billion from very wealthy superannuitants to fixing other payments to greatly improve the wellbeing of the young. This will not be enough but it could be a first step to the wide rebalancing needed.

New Zealand has become a country of two halves whose paths rarely cross: a social time bomb with unimaginable consequences. It is a country beguiled by an egalitarian past that is no more.

Susan St John is an associate professor in the Pensions and Intergenerational Equity hub and Economic Policy Centre, Business School, University of Auckland. This article was first published by Newsroom before the 2025 Budget and is republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Punitive criminal libel charge against Samoan journalist draws flurry of criticism

Pacific Media Watch

A punitive defamation charge filed against one of Samoa’s most experienced and trusted journalists last week has sparked a flurry of criticism over abuse of power and misuse of a law that has long been heavily criticised as outdated.

Talamua Online senior journalist Lagi Keresoma, who is also president of the Journalists Association of Samoa (JAWS), was charged with one count of defamation under Section 117A of Samoa’s Crimes Act 2013 on May 18.

She was elected in 2021 as the first woman to hold the presidency.

The charge followed an article she had published more than two weeks earlier on May 1 alleging that a former police officer had appealed to Samoa’s Head of State to have charges against him withdrawn.

The accused was charged with “allegedly forging the signature of the complainant as guarantor to secure a $200,000 loan from the Samoa National Provident Fund”. He denies the allegation.

It was reported that the complainant was another senior police officer.

Police Commissioner Auapaau Logoitino Filipo reportedly said the officer had filed a complaint over the May 1 article, claiming its contents were false and amounted to defamation.

Criminal libel removed, then restored
The criminal libel law was removed by the Samoan government in 2013, but was revived four years later in 2017. It was claimed at the time that it was needed to deal with issues triggered by social media.

JAWS immediately defended their president, saying it stood in “full solidarity” with Keresoma and calling for an immediate repeal of the law.

The association said the provision was a “troubling development for press freedom in Samoa” and added that it “should not be used to silence journalists and discourage investigative reporting”.

“It is deeply concerning that a journalist of Lagi Keresoma’s integrity and professionalism is being prosecuted under a law that has long been criticised for its negative effect on press freedom,” said the association.

Talamua Online senior journalist Lagi Keresoma . . . charged with criminal defamation over a report earlier this month. Image: Samoa Observer

Keresoma told Talamua Online she had been summoned twice to the police station and the police suggested that she apologise publicly and to the complainant and the complaint would be withdrawn.

However, she said: “To apologise is an admission that the story is wrong, so after speaking to my lawyer and my editor, it was decided to have the police file their charges, but no apology from my end.”

Her lawyer also contacted the police investigating officer informing that her client was not making a statement but to prepare the charges against her.

Keresoma was summoned to the police headquarters on Saturday and Sunday and the charges were only finalised on Monday morning before she was released.

She is due to appear in court next month.

Lagipoiva Cherelle Jackson, the JAWS gender spokesperson with the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), said in a statement Keresoma was a veteran Samoan journalist with “decades of service” to the public and media.

‘Outdated and controversial provision’
“Her arrest under this outdated and controversial provision raises serious concerns about the misuse of legal tools to silence independent journalism. The action appears heavy-handed and disproportionate, and risks being perceived as an abuse of power to suppress public scrutiny and dissent,” Lagipoiva said.

“The United Nations Human Rights Committee and UN Special Rapporteurs, particularly the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, have repeatedly called for defamation to be treated as a civil matter, not a criminal one.

“The continued application of criminal defamation in Samoa contradicts international standards and poses a chilling threat to press freedom, particularly for women journalists who already face systemic risks and intimidation.”

Pacific Media Watch notes: “This is a disturbing development in Pacific media freedom trends. Clearly it is a clumsy attempt to intimidate and silence in-depth investigation and reporting on Pacific governance.

“For years, Samoa has been a beacon for media freedom in the region, but it has fared badly in the latest World Press Freedom Index and this incident involving alleged criminal libel, a crime that should have been struck from the statutes years ago, is not going to help Samoa’s standing.

“Journalism is not a crime.”

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Grattan on Friday: if Ley and Littleproud find a way to cohabit, it will be a tense household

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Remember that cliche about the Nationals tail wagging the Liberal dog? That tail wagged very vigorously this week, and smashed a lot of crockery, as it sought to bring Liberal leader Sussan Ley to heel.

In a gesture of overreach, the Nationals split the Coalition on Tuesday, after Ley refused to accept their demand that four policies to which they were committed be immediately endorsed by the Liberals.

Ley had said the Liberal Party had all policies on the table and would review them systematically, and she would not pre-empt that. The new Liberal leader was also concerned Nationals’ leader David Littleproud had not explicitly agreed to her insistence the Nationals observe shadow cabinet solidarity – that frontbenchers could not go out freelancing on issues.

Ley won praise from Liberals and commentators for standing firm against the Nationals’ unilateralism.

But elders and MPs from both parties, knowing how dysfunctional the consequences of the split would be, were appalled at the break. It emerged that the National Party itself had been divided about this course, which would cost frontbenchers pay and probably lose Senate seats at the next election.

As Barnaby Joyce, who warned against the break, said subsequently, “Even from the start, people wanted to re-form as quickly as possible. […] Blind Freddy can see it was going to be chaotic.”

By late Wednesday Littleproud was taking a lot of heat for rushing something that could have been handled more judiciously. Littleproud tried to blame Ley for imposing a fast timetable, despite the fact her mother died last weekend.

If disaster was to be avoided, and the break repaired, Littleproud or Ley or both would have to give ground.

By Thursday morning time was fast running out. Ley was preparing to announce her all-Liberal shadow ministry; Littleproud was readying to put out a list of Nationals spokespeople for various policy areas. Once these teams were in place, it would be hard to retreat on the split. People would be locked into positions and there would be less appetite in either party to do so.

Amid these preparations, however, compromise was emerging.

Littleproud said on radio that he had accepted as “more than reasonable” Ley’s requirement for shadow cabinet solidarity.

One reason Ley was anxious to get a firm agreement on this was the prospect of a debate coming about the commitment to net zero emissions by 2050, as well as about the 2035 target, when the government announces it. Ley would not want the Nationals, if they were in a coalition, to be able to contradict opposition policy or try to set it ahead of the shadow cabinet.

