A major Australian study tracking more than 80,000 Queenslanders from birth to adulthood reveals stark differences between men and women in patterns of criminal behaviour.
These patterns offer insights into effective crime prevention strategies.
Our findings point to a clear takeaway: most people will never seriously come into contact with the criminal justice system. But for the small proportion who do, their paths into crime are shaped early and differently for men and women.
That means crime prevention efforts need to start earlier and be tailored to the experiences of those most at risk.
A rare opportunity
Our research followed more than 83,000 people born in Queensland in 1983 and 1984, and linked their early life records with official police data to understand who offended and how their patterns changed over time.
Few studies worldwide have followed such a large population from childhood through to early adulthood.
This gave us a unique opportunity to examine not just if people committed crime but when, how often and the types and seriousness of their offences.
Most people don’t offend but some do – repeatedly
The clearest finding was also the most reassuring: the vast majority of people never commit serious offences.
That means efforts to prevent crime can be more precisely targeted, ensuring interventions focus on a smaller, high-risk group rather than the general population.
Non-offending was most prevalent, but five distinct offending groups for both men and women were identified.
Among men, these ranged from those who rarely offended to a small group that started early and continued into adulthood, and another that mostly offended during adolescence but later stopped.
In contrast, most women fell into the low or non-offending groups. Only a small proportion followed a pattern of serious or repeat offending.
These trajectories were categorised as follows:
Women:
non-offending: 79.9%
adolescent-limited low: 8.5%
adult-onset low: 8.6%
early adult-onset escalating: 1.3%
early onset young adult peak: 1.4%
chronic early adult peak: 0.4%
Men:
non-offending: 54.4%
low: 31.0%
early adult-onset low: 6.5%
early onset young adult peak: 4.8%
chronic adolescent-onset: 2.2%
chronic early adult peak: 1.1%
Among the women who did offend, there were notable differences compared to men – not just in frequency but in the types of offences, how often they had contact with police and their experience with youth detention.
Patterns differ by sex
For boys and young men, those in the persistent offending group had earlier and more frequent contact with police, were more likely to face serious charges and often experienced youth detention.
For girls and young women, fewer entered the system overall but those with repeat contact showed distinct patterns: their offences tended to differ from those of men, with a greater focus on property-related crimes as well as drug and traffic violations, rather than the more frequent violent crimes seen among young men.
While they were less likely to be detained, their level of system contact was higher than that of most men in the low offending group.
These differences suggest sex shapes not just the likelihood of offending, but the nature of offending and how people interact with the justice system.
One-size-fits-all crime prevention won’t work
Our findings suggest a nuanced approach to crime prevention – one that recognises both the gendered nature of offending and the early life experiences that shape it.
For boys and young men, this could mean early identification of behavioural issues, stronger support in schools and support to create stable, safe home environments.
For girls and young women, more effective interventions might involve trauma-informed care (an approach that acknowledges past trauma and prioritises safety, trust and empowerment), along with tailored mental health support and services focused on recovery.
These gender-sensitive approaches are not just about being fair, they’re about being effective and equitable. When we better understand the roots of offending behaviour, we can design policies that reduce it.
Why early intervention matters
It’s easy to think of crime as something that starts with a police report or a court appearance. But the conditions for offending, or avoiding it, are often set much earlier.
Here are two real-life examples.
What if we saw a child’s aggression at school not as “bad behaviour” but as a red flag for family violence at home? What if a teenage girl’s shoplifting was a symptom of trauma or mental illness?
This research reinforces the value of early, targeted intervention.
That doesn’t just mean more programs, it means smarter programs, ones that focus resources on those most at risk in ways that match their lived experience.
Our study is one of the most comprehensive of its kind in Australia. It confirms that while most people never offend, a small group follow early, distinct pathways into crime.
Recognising these patterns gives us a powerful opportunity: to design earlier and more targeted prevention. That means fewer people in the justice system and healthier, safer communities for everyone.
If we want to stop crime before it starts, we need to start early, and we need to pay attention to the very different paths children may be on.
Ayda Kuluk does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Imagine replanting various native species only to have them die because the area is too hot or too dry. Or reconnecting woodland habitat only to lose large tracts to bushfire.
Well, our new research suggests those scenarios are entirely possible.
We analysed the two most common ways to prevent overall biodiversity loss on private land in Australia. We found these efforts largely ignore climate risks such as fire, heat, drought and floods.
We analysed 77 policy documents underpinning nine biodiversity offset policies and 11 voluntary conservation programs.
Of the 77 documents, 84% did not consider the impact of climate change. What’s more, only 44% of biodiversity offset policies and 27% of voluntary conservation programs considered climate risk. Even then, they often lacked detail or tools to translate policy into real action on the ground.
The most common climate adaptation strategies were:
safeguarding climate refuges
connecting habitat so wildlife can escape extreme heat, fires or droughts
targeting funding
avoiding offset sites vulnerable to threats such as sea-level rise.
But most documents lacked details on implementing these strategies.
We suggest three practical steps to ensure conservation efforts deliver lasting results in a changing climate.
Climate refuges are areas somewhat shielded from the effects of climate change. Gullies, sheltered slopes and forests with good water supplies can help species survive during heatwaves and droughts.
Protecting climate refuges by restricting land clearing or other damaging activities is a common climate adaptation strategy. We found it featured in six policy documents supporting voluntary conservation programs and biodiversity offsets across Australia. But few policy documents explain where these places are or how to protect them.
For example, the New South Wales Biodiversity Conservation Investment Strategy lists climate refuges as high-priority assets under threat. The strategy says future investment should target these areas.
But we found no explanation of how investments would be prioritised, or where to find that information. Without this detail, mentioning climate refuges in policy documents is little more than having good intentions.
To be effective, refuges need to be mapped, prioritised and supported with appropriate protections and incentives. Nature law reform must strengthen protection of climate refuges to prevent further loss.