At a Thursday press conference Littleproud said the solidarity issue arose from the Nationals’ action over the Voice in the last term. He and his party had reached a position ahead of the Liberals. “That actually hurt in some small way the relationship that I had with Peter [Dutton] and I lost trust and I had to rebuild that.”

Ley said she welcomed the solidity commitment “as a foundation to resolve other ,atters”, and agreed to take to a Liberal party meeting the four policies the Nationals wanted endorsed, These are commitments to nuclear energy, divestiture powers for supermarkets that do the wrong thing, a $20 billion regional future fund, and upgraded regional communications services.

The commitment on nuclear the Nationals want is not to the specific election policy, which was for a string of government-funded nuclear power stations. The Nationals are talking about something more general.

In her concession to the Nationals, Ley is essentially asking her party to carve out these priority policy areas from the Liberals’ general policy review. This can be seen as a big thing (the Liberals being dictated to by the minor party) or a small thing (making an exception for the greater good of keeping a coalition).

If the Liberals want to re-establish the Coalition, these policies will not be too hard for them to endorse.

Liberals are divided over nuclear but most could accept at least keeping it in the policy tool box, in a generalised form, such as a commitment to lift the moratorium.

But some Liberals will resent being forced to bow to Nationals’ wishes. And some, especially those with eyes on winning back city seats, have been relishing the prospect of being free of the constraint of the ties binding them to the noisy Nationals.

Thursday’s pause to determine whether the two parties can come together again was a major step. But there are likely to be difficult times ahead.

Having agreed to take the Nationals’ policies to her party room, Ley has now to smooth them through. That will take some private wrangling ahead of the general meeting, when that occurs next week.

Assuming the party room agrees and the Coalition is re-glued, the two leaders have to work out a shadow ministry, in terms of respective numbers and key positions.

Given the long-standing poor personal relationship between Littleproud and Ley, in a re-formed Coalition there would be ongoing suspicion and tension between the two of them. Angus Taylor, only narrowly defeated by Ley for the leadership and probably preferred by Littleproud, will be watching for opportunity.

The Nationals could be expected to push the envelope on policy issues, including net zero – which Joyce on Thursday said should be on the table – and the detail of divestiture. Moderates among the Liberals would have even less regard for their country cousins than usual.

Critics of Littleproud say he has been damaged by the way he has handled the week. They point out he keeps declaring it’s his party room that’s driving decisions, when he should have exercised stronger leadership and better judgement.

Depending on the outcome, it will take a while to determine whether this episode strengthens or undermines Ley’s leadership. But she could hardly have had a more bruising start.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grattan on Friday: if Ley and Littleproud find a way to cohabit, it will be a tense household – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-if-ley-and-littleproud-find-a-way-to-cohabit-it-will-be-a-tense-household-256457

Legal academic says Samoa’s criminal libel law should go after charge

By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

An Auckland University law academic says Samoa’s criminal libel law under which a prominent journalist has been charged should be repealed.

Lagi Keresoma, the first female president of the Journalists Association of Samoa (JAWS) and editor of Talamua Online, was charged under the Crimes Act 2013 on Sunday after publishing an article about a former police officer, whom she asserted had sought the help of the Head of State to withdraw charges brought against him.

JAWS has already called for the criminal libel law to be scrapped and Auckland University academic Beatrice Tabangcoro told RNZ Pacific that the law was “unnecessary and impractical”.

“A person who commits a crime under this section is liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding 175 penalty units or imprisonment for a term not exceeding 3 months,” the Crimes Act states.

JAWS said this week that the law, specifically Section 117A of the Crimes Act, undermined media freedom, and any defamation issues could be dealt with in a civil court.

JAWS gender representative to the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) said Keresoma’s arrest “raises serious concerns about the misuse of legal tools to independent journalism” in the country.

Lagipoiva Cherelle Jackson called on the Samoan government “to urgently review and repeal criminal defamation laws that undermine democratic accountability and public trust in the justice system”.

Law removed and brought back
The law was removed by the Samoan government in 2013, but was brought back in 2017, ostensibly to deal with issues arising on social media.

Auckland University’s academic Beatrice Tabangcoro . . . reintroduction of the law was widely criticised at the time. Image: University of Auckland

Auckland University’s academic Beatrice Tabangcoro told RNZ Pacific that this reintroduction was widely criticised at the time for its potential impact on freedom of speech and media freedom.

She said that truth was a defence to the offence of false statement causing harm to reputation, but in the case of a journalist this could lead to them being compelled to reveal their sources.

The academic said that the law remained unnecessary and impractical, and she pointed to the Samoa Police Commissioner telling media in 2023 that the law should be repealed as it was used “as a tool for harassing the media and is a waste of police resources”.

Tonga and Vanuatu are two other Pacific nations with the criminal libel law on their books, and it is something the media in both those countries have raised concerns about.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The deluge in NSW sounds a warning to rural and regional communities elsewhere

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Piet Filet, Adjunct Industry Fellow, Australian Rivers Institute, Griffith University

Heavy rain continues to fall across the Hunter and Mid North Coast of New South Wales. Rivers are bursting their banks and spreading over floodplains, leaving many areas on flood watch. And now, this emergency is heading south.

The unfolding disaster shows just how vulnerable rural catchments and regional communities are to extreme rainfall. It comes just a few months after extensive flooding hit western Queensland.

The flooding issues for rural and regional Australia are quite distinct from city areas, where populations are concentrated and urban runoff is the main danger. So what can Australia’s regional and rural communities learn from this extreme weather event?

Highly exposed communities

NSW’s Mid North Coast comprises farmland and bushland, with steep hilly country at the back of river catchments and more urban settlements closer to the coast.

Residents are spread across rural properties and lifestyle bushland blocks as well as local villages and bigger towns. Taree is home to about 17,000 people. About 50,000 people live in Port Macquarie and 36,500 live elsewhere in the Port Macquarie-Hastings local government area.

The population also swells with regular weekend and holiday visitors coming to enjoy coastal, river and mountain settings.