Here’s how to protect Australia’s native species from climate change (The Climate Council)
2. Promote the actions that build resilience
On the ground, conservation actions must adapt to climate change. That could mean doing things differently. For example, planting species more likely to survive future climates, or connecting habitat so wildlife can move to new areas.
While these strategies are well established, we only found three policy documents that mention them. One is the Heritage Agreement policy in South Australia. This offers guidance and potential funding to help landholders implement these actions.
As Australia’s nature laws are reformed, funding commitments and conservation guidelines need to follow suit.
Financial incentives or technical support could be offered to landholders for activities that build resilience. Biodiversity offset policies could also mandate conservation actions that improve climate resilience at offset sites.
3. Adapting to climate change needs to link policy to on-ground action
Our research found a clear gap between high-level intent and guidelines for on-ground actions. If they don’t line up, then conservation efforts risk falling short. Field programs may lack legal backing, or legislation may not translate into action where it matters most.
Climate change should be considered at all levels of conservation policies – from high-level legislation to guidelines for implementing individual programs.
Policies should include clear and consistent targets informed by climate risk. This should be supported by regulations ensuring compliance and practical guidelines for on-ground action.
Voluntary conservation programs in New South Wales show how it can be done. State biodiversity conservation legislation includes conserving biodiversity under climate change as a key objective. This can then shape real-world programs. For example, the NSW Conservation Management plan echoes this climate commitment. It makes addressing climate change impacts one of the main targets.
These policies must consider the accelerating pace of change and ensure adaptation is embedded through to action. Such actions must be clear, well-resourced, and equipped with practical tools government agencies and landholders can use.
Otherwise, we risk making conservation policies unfit for the future – missing a golden opportunity to safeguard biodiversity.
Yi Fei Chung receives funding from a UQ Research Training Scholarship. He is also involving in an Australian Research Council Linkage Project that receives financial and in-kind support from the NSW Department of Planning and Environment, the Biodiversity Conservation Trust, Tweed Shire Council, and the NSW Koala Strategy.
Jonathan Rhodes receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the NSW Government, the Biodiversity Conservation Trust, Tweed Shire Council, the NSW Koala Strategy, and the Queensland Government.
Plant growth cycles, the migration of billions of animals, and even aspects of human culture – from harvest rituals to Japanese cherry blossom viewings – are dictated by these dominant rhythms.
Our new research highlights how the impacts of shifting seasons can cascade through ecosystems, with widespread repercussions that may be greater than previously thought.
This puts species and ecosystems at risk the world over. We are still far from having a full picture of what changes in seasonality mean for the future of biodiversity.
Almost every ecosystem on Earth has seasons
From tropical forests to polar ice caps and abyssal depths, the annual journey of Earth around the Sun brings distinct seasons to all corners of the planet.
These seasonal rhythms shape ecosystems everywhere, whether through monsoonal rains in equatorial regions or the predictable melt of snowpack in mountain ranges.
From the earlier seasonal melting of glaciers and the snowpack to the disruption of monsoonal rain cycles, the effects of these changes are being felt widely.
Changing seasonality threatens to destabilise key ecological processes and human society.
Evolutionary adaptations to seasonal fluctuations
The seasonal rhythms of ecosystems are obvious to any observer. The natural timing of annual flowers and deciduous trees – tuned to match seasonal variations in rainfall, temperature and solar radiation – transforms the colours of whole landscapes throughout the year.
The arrival and departure of migratory birds, the life cycle of insects and amphibians, and the mating rituals of large mammals can completely change the soundscapes with the seasons.
These examples illustrate how seasonality acts as a strong evolutionary force that has shaped the life cycles and behaviour of most species. But, in the face of unprecedented changes to Earth’s natural rhythms, these adaptations can lead to complex negative impacts.
Snowshoe hares are struggling to adapt to shifts in the timing of the first snowfall and melt. Shutterstock/Karen Hogan
For instance, snowshoe hares change coat colour between winter and summer to blend in with their surroundings and hide from predators. They are struggling to adapt to shifts in the timing of the first snow and snowmelt. The impact of changing seasonality on hare populations is linked with changes in predation rates. But predators themselves may also be out of sync with the new onset of seasons.
Our research highlights that these kinds of complex interactions can propagate impacts through ecosystems, linking individual species’ seasonal adaptations to broader food web dynamics, or even ecosystem functions such as carbon sequestration.
Although biologists have studied seasonal processes for centuries, we know surprisingly little about how they mediate any ecological impacts of altered seasonality. Our findings show we are likely underestimating these impacts.
The distinct mechanisms involved deserve further attention. Until we account for these complex processes, we risk overlooking important ecological and human consequences.
The more we understand, the better prepared we are
Understanding the extent to which impacts of altered seasonality can interact and propagate from individuals to whole ecosystems is a big challenge. It will require different types of research, complex mathematical modelling and the design of new experiments. But it is not easy to manipulate the seasons in an experiment.
These efforts will be of great value for forecasting impacts and designing effective management strategies beneficial for ecosystems and humans alike. Such efforts help to anticipate future shocks and prioritise interventions.
For instance, understanding the mechanisms that allow native and non-native species to anticipate seasonal changes has proven useful for “tricking” non-native plants into sprouting only in the wrong season. This gives an advantage to native plants.
Similarly, studies on the molecular mechanisms involved in the response to seasonality can help us determine whether certain species are likely to adapt to further changes in seasonal patterns. This research can also point out genes that could be targeted for improving the resilience and productivity of crops.
Not only are we likely underestimating the ecological risks of shifting seasons, we tend to forget how much our everyday lives depend on them. As Earth’s rhythms change, the risks multiply. But so does our opportunity to better understand, anticipate and adapt to these changes.
Daniel Hernández Carrasco receives funding from a Doctoral Scholarship by the University of Canterbury.
Jonathan Tonkin receives funding from a Rutherford Discovery Fellowship administered by the Royal Society Te Apārangi and the Centres of Research Excellence Bioprotection Aotearoa and Te Pūnaha Matatini.
Google recently unveiled the next phase of its artificial intelligence (AI) journey: “AI mode”.
This new feature will soon be released as a new option to users of Google’s search engine in the United States, with no timeline yet for the rest of the world. The company says it will be akin to having a conversation with an expert well versed on a wide range of topics.
This is just one of many steps Google is taking in pursuit of its “all-in” approach to AI.
The “all-in” approach extends beyond just integrating the technology into different applications. Google is providing products all along the AI supply chain – a process known as “vertical integration” – housing everything from AI computer chips through to the user interfaces we interact with on a daily basis, such as Google maps or Gmail.
Google isn’t the only AI company with ambitions of vertical integration. For example, OpenAI recently acquired a hardware startup co-founded by Apple’s Jony Ive, which will centralise hardware development within the company. Amazon is taking similar steps. It owns cloud computing platforms, custom chips, device plans and is incorporating more AI services into products.
This may be the beginning of a trend of vertical integration across big tech. And it could have significant implications for users and companies alike.
The AI ‘tech stack’
Hardware, software, data sources, databases and servers are some of the layers that make up what is commonly referred to as the “AI tech stack”.
1. Hardware layer. Google develops its own AI chips, known as tensor processing units (TPUs). The company claims these chips provide superior performance and efficiency compared to general purpose processors.
2. Infrastructure layer. The company uses its own cloud infrastructure to source its computing power, networking and storage requirements. This infrastructure is the foundation for running and scaling AI capabilities.
3. Model development layer. In-house research capabilities are used to drive the development of their products and services. This includes research around machine learning, robotics, language models and computer vision.
4. Data layer. Data is constantly sourced from users across all Google platforms, including its search engine, maps and email. Data collection is a condition of using any Google application.
Vertical integration further skews this power imbalance by centralising the layers of the AI tech stack to one company. A distribution of hardware, infrastructure, research and development and data across multiple industries helps support a more equitable playing field across the industry.
The loss of this equity creates greater barriers to entry for smaller companies as the larger conglomerates keep everything in-house.
Data is often described as the new gold. This is especially true in the case of AI, which is heavily reliant on data. Through its many platforms, Google has access to a continuous stream of data. In turn, this gives the company even more power in the industry.
Other tech companies such as Amazon are moving towards vertical integration in the AI sector. ACHPF/Shutterstock
The vulnerabilities of vertical integration
The success of a company that is vertically integrated relies on housing the best knowledge and expertise in-house. Retaining this level of resourcing within a small handful of companies can lead to knowledge and expertise hoarding.
Exclusivity also breeds a lack of resilience. That’s because the points of failure are centralised.
Risk is better managed with additional oversight, transparency and accountability. Collaborations across industry rely on these processes to work together effectively.
Centralising the AI tech stack within one organisation eliminates external scrutiny, because it reduces interactions with external providers of products and services. In turn this can lead to a company behaving in a more risky manner.
Regulatory bodies can also provide external scrutiny.
However, the current push to deregulate AI is widening the gap between technology development and regulation.
It is also allowing for big tech companies to become increasingly opaque. A lack of transparency raises issues about organisational practices; in the context of AI, practices around data are of particular concern.
The trend towards vertical integration in the AI sector will further increase this opacity and heighten existing issues around transparency.
Zena Assaad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yi Yang, Research Fellow, Social Epidemiology, Melbourne Disability Institute, Melbourne School of Population and Global Health, The University of Melbourne
People with disability are missing out on screening programs that could help detect cancer early, and after diagnosis, are less likely to survive, our study shows.
Overall, this means people with disability are more likely to die from cancer than people without disability.
We draw together evidence showing the striking inequity at the heart of current approaches to controlling cancer.
But there are ways to improve access to the types of screening programs and cancer services many people without disability use routinely.
What we did and what we found
We reviewed evidence from 73 studies from around the world. These studies compared cancer outcomes in people with disability to those without.
Let’s start with cancer screening, one way to prevent deaths from cancer. Screening picks up early signs of cancer or can prevent it from developing into a problem if found early enough. Early detection usually means more treatment options and higher chances of a good outcome.
However, our review found people with disability are missing out on these life-saving screening programs all around the world, including for breast, cervical and bowel cancer.
In fact, some studies in our review showed these cancers are more likely to be diagnosed at an advanced stage in people with disability.
Once diagnosed, people with disability are still at a disadvantage. We found lower survival rates than cancer patients without disability.
This could be because of delayed diagnosis and inaccessible treatment, and we’d need further research to be sure. But we do have relevant evidence from some studies.
A UK study of cancer deaths in people with intellectual disability found more than a third had their cancer diagnosed after going to the emergency department. Almost half of the cancers in the study were already at an advanced stage when diagnosed.
Another review of global evidence found cancer patients with disability receive poorer quality cancer care. This included delays in treatment, being undertreated or having excessively invasive treatment. People with disability also had less access to in-hospital services and pain medication.
From diagnosis to treatment, global evidence shows people with disability are being excluded from health services that many people without disability routinely access and benefit from.
The situation is no different in Australia and it is costing lives.
In previous work, we found cancer is a leading cause of earlier deaths among Australians with disability. It’s the cause of about 20% of the extra deaths we see in people with disability compared to people without.
Why is this happening?
We clearly need to do more to improve health care for people with disability. But we also need to take action in other areas to address underlying issues.
People with disability are more likely to be poor and live in disadvantaged circumstances than the rest of the Australian population, which may put them at higher risk of cancer.
Many factors that cause cancer – for example, smoking, unaffordable healthy food, and drinking high levels of alcohol – disproportionately impact disadvantaged groups, including people with disability.
Many people with disability live with additional health conditions, which can lead to a lack of attention to routine issues. This can result in cancer screening and routine care becoming less of a priority.
Buildings where services are provided and medical diagnostic equipment is located are not always accessible for people with disability.