With people and communities spread right across these catchments, they can be left highly exposed when heavy rain falls. Flooding is likely, roads and rail are often cut off and life is turned upside down.

Bridge cameras reveal flooding around Bellingen council in northern NSW
Bridge cameras reveal flooding around Bellingen council in northern NSW.
Bellingen Council, CC BY-SA

Short catchments in coastal areas fill rapidly

The nature of the landscape – including the geography, the size of the rivers and the shape of the catchment area – largely determines the flood hazard.

The catchments of the Mid North Coast feature short, east-flowing streams and rivers up against the Great Dividing Range. Some ranges are just 20–30 kilometres from the coast. Others are no further than 100–150km from the coast.

When heavy rain hits this steep bushland country, runoff water is quickly concentrated in streams. When these streams join with other creeks and waterways, the concentrated flows overwhelm the natural storage volumes of these waterways. So the water rises and breaks the banks, flowing out across the adjacent floodplains.

Prior rainfall along the east coast, over the past two to three months, means less moisture can soak into the soil and runoff increases. As a consequence:

  • houses, community facilities and business are inundated

  • river and creek crossings are being cut, low lying roads on floodplains flooded and railway lines threatened

  • local water supply and sewerage treatment plants – often in low lying parts of the landscape – are at risk

  • livestock and household pets, horses and other animals are at risk

  • wildlife in bushland and waterways are being displaced

  • local wetlands are being overwhelmed

  • estuaries are being flooded and in some cases, slugs of sediment and nutrients are being washed downstream and out into coastal waters.

Other rural and regional communities face similar impacts during floods. As the magnitude of this event becomes clear, it is a timely warning for other communities to plan for future floods in their catchments.

The human dimension

As the flooding unfolds, the safety of people and their property is a high priority. Many people have been displaced, leaving their homes for safer locations. Others have been stranded by rising floodwaters.

Many will be feeling stress, fear and uncertainty. This will affect their mental health and wellbeing, and that of their families and local communities. So psychological support is needed both now and after the disaster.

Local and state government agency staff, non-government organisations and volunteers will be active at emergency response and recovery centres to support and guide affected people through this difficult time.

It’s vital that staff and volunteers are prepared and trained in mental health first aid.

Flood preparedness planning must also consider a mix of communication support networks for both the emergency response phase and the recovery phase. And there are opportunities to establish permanent community hubs for building resilience post floods, fires, cyclones and heatwaves.

Major flooding and heavy rain continue for New South Wales, 22 May 2025 (Bureau of Meteorology)

Preparing for a new chapter

After the 2011 floods in southeast Queensland, I helped set up a national network of professionals striving to develop better ways to design, implement and sustain flood solutions for more resilient communities. This involves not the immediate emergency response, but the 10-50 year plans needed to help communities reduce the harm of flooding and adapt to climate-related risks.

Long-term flood-risk planning includes options on flood mitigation, such as dykes and levees. It also involves multiple approaches to adaptation, such as household flood resilience. This might mean raising houses off the ground, or relocating residents away from high-risk areas.

The approach, which started in collaboration with Brisbane City Council, is now being used in Queensland and New South Wales, and has been supported by the federal government.

In impacted cities, authorities and communities have committed to prioritising new ways to adapt and minimise the impacts from flood waters. Similarly in rural and regional areas, measures to reduce flood impacts – at both the landscape and household scale – must become more common, to ensure community resilience.

The Conversation

Piet Filet is affiliated with Flood Community of Practice

ref. The deluge in NSW sounds a warning to rural and regional communities elsewhere – https://theconversation.com/the-deluge-in-nsw-sounds-a-warning-to-rural-and-regional-communities-elsewhere-256814

PNG journalists warned over lawfare – ‘we don’t have any law to stop SLAPPs’, says Choi

By Patrick Muuh in Port Moresby

Journalists in Papua New Guinea are likely to face legal threats as powerful individuals and companies use court actions to silence public interest reporting, warns Media Council of PNG president Neville Choi.

As co-chair of the second Community Coalition Against Corruption (CCAC) National Meeting, he said lawfare was likely because Parliament had passed no laws to protect reporters and individuals from such tactics.

Choi said journalists were being left unprotected against Strategic Litigation Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) — legal actions used by powerful individuals or corporations to silence criticism and reporting.

“In Papua New Guinea right now, we don’t have any law to stop SLAPPs,” Choi said.

“Big corporations or organisations with more money can use lawsuits to silence people, civil society and the media. That’s the reality.”

SLAPPs are lawsuits filed not to win on merit, but to drain resources, silence critics, and stop public debate.

In some other countries, anti-SLAPP laws exist to protect journalists and whistleblowers. But in PNG, no such legal shield exists.

Legal pressure for speaking out
“We’ve seen it happen,” Choi added, referring to ACTNOW PNG’s Eddie Tanago, a civil society advocate who has faced legal pressure for speaking out.

“He’s experienced it. And we know it can happen to journalists too.”

Participants in the second CCAC National Meeting in Port Moresby . . . journalists are being left unprotected from corporate lawfare. Image: PNG Post-Courier

Despite increasing threats, journalists do not have access to legal defence funds or institutional protection.

Choi confirmed that there was no system in place to defend reporters who were hit with defamation lawsuits or other forms of legal retaliation.

“Our advice to journalists is simple. Do your job well. The truth is the only protection we have,” he said.

“If you stick to facts, follow professional ethics and report responsibly, you reduce your risk. But if you make a mistake, you leave yourself open to lawsuits.”

The Media Council, in partnership with Transparency International under the CCAC, are discussing the idea of drafting an anti-SLAPP law but no formal proposal has been put forward yet.

Republished from the PNG Post-Courier with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Floods, fires and even terrorist attacks: how ready are our hospitals to cope when disaster strikes?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mitchell Sarkies, Senior Lecturer, Horizon Fellow and NHMRC Emerging Leadership Fellow at the Sydney School of Health Sciences, University of Sydney

Floodwaters have engulfed large parts of New South Wales, with at least one person dead and almost 50,000 evacuated after days of heavy rainfall in a “one-in-500-year” flood event. The scale of the disaster is still unfolding and affected communities will be recovering for some time to come.

One question worth asking is: how ready are our hospitals to cope when disaster strikes?