The health system itself can be inaccessible, with little support to help people with disability access services. For instance, navigating cancer care can be overwhelming, especially for people who need support for daily activities, transport or communication.
People with disability, especially with intellectual disability, need extra time and support to give informed consent to screening, treatment or procedures – resources and time particularly overstretched in public health systems.
People with disability can also experience both direct and indirect discrimination in health care, which lead to poorer outcomes. This includes discriminatory attitudes towards people with disability and their carers, and making assumptions about a patient based on their disability.
For cancer control to be inclusive and work for people with disability, we need to look at:
prevention – public health interventions, such as quit smoking or healthy lifestyle programs, need to be co-designed with and tailored to people with disability
early detection – national screening programs must develop strategies and take active steps to include people with disability. Clinics need to be physically accessible, information needs to be available in a range of accessible formats, and extra time needs to be allocated to get genuine informed consent
ensuring people with disability have a voice – cancer care needs to be tailored to an individual person, as everyone’s needs are different. We need to support and include people with disability in conversations about their care so they can make informed decisions. This means providing information in ways that work for them, and allowing time to understand and ask questions
training health professionals to understand and respond to the needs of people with disability and make the adjustments required for optimal cancer care, particularly for people with an intellectual disability.
Yi Yang’s research is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship from the Melbourne Disability Institute and an Early Career Researcher Grant from the University of Melbourne. Yi Yang has conducted commissioned work for the Australian Department of Social Services (inequalities in NDIS), the Victorian Department of Families Fairness and Housing (NDIS service use in Victoria), and the Queensland Department of Seniors, Disability Services, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships (inequalities in NDIS service use in regional and remote Queensland).
George Disney receives funding from the NHMRC and has conducted commissioned work for the Australian Department of Social Services (NDIS service use), the Victorian Department of Families Fairness and Housing (inequalities in NDIS service use), and the Queensland Department of Seniors, Disability Services, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships (NDIS service use in regional and remote Queensland).
Kirsten Deane is a member of the consortium receiving funding from the Commonwealth Department of Health for the Centre of Excellence in Intellectual Disability Health. Melbourne Disability Institute also receives funding from the Department of Social Services for the Australian Disability Dialogue and for the Centre for Inclusive Employment. MDi also received funding from the Commonwealth, Victorian and Queensland governments to conduct research into inequities in NDIS funding and services.
The idea is generative artificial intelligence tools (such as ChatGPT) could adapt to any teaching style set by a teacher. The AI could guide students step-by-step through problems and offer hints without giving away answers. It could then deliver precise, immediate feedback tailored to the student’s individual learning gaps.
Despite the enthusiasm, there is limited research testing how well AI performs in teaching environments, especially within structured university courses.
In our new study, we developed our own AI tool for a university law class. We wanted to know, can it genuinely support personalised learning or are we expecting too much?
Our study
In 2022, we developed SmartTest, a customisable educational chatbot, as part of a broader project to democratise access to AI tools in education.
Unlike generic chatbots, SmartTest is purpose-built for educators, allowing them to embed questions, model answers and prompts. This means the chatbot can ask relevant questions, deliver accurate and consistent feedback and minimise hallucinations (or mistakes). SmartTest is also instructed to use the Socratic method, encouraging students to think, rather than spoon-feeding them answers.
We trialled SmartTest over five test cycles in a criminal law course (which one of us was coordinating) at the University of Wollongong in 2023.
Each cycle introduced varying degrees of complexity. The first three cycles used short hypothetical criminal law scenarios (for example, is the accused guilty of theft in this scenario?). The last two cycles used simple short-answer questions (for example, what’s the maximum sentencing discount for a guilty plea?).
An average of 35 students interacted with SmartTest in each cycle across several criminal law tutorials. Participation was voluntary and anonymous, with students interacting with SmartTest on their own devices for up to ten minutes per session. Students’ conversations with SmartTest – their attempts at answering the question, and the immediate feedback they received from the chatbot – were recorded in our database.
After the final test cycle, we surveyed students about their experience.
You can test the chatbot here and see what students experienced. The password is 101.
What we found
SmartTest showed promise in guiding students and helping them identify gaps in their understanding.
However, in the first three cycles (the problem-scenario questions), between 40% and 54% of conversations had at least one example of inaccurate, misleading, or incorrect feedback.
When we shifted to much simpler short-answer format in cycles four and five, the error rate dropped significantly to between 6% and 27%. However, even in these best-performing cycles, some errors persisted. For example, sometimes SmartTest would affirm an incorrect answer before providing the correct one, which risks confusing students.
A significant revelation was the sheer effort required to get the chatbot working effectively in our tests. Far from a time-saving silver bullet, integrating SmartTest involved painstaking prompt engineering and rigorous manual assessments from educators (in this case, us). This paradox – where a tool promoted as labour-saving demands significant labour – calls into question its practical benefits for already time-poor educators.
Inconsistency is a core issue
SmartTest’s behaviour was also unpredictable. Under identical conditions, it sometimes offered excellent feedback and at other times provided incorrect, confusing or misleading information.
For an educational tool tasked with supporting student learning, this raises serious concerns about reliability and trustworthiness.
To assess if newer models improved performance, we replaced the underlying generative AI powering SmartTest (ChatGPT-4) with newer models, such as ChatGPT-4.5, which was released in 2025.
We tested these models by replicating instances where SmartTest provided poor feedback to students in our study. The newer models did not consistently outperform older ones. Sometimes, their responses were even less accurate or useful from a teaching perspective. As such, newer more advanced AI models do not automatically translate to better educational outcomes.
What does this mean for students and teachers?
The implications for students and university staff are mixed.
Generative AI may support low-stakes, formative learning activities. But in our study, it could not provide the reliability, nuance and subject-matter depth needed for many educational contexts.
On the plus side, our survey results indicated students appreciated the immediate feedback and conversational tone of SmartTest. Some mentioned it reduced anxiety and made them more comfortable expressing uncertainty. However, this benefit came with a catch: incorrect or misleading answers could just as easily reinforce misunderstandings as clarify them.
Most students (76%) preferred having access to SmartTest rather than no opportunity to practise questions. However, when given the choice between receiving immediate feedback from AI or waiting one or more days for feedback from human tutors, only 27% preferred AI. Nearly half preferred human feedback with a delay and the rest were indifferent.
This suggests a critical challenge. Students enjoy the convenience of AI tools, but they still place higher trust in human educators.
A need for caution
Our findings suggest generative AI should still be treated as an experimental educational aid.
The potential is real – but so are the limitations. Relying too heavily on AI without rigorous evaluation risks compromising the very educational outcomes we are aiming to enhance.
Armin Alimardani previously had a short-term, part-time contract with OpenAI as a consultant. The organisation had no input into the study featured in this article. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors.
This work was supported by the Early-Mid-Career Researcher Enabling Grants Scheme, University of Wollongong (2022, Project ID: R5829).
This work was supported by the School Research Grant, School of the Arts and Media (SAM), UNSW Sydney (2023, Project ID: PS68922); the Research Infrastructure Scheme, Faculty of Arts, Design, and Architecture, UNSW Sydney (2023, Project ID: PS68745); and the School Research Grant, SAM, UNSW Sydney (2022, Project ID: PS66264).
Once again, large parts of New South Wales have been devastated by floods. It’s estimated 10,000 homes and businesses may have been damaged or destroyed and the Insurance Council of Australia reports more than 6,000 insurance claims have been received for the Mid North Coast and Hunter region.
Hundreds of families are displaced. With many homes now uninhabitable, they face a uncertain future.
As the mop-up begins, stories are emerging of households and businesses not covered by insurance, with some residents saying insurance companies were asking up to A$30,000 annually for cover.
There are many others who are underinsured, with insurance payouts not meeting the full costs of rebuild, repair and replacement. The Insurance Council of Australia has declared the event an “insurance catastrophe”.
The impacts of these floods reflect global trends. In 2024, there were around 60 natural disaster events that each exceeded A$1.5 billion in economic losses. Total losses worldwide reached A$650 billion.
As one of the most disaster-prone countries in the Western world, is Australia the canary in the coalmine for a global collapse of insurance? With these types of disasters escalating in a changing climate, it is reasonable to feel – and fear – this is the case.
An uninsurable future?
In 1992, sociologist Ulrich Beck argued unpredictable global risks, such as climate change, would bring an end to the private insurance market, with profound effects on the modern world.
The idea of an uninsurable future stirs up imaginings of apocalyptic landscapes – crumbling buildings, streets strewn with refuse and people eking out a living amid the rubble and ruins.
But the reality is, as we are seeing in central NSW, it is not a future event that demands attention. Many individuals and communities are already living with an unfolding collapse of insurance affordability and availability.
The consequences can be dire, especially for those already struggling to make ends meet.
How are governments responding?
Speaking on ABC radio on Thursday morning, NSW Premier Chris Minns said he would be “putting the heat” on insurance companies:
Everyone’s going to have to do their part […] and that means insurance companies will have to step up and pay out claims quickly.
In the lead-up to the federal election, both major parties made clear they believed insurers were “ripping off” Australians. The Coalition even proposed new emergency divestiture powers that would allow the government to break up major insurers in the case of market failure.
But this is no solution at all, given insurance pricing and coverage is largely set by global “reinsurers”. Reinsurance is a kind of insurance coverage for insurance companies themselves – that is, policies to cover the cost of paying out claims after major disasters.
Insurers, led by the Insurance Council of Australia, are pushing for a Flood Defence Fund and retrofitting homes for disaster resilience, paid for by governments and households.
These ideas might seem logical. But they draw attention away from a thriving industry and regulations and policies aimed at making insurance more affordable and effective for ordinary people.
In places like Australia, the increasing cost of insurance cuts across all types, with the largest rises coming in home, vehicle, and employers’ liability insurance.
Over the three years to 2024, revenue from premiums in the insurance sector increased by over 21% globally – a “whopping” rise, according to the finance corporation Allianz.
But it is not a future crash of insurers that should be of primary concern. It is the real-time collapse of insurance for households, businesses and communities.
As this collapse of insurance unfolds, it is largely left to households and communities to take action and build resilience.
These are desperate responses. But they are also realistic, given governments and insurers are failing to reverse this trending collapse.
What else we could do
After each major disaster event comes a rise in insurance costs and a withdrawal of insurance coverage. To avoid being a canary in the coalmine, Australia urgently needs government intervention in the insurance industry – an industry very resistant to such intervention.
As more Australians lose the ability to insure themselves, governments must also address growing structural inequality that is undermining social cohesion and our capacity for collective resilience.
Kate Booth receives funding from the Tasmanian Department of Premier and Cabinet – Grant-Disaster Ready Fund. She is affiliated with Just Collapse – an activist platform dedicated to socio-ecological justice in unfolding, irreversible global collapse.
They may have only made two feature films so far, but Danny and Michael Philippou are already being hailed as Australia’s premiere horror auteurs.
Their 2023 debut Talk To Me sparked a bidding war between distributors upon its premiere at Sundance.
It went on to become prestige indie studio A24’s highest grossing horror release ever at the United States box office. That’s an impressive feat, given A24 is behind some of the most revered horror films of the 21st century, including Ari Aster’s Hereditary (2018) and Midsommar (2019), and Robert Eggers’ The Witch (2015).
This context helps explain the sky-high expectations around the release of the Philippous’ newest horror film, Bring Her Back. The brothers even expressed their nerves around the film’s release during a preview screening introduction.
But I’d suggest they breathe a sigh of relief. Bring Her Back trades the chaotic thrills of Talk To Me for a slow-burning, sensory-driven exploration of grief that’s as engrossing as it is unbearable.