A growing body of research, including our own, has looked at how hospitals might contend with disasters like floods, bushfires, heatwaves, cyclones or even mass injury events such as a stadium collapse. The answer? There’s room for improvement.

Australia is already prone to natural disasters, which are expected to become more frequent and severe as the climate changes.

Research around the world shows hospital administrators can better plan for how they’d cope if a disaster or terrorist attack wiped out their hospital’s capacity to function normally.

When flood strikes, large parts of the hospital stop working

In March 2022, rapidly rising floodwaters on Australia’s east coast posed an imminent threat to Ballina Hospital, on the NSW far north coast.

With a few hours’ notice, staff safely evacuated the whole hospital to a nearby high school. This included 55 patients, essential equipment, supplies and medications.

Our study documented this remarkable achievement via seven interviews with doctors and nurses integral to the evacuation.

Several key themes emerged:

  • communication was disrupted: there was no mobile phone reception. Field hospital staff requested a satellite phone, but it was sent without any battery charge or a charging device
  • staff shortages: flooded roads prevented doctors and nurses from reaching the hospital. However, they could get to the high school field hospital, which still had road access
  • managing volunteers was tricky: community support was praised. However, there were so many volunteers, security was called to ensure volunteers didn’t get into spaces that would compromise the patient confidentiality, privacy and safety
  • patient tracking was a challenge: it was hard to keep track of vulnerable evacuated patients with cognitive decline or behavioural impairment
  • transport had to be improvised: cars, buses and taxis were used to transport equipment, medication and supplies
  • triage for patient transfers and discharging was crucial: health professionals prioritised less critical patients first, as they often make up the majority. By swiftly addressing their needs, staff could then concentrate on the smaller group of patients requiring intensive care.

Some workers, dealing with their own personal losses during the evacuation, had to be sent home. One staff member told us:

There were a couple of nursing staff who also lived within the flood risk area, and they had children at home, so we needed to let them go home.

Another said:

We did end up with almost too many people wanting to help, which is lovely, but it becomes a problem because we don’t need this many people.

A third staff member said:

Everybody was accounted for. We had a list of patients at one end and then when they got there, they put a new list of who was there and who was coming; that was all written on a big whiteboard.

Disaster simulation: when a semi-trailer crash causes a stadium collapse

Natural disasters aren’t the only kind of catastrophe for which hospitals must prepare.

Our research has also looked at how hospitals might contend with a human-made disaster such as a mass casualty or injury event.

Our team studied a mass casualty simulation exercise at one of Australia’s largest public hospitals.

More than 200 hospital staff participated in the three‐hour long exercise, which simulated a semi‐trailer crashing into a stadium grandstand. Some 120 “patients” were taken to the hospital with crush, burn, smoke inhalation and other injuries.

In the simulation, clinicians had to adapt quickly. New patients were continuously coming via the ambulance ramp and private cars.

Participants had to make rapid collective decisions on treatment and transfers based on patient conditions and severity.

During the exercise, additional random disruptive scenarios were introduced to test the clinicians’ ongoing responses. This included the city mayor repeatedly calling the Hospital Emergency Operations Centre for updates.

Some key challenges included:

  • some of the hypothetical patients died from a lack of critical care equipment
  • an overwhelming number of minor injuries had to be managed
  • clinicians were uncertain about how many casualties were en route to the hospital and how many beds to make available for them
  • a shortage of orderlies to accompany transfers from the emergency department to surgical theatres or for scans
  • difficulties in keeping track of patients and bed allocations.

We also observed hospital staff adapting to the situation. This included:

  • paediatricians treating adult patients with minor injuries
  • staff fast‐tracking triage
  • staff manually ventilating patients using a specialised resuscitation balloon when mechanical ventilation equipment was unavailable
  • running scans and imaging in batches instead of individually, due to the limited number of orderlies.

A growing body of research

Research shows that despite many hospitals having excellent, longstanding hospital disaster management plans, things can still go wrong. After the Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan, nearly half of evacuated stroke and renal failure patients died in vehicles or on arrival to another hospital.

Learning from hospital responses to disasters can help hospitals prepare for the future.

Overall, our research shows many Australian hospitals have excellent disaster preparedness planning. However, some areas require improvement well before disaster strikes. Adapting on-the-fly as your hospital is inundated with floodwater or struck by another disaster means things have been left too late.

The Conversation

Faran Naru is the recipient of a Macquarie University Research Excellence Scholarship (20203593). He works for the Australian government’s National Emergency Management Agency. This article reflects his work as a researcher, not the views of his employer.

Janet Long, Jeffrey Braithwaite, Kate Churruca, and Mitchell Sarkies do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Floods, fires and even terrorist attacks: how ready are our hospitals to cope when disaster strikes? – https://theconversation.com/floods-fires-and-even-terrorist-attacks-how-ready-are-our-hospitals-to-cope-when-disaster-strikes-257318

Could cold sores increase the risk of Alzheimer’s disease? A new study is no cause for panic

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joyce Siette, Associate Professor | Deputy Director, The MARCS Institute for Brain, Behaviour, and Development, Western Sydney University

And-One/Shutterstock

A new study has found the herpes simplex virus type 1 (HSV-1), which causes cold sores, may be linked to the development of Alzheimer’s disease.

This idea is not entirely new. Previous research has suggested there may be an association between HSV-1 and Alzheimer’s disease, the most common form of dementia.

So what can we make of these new findings? And how strong is this link? Let’s take a look at the evidence.

First, what is HSV-1?

HSV-1 is a neurotropic virus, meaning it can infect nerve cells, which send and receive messages to and from the brain. It’s an extremely common virus. The World Health Organization estimates nearly two-thirds of the global population aged under 50 carries this virus, often unknowingly.

An initial infection can cause mild to severe symptoms including fever, headache and muscle aches, and may manifest as blisters and ulcers around the mouth or lips.

After this, HSV-1 typically lies dormant in the body’s nervous system, sometimes reactivating due to stress or illness. During reactivation, it can cause symptoms such as cold sores, although in many people it doesn’t cause any symptoms.

What did the new research look at?

In a study published this week in BMJ Open, researchers analysed data from hundreds of thousands of people drawn from a large United States health insurance dataset.