Same universe, but not a sequel
Bring Her Back is very tonally distinct from and not explicitly narratively linked to Talk To Me. However, the directors have explained it exists in the same fictional universe as their original smash hit.
This explains why, despite the stark difference in tone – Bring Her Back is a much more sombre watch – there are many thematic and stylistic parallels. These similarities are visible from the films’ marketing materials, through to individual frames.
Film posters for Bring Her Back and Talk To Me. A24
Bring Her Back’s sombre notes
Talk To Me is a riotous, bloody and loud racket of teen supernatural possession horror.
Like Richard Carter’s song Le Monde, a viral hit from the movie’s soundtrack, the film rises and falls cacophonously. It follows a group of teens at a party as they decide to commune with the dead through an occult party prop: a cursed hand.
Trauma, grief, gore and comedy strike discordantly at the piano keys as the body count piles up.
In contrast to Talk To Me’s tonal and sonic mayhem, Bring Her Back heavily pounds at the same two notes throughout: grief and trauma.
Set in the horror staple of a mysterious, suffocating house, the film follows step-siblings Piper (Sora Wong) and Andy (Billy Barratt) as they adjust to life with their new foster mother, Laura (Sally Hawkins), after their father’s sudden death. The teen’s sense of vulnerability in the strange new environment is heightened by the fact Piper is blind.
Bring Her Back builds on a trend of sensory-driven horror films – including the Quiet Place franchise, Bird Box (2018), and The Silence (2019) – that impel viewers to navigate threatening environments through the main character’s sensory loss or impairment.
Uncomfortable on the ear
In Bring Her Back, the viewer inhabits the destabilising environment of the house through layered sensory textures that feel increasingly claustrophobic and threatening.
Case in point is the harsh rush of water in the running shower where the teens find their father’s gruesome dead body in the opening moments. As the film progresses, this sound manifests as a genuine threat to Piper’s life, in the form of relentlessly pouring (and potentially occult) rain.
The oppressive rain gradually fills up the house’s desolate, unfenced swimming pool, which is the site of previous trauma for foster mother Laura.
Simply traversing the house’s backyard becomes increasingly perilous for Piper as she becomes accustomed to her environment, a process the audience shares through the audio-visuals of her hands gliding across walls, counter tops and corners.
The immersive sound design is dense with hands scraping, sliding and slapping – as well as some truly hideous teeth gnashing. These tactile sounds integrate chillingly with the otherwordly soundtrack composed by Cornel Wilczek, who also composed the score for Talk to Me.
Haunting performances
The teens soon learn that another foster child, the mute and mysterious Oliver (Jonah Wren Phillips), also inhabits the house. The strange relationship between Laura and Oliver couldn’t be more ominous.
Sally Hawkins is captivatingly monstrous as the outwardly warm but increasingly overbearing and unhinged mother figure (particularly for those of us with a fresh memory of Hawkins’ loveably zany mum, Mrs Brown, from the Paddington films).
Piper is tempted to sink into the warm embrace Laura offers. The viewer, however, is privy to Laura’s vicious streak – evident in her rough, uncaring gestures, harsh glares and sinister flashes of cunning.
Young Jonah Wren Phillips is transfixing as the creepy Oliver, delivering a performance through piercing stares and tortured bodily contortions rather than dialogue.
Unbearably grim
Bring Her Back exhibits a dense film literacy. The Philippous have discussed the influence of classic “psycho biddy” films such as What Ever Happened to Baby Jane? (1962), and foundational ghost films such as The Innocents (1961).
But for me, Bring Her Back chimes most evocatively with the trauma- and grief-soaked Japanese horror wave of the early 2000s, and particularly with Hideo Nakata’s J-Horror masterpiece Dark Water (2002).
This tragic ghost story similarly deploys the rippling, rushing and dripping of water as an agent of death and decay within fractured mother-daughter relationships.
Inhabiting the world of Bring Her Back ends up feeling like an unbearably grim and claustrophobic endurance effort – which is exactly what the Philippous intended.
While this is not the exhilarating rollercoaster of Talk To Me, the shift in tonal gears showcases the Philippous’ impressive range within the horror genre’s rich emotional terrain.
Bring Her Back is in cinemas from today.
Jessica Balanzategui receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Australia these days receives invitations to big-league international conferences. And so Anthony Albanese will be off soon to the G7 meeting in Alberta, Canada, on June 15-17.
For the prime minister, what’s most important about this trip is not so much the conference itself, but his expected first meeting with US President Donald Trump, either on the sidelines of the G7 or in a visit to Washington while he’s in North America.
Nothing is locked in. But it’s impossible to think such a meeting won’t take place. The Australian PM certainly needs to have his first face-to-face talks with the US president sooner rather than later.
During the election, there was much argument over whether Albanese or Peter Dutton would be better at dealing with the difficult and unpredictable Trump, in particular, in trying to extract some concessions on his tariffs
Australia has been hit by Trump’s 25% tariff on aluminium and steel, as well as by his general 10% tariff.
The Trump tariff regime has been a chaotic story of decisions, pauses and changes of mind. In the latest drama, the United States Court of International Trade on Wednesday blocked Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs (as far as Australia goes, this relates to the 10% general tariff but not that on aluminium and steel). The court found the president had exceeded his powers. The administration immediately appealed the decision.
We can’t know how this imbroglio will play out. But assuming Australia will still be confronting some tariffs, Albanese’s pitch for special treatment will be made around what we can do for the Americans with our large deposits of critical minerals and rare earths. These are vital for the production of a huge range of items, including for defence purposes.
Australia’s ambassador to the US, Kevin Rudd, speaking at a conference in Detroit this week, pointed out that the two countries already had a draft accord on these minerals.
“What we need to work out […] is how do we collaborate both on the mining, the extraction, the transportation and the processing and the stockpiling to make our economies resilient, including what you’ll need for future battery manufacture,” Rudd said.