They conducted a matched “case-control” analysis involving more than 340,000 adults aged 50 and older diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease between 2006 and 2021. Each Alzheimer’s disease patient (a “case”) was matched to a control without a diagnosis of Alzheimer’s disease based on factors such as age, sex and geographic region, a method designed to reduce statistical bias.

The team then examined how many of these people had a prior diagnosis of HSV-1 and whether they had been prescribed antiviral treatment for the infection.

Alzheimer’s disease is the most common form of dementia.
Nadino/Shutterstock

Among people with Alzheimer’s disease, 0.44% had a previous HSV-1 diagnosis, compared to 0.24% of controls. This translates to an 80% increased relative risk of Alzheimer’s disease in those diagnosed with HSV-1, however the absolute numbers are small.

The researchers also found people who received antiviral treatment for HSV-1 had roughly a 17% lower risk of developing Alzheimer’s disease compared to those who were untreated.

Not a new hypothesis

This isn’t the first time researchers have speculated about a viral role in Alzheimer’s disease. Earlier studies have detected HSV-1 DNA in postmortem brain tissues from people who had Alzheimer’s disease.

Laboratory research has also shown HSV-1 can trigger amyloid-beta plaque accumulation in nerve cells and mouse brains. Amyloid-beta plaques are one of the defining features of Alzheimer’s disease pathology, so this has led to speculation that reactivation of the virus may contribute to brain inflammation or damage.

But importantly, previous research and the current study show associations, not proof HSV-1 causes Alzheimer’s disease. These links do not confirm the virus initiates or drives disease progression.

Some other important caveats

The study relied on insurance claim data, which may not always reflect accurate or timely clinical diagnoses. HSV-1 is also frequently underdiagnosed, especially when symptoms are mild or absent. These points could explain why both the Alzheimer’s group and the control group saw such low rates of HSV-1, when population rates of this virus are estimated to be far higher.

This means many carriers of HSV-1 in the study may have gone unrecorded and therefore makes the link harder to interpret clearly. The dataset also doesn’t capture how often people had recurring symptoms, or the severity or duration of infections – conditions which might influence risk more directly.

Another complicating factor is people with HSV-1 might differ in other ways from those without it. Differences in health-care access, the health of a person’s immune system, lifestyle, genetics, or even education – could all influence Alzheimer’s disease risk.

A variety of factors can influence a person’s risk of Alzheimer’s disease.
sfam_photo/Shutterstock

So should you be concerned if you have cold sores?

The short answer is no – at least not based on current evidence. Most people with HSV-1 will never develop Alzheimer’s disease. The vast majority live with the virus without any serious neurological issues.

The “herpes hypothesis” of Alzheimer’s disease is an interesting area for further research, but far from settled science. This study adds weight to the conversation but doesn’t offer a definitive answer.

Alzheimer’s disease is a complex condition with multiple risk factors, including age, genetics, heart health, education, lifestyle and environmental exposures.

Infections such as HSV-1 may be one part of a larger, interconnected puzzle, but they are highly unlikely to be the sole cause.

With this in mind, the best thing to do is to focus on what we already know can help keep your brain healthy as you age. Regular physical activity, good quality sleep, social engagement, a balanced diet and managing stress can all support long-term brain health.

Joyce Siette receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council on a Targeted Call for Research on cultural, ethnic and linguistic diversity in dementia research.

ref. Could cold sores increase the risk of Alzheimer’s disease? A new study is no cause for panic – https://theconversation.com/could-cold-sores-increase-the-risk-of-alzheimers-disease-a-new-study-is-no-cause-for-panic-257140

As the Million Paws Walk takes its last lap, other charity fundraising events face serious challenges

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Wade, Lecturer in Social Inquiry, La Trobe University

The RSPCA has announced this Sunday’s Million Paws Walk will be their last. The event has been celebrated across Australia since 1994, with more than 765,000 people and their 410,000 dogs having “laced up and leashed up” to raise money for animal welfare.

Participation and fundraising have declined in recent years, with the RSPCA conceding

The community fundraising landscape has changed dramatically since 2020, with rising costs and current cost of living pressures making it increasingly hard to sustain the event.

They aren’t alone. A number of charitable events – and for-profit events such as music festivals – have been struggling to stay afloat.

Regional charity events have been particularly impacted. For example, the Cancer Council’s popular Relay for Life was once a mainstay of regional towns. But while there were 194 Relay for Life events across Australia in 2015, this year there will only be 44.

Unfortunately, our research indicates many events haven’t recovered from the triple whammy of COVID disruptions, rising costs and falling returns.

Savvy strategy amid mounting challenges

Contrary to any hasty assumptions about “wasteful” charities, our interviews with leaders from across 16 Australian charities suggest these organisations are relentlessly pragmatic.

While advocacy and community engagement are important, almost all our participants made clear that fundraising is the top priority, with success measured “purely in dollars”.

This single-minded focus is necessary to serve a charity’s core purpose.

According to one charity event operations manager, their most impactful mental health programs “won’t run unless we’re providing that money for them”. Any unsuccessful event is thus quickly overhauled or jettisoned entirely.

Charities also try to “gamify” fundraising to make it more exciting for participants. Public leaderboards, virtual badges and physical rewards can incentivise participants to fundraise. However, adopting these strategies can present technical and logistical hurdles, especially for smaller charities.

Increasing burnout and trouble reaching youth

Mass participation fundraising events are facing compounding challenges that ingenuity can’t resolve. The proportion of Australians donating to charities has steadily declined since 2011.

And although overall numbers are gradually recovering, there are still fewer people formally volunteering today than at the peak in 2018.

One charity CEO told us staff and volunteers were facing “a lot of burnout, because progress is slow, getting money in the door is hard”.

Adding to these woes are difficulties in recruiting younger people as participants and volunteers. Even reaching them can be tricky. While many charities rely on Facebook, younger people are gravitating to platforms such as TikTok. Resource-limited charities can struggle to make the leap to build new audiences.

While expressing immense gratitude, a fundraising manager at one of Australia’s biggest charities noted their volunteers “tend to skew quite older”.

A CEO of a health-based charity likewise observed difficulty in finding long-term volunteers for future event planning, as people “aren’t necessarily wanting to give that high level of commitment”.

Volunteer support is essential in making mass participation fundraisers feasible. One event fundraising coordinator told us, “There would be a lot more that would be going ahead if we had the volunteers to run them.”

Some charities partner with schools to get young people more involved. Well-known examples include the Heart Foundation’s Jump Rope for Heart and World Vision’s 40 Hour Famine. Others, such as Kids in Philanthropy, are wholly dedicated to giving children the opportunity to perform acts of service.

Rising costs and compliance hurdles

While far from begrudging small businesses, our interviewees said key suppliers, such as food vendors and stage hire, are declining, raising prices, and sometimes proving less reliable. Only occasionally do charities receive “special treatment” via discounts or other favours.

One event manager said, “Every year we have to make sacrifices and cuts.” This can impact participants’ experience, and therefore fundraising outcomes.

Our respondents spoke mostly favourably about their relationships with local councils. But some lamented councils were less willing to provide small grants or in-kind support, such as waiving permit fees, compared to the past. And unpredictable concessions can make it hard to budget and plan for the long term.

A number of interviewees highlighted traffic-related costs as a major and volatile drain on event budgets.

An event manager from a youth-focused charity bemoaned that, due to regulation changes, their traffic control quote “went from $30,000 to $45,000 a month before the event”.

Such fees can prevent events from growing to accommodate more participants, as moving locations and routes can drastically increase compliance costs.

Similarly, one respondent noted how the cost of first aid “went through the roof post-COVID”.

Another suggested popular fundraisers should be categorised as “hallmark” events in which state governments partially cover risk-management costs, such as police and ambulance services.

Of course, participants’ wellbeing is non-negotiable for charities, and any reputational damage can have severe long-term consequences.

This can even mean cancelling entire events due to risky weather conditions, with devastating impacts on fundraising outcomes.

What will we lose if events disappear?

The end of the iconic Million Paws Walk rings alarm bells for mass participation fundraising. The loss of these joyous occasions doesn’t just impact charities.

These events offer social benefits, health benefits, and a profound therapeutic effect for participants directly affected by the cause.

They are also an entry point for people to support charitable causes. For the time-poor and cash-strapped, a fun run is often more manageable than regular donations or volunteering commitments.

The Million Paws Walk will be sorely missed, but let’s hope it isn’t the first of many. Events such as the Mother’s Day Classic, MS Australia’s Gong Ride, the Mito Foundation’s Bloody Long Walk and Neuroblastoma Australia’s Run2Cure, among others, serve vital fundraising and advocacy purposes.

Catherine Palmer receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Kevin Filo, Matthew Wade, and Nicholas Hookway do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. As the Million Paws Walk takes its last lap, other charity fundraising events face serious challenges – https://theconversation.com/as-the-million-paws-walk-takes-its-last-lap-other-charity-fundraising-events-face-serious-challenges-257125

Too many people with back pain call ambulances or visit the ED. Here’s why that’s a problem

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Vella, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Institute for Musculoskeletal Health, University of Sydney

Rose Marinelli/Shutterstock

Around 4 million Australians experience back problems and people are increasingly calling ambulances and presenting to emergency departments to manage back pain.

Yet most of these cases of back pain don’t require emergency care. Back pain is a symptom rather than a disease. When symptoms last more than 12 weeks it is referred to as chronic back pain. The most common form of back pain is non-specific back pain – this term is given when no tissue or structure can be identified as the cause.

Non-specific back pain usually best managed in primary care, by GPs and allied health professionals.

Once people with non-serious back pain contact emergency health services, they are more likely to receive care that isn’t recommended and is considered low-value and, sometimes, harmful.

This may include unnecessary laboratory investigations, such as blood tests, and imaging, such as x-rays, CT scans or MRIs. One-third of imaging requests for back pain in emergency departments aren’t clinically warranted and are judged as inappropriate.

However, in some instances it is recommended that people with back pain contact an ambulance or present to the emergency department. This includes when back pain is a result of trauma, when people live alone without access to carers, when people have other complex presentations, and when people show signs of potentially serious conditions.

Unnecessary hospital admissions are costly to the health system and can cause patients harm. Almost one in four (24%) of those admitted to hospital for back pain acquire infections or experience falls.

Medications prescribed in hospital can also have negative consequences for the patient. Nearly one in ten patients with back pain are still taking opioids after discharge, with risk of dependency and overdose. One in three patients continue to use opioids one month after their emergency department visit.




Read more:
Opioids don’t relieve acute low back or neck pain – and can result in worse pain, new study finds


The influx of back pain presentations to emergency health services also has ramifications for emergency department overcrowding and ambulance ramping. This means other ambulance patients cannot enter the emergency department and results in longer waiting times.

Why is this happening?

In primary health care, the management of back pain is well established in clinical practice guidelines. But emergency health services don’t have guidelines specific to low back pain. This is likely due to the lack of evidence from these settings (though the evidence-base has increased over the past five years).

The lack of specific guidance means there is a high likelihood of people both missing out on the right care and receiving the wrong care.

A key challenge for emergency clinicians is discriminating between patients with back pain that require emergency care from those who do not.

One Australian study found 38% of patients in the emergency department who were initially diagnosed with non-serious back pain were later found to have a specific pathology, such as an infection, during hospital admission. In cases such as these, further diagnostic investigation and emergency care is necessary.

But nearly half of ambulance and emergency department patients without serious pathology receive unnecessary care. Our recent study found 81% of people who presented to ambulance service with non-traumatic back pain were transferred to the emergency department.

If you call an ambulance or go to an emergency department for non-specific back pain, you’re more likely to receive unnecessary care.
Shutterstock

Once in the emergency department, 46% of ambulance patients received opioids, 59% received imaging and 50% were admitted. However, it’s unclear what proportion actually required emergency department care.

Clinicians are required to make quick decisions about patient care. For paramedics, limited scope of medications and access to community health services, particularly outside of business hours, ultimately leaves them with no other option but to transport the patient to hospital.

Emergency department clinicians have to manage people with complex presentations and multiple conditions and address patient expectations about opioids and imaging. This can influence their decisions about care.

How can emergency back pain care be improved?