When Albanese does get together with Trump, he will have the advantage of meeting him as the big winner of the recent election. Trump said of him post-election, “He’s been very, very nice to me, very respectful to me”.
But that’s no iron-clad guarantee of success. With the US president, there are always multiple “known unknowns”.
For Albanese, success on the tariff front would be important, but not, of course, as important politically as it would have been pre-election.
A range of other issues will also be on the agenda when the two meet: including progress on AUKUS.
The president would no doubt be pleased the government is in the process of booting the Chinese lessee out of the Port of Darwin (with American investment firm Cerberus expressing an interest in taking over, although the government’s preference is for the port to be in Australian hands).
Trump might not think, however, that the government’s commitment to defence spending, due to reach 2.3% of gross domestic product by 2033-34, is enough. The Americans would prefer a level of 3% of GDP.
No doubt the Middle East would also be canvassed in such talks. While Middle East policy is not a frontline issue in the Australian-American relationship, the Albanese government struggles at home to strike the right stance.
Since the October 2023 Hamas attack on Israel, Australia has seen a deterioration in local social cohesion. Antisemitism spiked to a degree not anticipated; pro-Palestinian demonstrations became a regular and controversial feature. The government found itself under political fire from the Jewish community and pro-Palestinian critics alike.
With the Israeli government disregarding international criticism, and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza growing more dire, Albanese this week toughened his rhetoric.
On Monday he said: “It is outrageous that there be a blockade of food and supplies to people who are in need in Gaza. We have made that very clear by signing up to international statements”. He described Israel’s actions as “completely unacceptable”.
Within Labor, the pressure to go further has been mounting. It is on two fronts. Some want sanctions against Israel (beyond the existing sanctions in relation to settlers on the West Bank). There is also the issue of whether Australia should recognise a Palestinian state ahead of a two-state solution.
Ed Husic, a Muslim, was relatively outspoken even while he was in cabinet. Since being dumped from the ministry, he is much freer to put forth his view.
This week, he was calling for imposing sanctions if other nations were to do so. “I think we should be actively considering […] drawing up a list of targeted sanctions where we can join with others”.
Significantly, former Labor Foreign Minister Gareth Evans was another advocate, saying sanctions “would send a powerful message”.
But when the question of sanctions was put to Albanese, he was dismissive, raising the issue of substantive outcomes.
At the Labor party’s grassroots level, there is strong pressure for a more pro-Palestinian approach.
It is not unreasonable to think that would strike a sympathetic chord with both Albanese and Foreign Minister Penny Wong, but they are very cognisant of the politics – both international and local.
Wong a year ago raised the possibility of recognising Palestine statehood as a step along a peace process, ahead of a two-state solution.
Australia’s ambassador to the United Nations, James Larson, last week delivered an Australian statement to a preparatory meeting for a June conference in New York on “the question of Palestine and the implementation of the two-state solution”.
Echoing Wong’s earlier position, he said: “A two-state solution – a Palestinian state alongside the state of Israel – is the only hope of breaking the endless cycle of violence, and the only hope of a just and enduring peace, for Israelis and Palestinians alike.”
“Like other partners, Australia no longer sees recognition of a Palestinian state as only occurring at the end of negotiations, but rather as a way of building momentum towards a two-state solution.”
Evans, in an article for Pearls and Irritations this week, says the “strongest and most constructive contribution” Australia could make on the issue would be to announce at the conference “that we are immediately recognising Palestinian statehood: not just as the final outcome of a political settlement but as a way of kickstarting it”.
The government is tight-lipped about what stand it will take for the June 17-20 conference, saying it doesn’t have details yet and is unable to say who will attend for Australia. It says it is not being framed as a conference where countries are expected to make pledges.
Nevertheless, many within Labor will be watching closely whether the coming weeks will see any change in Australia’s Middle East policy. But that, in turn, would depend on whether others make any moves, because Australia wants to have company from like-minded countries.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Journalists have been targeted, detained and tortured by the Israeli military in Gaza — and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has now taken a new approach towards bringing justice these crimes.
The Paris-based global media freedom NGO has submitted multiple formal requests to the International Criminal Court (ICC) asking that Palestinian journalists who are victims of Israeli war crimes in Gaza be allowed to participate as such in international judicial proceedings.
If granted this status, these journalists would be able to present the ICC with the direct and personal harm they have suffered at the hands of Israeli forces, reports RSF.
RSF has filed four complaints with the ICC concerning war crimes committed against journalists in Gaza and recently joined director Sepideh Farsi at the Cannes Film Festival to pay tribute to Fatma Hassoun, a photojournalist killed by the Israeli army after it was revealed she was featured in the documentary film Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk.
After filing the four complaints with the ICC concerning war crimes committed against journalists in Gaza since October 2023, RSF is resolutely continuing its efforts to bring the issue before international justice.
The NGO has submitted several victim participation forms to the ICC so that Gazan journalists can participate in the legal process as recognised victims, not just as witnesses.
Being officially recognised as victims is a first step toward justice, truth, and reparations — and it is an essential step toward protecting press freedom and journalistic integrity in conflict zones.
Nearly 200 journalists killed Since October 2023, Israeli armed forces have killed nearly 200 journalists in Gaza — the Gaza Media Office says more than 215 journalists have been killed — at least 44 of whom were targeted because of their work, according to RSF data.
Not only are foreign journalists barred from entering the blockaded Palestinian territory, but local reporters have watched their homes and newsrooms be destroyed by Israeli airstrikes and have been constantly displaced amid a devastating humanitarian crisis.
“The right of victims to participate in the ICC investigation is a crucial mechanism that will finally allow for the recognition of the immense harm suffered by Palestinian journalists working in Gaza, who are the target of an unprecedented and systematic crackdown,” said Clémence Witt, a lawyer at the Paris and Barcelona Bars, and Jeanne Sulzer, a lawyer at the Paris Bar and member of the ICC’s list of counsel.