A key area for improvement is reducing the use of opioids. An New South Wales trial reduced opioid use for back pain in emergency departments by 43% by introducing a new model of care. The model involved clinician education, implementation of non-opioid provisions such as heat packs, and timely referrals to outpatient services such as specialist back clinics.

This approach will now be scaled up to include 44 emergency departments across NSW. If successful, it could be rolled out across the country.

Virtual hospitals have also been implemented to reduce in-person presentations to emergency departments for back pain, which often means people with back pain can receive care while remaining in their home. However, the effectiveness and safety of this new service has not yet been established, though research is underway.

The Australian government has promised to open more Urgent Care Clinics, where people with urgent but not life-threatening complaints can be managed by a doctor, nurse, or in some cases, a physiotherapist. The service allows people with back pain to still receive in-person care while diverting them away from the emergency department. But while they seem like a good idea, we have little or no evidence on their value.

To reduce the burden that back pain places on emergency health services, changes need to be made across all health system-levels. But these changes must be backed by reliable research evidence.

Better information for patients and clinicians

The general public needs to be aware when and where to seek appropriate care for back pain. This can be achieved through successful health promotion initiatives.

For clinicians, specific guidelines for back pain need to be developed and implemented into ambulance and hospital emergency departments to improve decision-making and reduce unnecessary care escalation. Policymakers, health service managers and stakeholders need to revise current policy to align with the most recent evidence.

Additionally, easy-to-access referral pathways need to be developed between emergency health and community health services to keep people with non-serious back pain out of hospital, to reduce their risk of receiving unnecessary and costly care.

The Conversation

Simon Vella receives grant funding from HCF Research Foundation, Health Service Research Grant Scheme and the Australian Chiropractors Education Research Foundation. Simon is a board member of Chiropractic Australia Research Foundation.

Christopher Maher has a research fellowship from National Health and Medical Research Council, grants from National Health and Medical Research Council, Medical Research Future Fund, New South Wales Health, Ramsay Hospital Research Foundation, HCF Research Foundation, ArthritisAustralia, Australian Rheumatology Association, Royal Prince Alfred Hospital, and Sao Paulo Research Foundation.

Gustavo Machado has an investigator grant from the National Health and Medical Research Council. He also holds research grants from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Medical Research Future Fund, and HCF Research Foundation.

ref. Too many people with back pain call ambulances or visit the ED. Here’s why that’s a problem – https://theconversation.com/too-many-people-with-back-pain-call-ambulances-or-visit-the-ed-heres-why-thats-a-problem-255776

In a flood, first responders balance helping others while their own families are at risk. It’s an impossible choice

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erin Smith, Associate Professor and Discipline Lead (Paramedicine), La Trobe University

As unprecedented flooding inundates towns and leaves residents stranded in parts of New South Wales, local first responders have rescued hundreds of people from floodwaters and rooftops.

Volunteering Australia estimates more than 400,000 people volunteer as first responders around the nation. Around half of those volunteer in fire services and around 25,000 in state and territory emergency services. Thousands of additional “invisible” first responders help informally and spontaneously to support their communities before and after a disaster.

In a situation such as the current flooding in NSW, local first responders, many of whom are volunteers, face a difficult dilemma. How do they prioritise their commitment to their communities and the safety of the public while also protecting their own families and homes?

It’s a dilemma one of us (Cameron) knows too well. Cameron is a registered paramedic and volunteer firefighter, and responded to the Black Saturday bushfires in Victoria in 2009. He’s well aware of the challenge first responders have to juggle – helping others while also ensuring their loved ones are safe.

It’s a juggle

During a disaster, first responders and their families may be at risk due to extreme weather and rising floodwaters, damaged infrastructure, and other dangers. First responders may need to evacuate homes, coordinate emergency services, and navigate dangerous conditions while trying to ensure their own family’s safety.

In rapidly evolving emergencies, they may also be faced with the choice to abandon their emergency work to prioritise their family’s safety, potentially placing their first responder colleagues at risk.

Even now, 16 years after the Black Saturday bushfires devastated parts of Victoria, Jessica Ciccosillo, a first responder with St John Ambulance Australia, still feels like she abandoned her community when it needed her the most. She told us:

I had a baby at home, and my husband was also volunteering during the disaster. We couldn’t both respond at the same time, so I stayed home with the baby. I also wanted to protect our animals and property. But the desire to help was so strong, and it was so hard to make the decision to stay at home and prioritise our own family.

It’s a moral dilemma

Finding the balance between helping others while their own families are at risk can create a moral dilemma for first responders, forcing them to make difficult decisions about where to focus their efforts.

These moral dilemmas can arise from conflicting values (such as having to follow organisational policies or directives that conflict with our personal beliefs), the need to make difficult decisions under pressure, or witnessing events that challenge their sense of what is right and wrong.

Moral dilemmas about who to priortise during an emergency situation can lead to a sense of moral injury, when people can feel guilty, ashamed and distressed about the choices they have made.

Families can suffer too

First responder work can significantly impact family members. Long and unpredictable hours can interfere with family activities and undermine their sense of support. Added to this is the constant fear for their loved one’s safety. When emergencies occur, these fears can be heightened.

Families may even experience vicarious trauma, where they absorb the stress and trauma of their loved one’s work, leading to their own mental health challenges.

First responders want to talk to someone who ‘gets it’

When we asked local first responders what would be most helpful for supporting their wellbeing, the message was clear: they want to talk about what they have experienced with someone who “gets it”.

Sharing their experience with supportive colleagues and peers offers a different kind of support for many responders who may not have benefited from, or want to use, more traditional counselling programs.

Emergency services organisations can also promote wellbeing by creating supportive cultures and strong leadership that focus on building mental-health literacy. Programs that address the needs of the whole family, rather than just the individual responder, can foster resilience.

For local first responders currently helping flood-affected communities in NSW, focusing on making small, short-term decisions can help them feel less overwhelmed and allow them to better manage their mental health.

There’s support

If you are a first responder and need support now, resources include:

  • The National Emergency Worker Support Service, which offers free, confidential, and evidence-based mental health support, including 12 free sessions with trauma-informed clinicians

  • Fortem Australia provides mental health support, including clinical support and wellbeing activities, for first responders and their families

  • Beyond Blue offers the Police and Emergency Services Program to promote mental health and reduce suicide risk among police and emergency service personnel, including their families

  • Phoenix Australia offers information, support and treatment options related to trauma for first responders, including the Responder Assist program

  • The Code 9 Foundation provides support for first responders living with post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, anxiety and other mental health conditions resulting from their service to the community.

For families of first responders:

  • This guide from the Emergency Services Foundation is intended to help families of emergency service workers, especially families of volunteers. It was developed with input from partners, children and other relatives who have experience living with an emergency service worker.

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

The Conversation

Cameron Anderson is a registered paramedic and volunteer firefighter.

Erin Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. In a flood, first responders balance helping others while their own families are at risk. It’s an impossible choice – https://theconversation.com/in-a-flood-first-responders-balance-helping-others-while-their-own-families-are-at-risk-its-an-impossible-choice-257313

Australia is forecast to fall 262,000 homes short of its housing target. We need bold action

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ehsan Noroozinejad, Senior Researcher and Sustainable Future Lead, Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University

Australia’s plan to build 1.2 million new homes by 2029 is in trouble. A new report by the National Housing Supply and Affordability Council (NHSAC) shows we are likely to miss this ambitious target by a huge margin.

At the current pace, the council forecasts we will fall about 262,000 homes short of the goal. In other words, for every five homes we need, we’re only on track to build about four.

No state or territory is building enough to meet its share. This is more than just a number; it means the housing affordability crisis will continue unless we act fast.

The report lays out five areas of priority for reform. But implementing its recommendations will require bolder action than we’re currently seeing.

Housing stress all round

NHSAC’s State of the Housing System 2025 report shows very challenging conditions for future home buyers and renters. By the end of 2024, it took half of median household income to service a new mortgage.

Think about that: half of your income gets spent on maintaining a roof over your head. That’s well above one common measure of “housing stress” for lower-income households: spending more than 30% of gross income on housing.

Anyone planning to purchase their first home faces an average savings period that extends beyond ten years just for their deposit.

For renters, the report found it now takes 33% of median household income to cover the cost of a new lease.

It doesn’t help that rental vacancy rates are near record lows, around 1.8% nationwide. This means renters are competing fiercely for very few available homes. This drives rents even higher.

Higher housing costs can force renters to cut back on other essentials – such as heating.
nikkimeel/Shutterstock

Why is housing so unaffordable?

Australians can see the daily reality this report describes. And it can have disproportionate negative impacts on vulnerable groups in society.

For example, the rate of homelessness among First Nations people has been about 8.8 times the rate for non-Indigenous Australians.

Supply remains a key factor underpinning Australia’s housing crisis. We simply aren’t building enough homes. Australia completed approximately 177,000 new dwellings in 2024 but that fell short of demand for about 223,000 new homes.

And the report predicts we will remain behind our targets for upcoming years. Under current policy settings, a forecast total of 938,000 new homes will be built between mid-2024 and mid-2029, well short of the Housing Accord’s 1.2 million home target.




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Five priorities for fixing it

The report identifies five essential action areas needed to restore Australia’s housing system to proper functioning.

1. Lift social and affordable housing to 6% of all homes

In 2021, only about 4% of dwellings were for social or affordable housing. Governments and not-for-profits must add many more low-rent homes so people on modest incomes aren’t trapped on long waitlists.

2. Improve productivity and build faster with modern methods of construction

Prefabricated panels, modular kits and even 3D printed structures can halve building time and use fewer tradies.

Federal and state governments could fund factories, training and pilot projects to get these methods into the mainstream.

The report also calls on the government to address labour and skills shortages.

Prefabricated or ‘prefab’ homes are one example of modern methods of construction.
Friends Stock/Shutterstock



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3. Fix planning systems and unlock land

Quicker approvals, firm deadlines and updated zoning would let builders put taller or denser housing near transport, jobs and schools. Governments also need to bundle and service big sites so work can start without years of red tape.

4. Support for renters

The report calls on governments to support better outcomes for renters, and to fully implement National Cabinet’s “Better Deal for Renters” agreement.

This includes through fair notice requirements, no-fault eviction limits and longer leases.

It also calls for more support for institutional investment. Tax settings that attract super funds and insurers into large build-to-rent projects would add professionally managed apartments and steady rents.

5. Swap stamp duty for land tax

Paying a small yearly land charge instead of a huge upfront stamp duty lets people move or downsize with less of a financial hit, freeing under-used homes and smoothing the market.

Change won’t be easy

The council’s proposed solutions seem excellent when studied theoretically, but their practical application will prove challenging.

Australia needs significant time and effort to address multiple systemic obstacles.

One big challenge is the construction workforce. The current workforce lacks enough skilled tradespeople to build homes at the necessary speed. This can result in major delays – even when funding exists.

Another barrier is the planning system itself. Changing planning and zoning regulations faces significant political challenges.

Higher-density developments face community resistance because of the “not in my backyard” (NIMBY) problem while councils tend to move slowly in updating their regulations.




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However, the report notes signs of progress in some states. The New South Wales government has accelerated approval processes and also emphasises “transit-oriented development” – putting new homes near planned and existing transport infrastructure.

Similarly, moving to land tax is easier said than done: State governments generate revenue from stamp duty and a shift to an alternative system would require many years to implement. The absence of federal backing and state incentive payments risks delaying this reform.

What the new government should do

NHSAC’s report doesn’t just diagnose the problem, it offers a roadmap to a healthier housing system.

But those recommendations require bold action. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s government has a crucial opportunity to turn words into deeds.

Australia’s housing woes didn’t appear overnight, they are the result of decades of under-supply and policy missteps. Turning things around won’t be instant – but it is achievable with sustained effort.

Ehsan Noroozinejad has received funding from both national and international organisations to support research addressing housing and climate crises. His most recent funding on integrated housing and climate policy comes from the James Martin Institute for Public Policy (soon to be the Australian Public Policy Institute).

ref. Australia is forecast to fall 262,000 homes short of its housing target. We need bold action – https://theconversation.com/australia-is-forecast-to-fall-262-000-homes-short-of-its-housing-target-we-need-bold-action-257246