Jonathan Dagher, head of the RSF Middle East desk, said: “It is time for justice for Gaza’s journalists to be served. The Israeli army’s ongoing crimes against them must end.
“RSF will tirelessly continue demanding justice and reparations. This new process in the ICC investigation is an integral part of this combat, and allowing journalists to participate as victims is essential to moving forward.
“They should be able to testify to the extreme violence targeting Gaza’s press. This is a new step toward holding the Israeli military and its leaders accountable for the crimes committed with impunity on Palestinian territory.”
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) has this week released new data which tells us about the presence of per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) in Australians’ bodies.
The findings are concerning, showing PFAS are detectable in the vast majority of the Australian population, to varying levels.
But are they cause for alarm? What do these findings mean for our health?
‘Forever chemicals’
PFAS, often called “forever chemicals”, are a group of thousands of different human-made chemicals. The molecular structure of PFAS chemicals – characterised by extremely strong bonds between carbon and fluorine atoms – makes PFAS resistant to degradation.
Many PFAS products are very effective for their resistance to water, oil, grease and stains, while others promote foaming. Since the 1940s, PFAS chemicals have been widely used in many consumer and industry products, such as non-stick pans, stain-resistant fabrics and firefighting foam.
Important exposure pathways include ingestion of PFAS in drinking water, in food, or absorption through the skin. Absorption of small amounts progressively builds up in the organs of people and animals, particularly the liver.
Exposure to PFAS is associated with a heightened risk of many adverse health outcomes. These include reduced fertility, and increased risk of some cancers, liver disease, kidney disease, high cholesterol and obesity.
Digging into the data
The ABS data measured 11 types of PFAS. The group of PFAS chemicals they selected reflects the most commonly detected forms from previous studies. The concentration of PFAS chemicals is measured in blood serum in nanograms per millilitre (ng/mL).
Three types of PFAS were detected in the blood of more than 85% of Australians, while the remainder were detected in lower proportions of people.
PFOS accumulation has been a major problem in firefighters. Many were exposed occupationally to PFOS, sometimes for decades, and many suffered an unusually high incidence of disease, including a suspected cancer cluster.
The below graph shows the level of PFOS increases with age. This could be because it accumulates in the body over time, and because many types of PFOS are being phased out. From 2004 its use in firefighting was phased out by major users, such as the Department of Defence.
PFOS was also found to be higher in males – research shows PFAS is excreted more rapidly in females, including through menstruation and breastfeeding.
The second most commonly detected type of PFAS detected in Australian blood samples was perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA), in 96.1% of samples. PFOA has recently been classified by the World Health Organization as a group 1 carcinogen, meaning it’s a recognised cancer-causing agent.
The third most commonly detected type of PFAS was perfluorohexane sulfonic acid (PFHxS), which was detected in 88.1% of samples.
So what are the implications?
The National Health Measures Survey identified a relationship between higher mean PFOS levels and markers of chronic disease including high total cholesterol levels, diabetes and kidney function.
However, it’s important to note this is only 7,000 people, and the data were weighted to be representative of the Australian population. There may be other factors, such as lifestyle or occupation, that have influenced the results.
While these findings may be concerning, they’re not cause for alarm. The scientific evidence more broadly doesn’t tell us conclusively whether concentrations of PFAS equivalent to those seen in the current data would have a direct effect on disease outcomes.
Some good news is that overall, this data suggests we have less PFAS in our blood compared to people in other countries.
Why this data is important
The ABS report provides the most detailed national baseline data on PFAS in the Australian population to date.
While many people are concerned about PFAS, some Australian communities have been particularly worried.
For example, in August 2024 it was revealed that a water filtration plant in the Blue Mountains contained substantial concentrations of PFAS. This was probably due to a major petrol tanker crash in 1992 and residual effects of PFAS from firefighting foam used to respond to that incident.
While people can have a blood sample taken to measure PFAS levels, it’s very expensive. NSW Health advises PFAS testing is not covered by Medicare or private health insurance.
Reports are emerging of Blue Mountains residents that have paid for blood testing getting very high concentrations of PFAS. These ABS results will help people who do receive blood testing assess how their results compare with typical results of a person of the same age and sex. People with concerns should consult a medical professional.
The ABS data will also be valuable for medical practitioners and public health authorities, providing important information to guide the management of PFAS contamination and its potential health effects.
Ian Wright receives research and other funding from industry, local and state government bodies.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
Buttons have been pressed to electronically distribute preferences for the Senate in Victoria, the ACT, Queensland and Western Australia. Labor gained a seat from the Liberals in Victoria, with the other two unchanged. I had a wrap of earlier button presses on Tuesday.
Six of the 12 senators for each state and all four territory senators were up for election on May 3. Changes in state senate representation are measured against 2019, the last time these senators were up for election.
Senators are elected by proportional representation in their jurisdictions with preferences. At a half-Senate election, with six senators in each state up for election, a quota is one-seventh of the vote, or 14.3%. For the territories, a quota is one-third or 33.3%.
Labor has won three of the six Victorian senators, the Coalition two and the Greens one, a gain for Labor from the Coalition since 2019. That’s a 4–2 split from Victoria to the left.
Final primary votes gave Labor 2.43 quotas, the Coalition 2.20, the Greens 0.87, One Nation 0.31, Legalise Cannabis 0.25, Trumpet of Patriots 0.18, Family First 0.13, Animal Justice 0.11 and Victorian Socialists 0.11.
On the distribution of preferences, Labor’s third candidate defeated One Nation by 0.87 quotas to 0.81. Neither the third Liberal nor Legalise Cannabis were anywhere near One Nation at earlier exclusion points.
On the exclusion of the Liberals, 50% of their preferences went to One Nation, 22% to Labor, 14% to Legalise Cannabis and the rest exhausted. At this point, One Nation led Labor by 0.73 quotas to 0.67 with 0.47 for Legalise Cannabis. On Legalise Cannabis’ exclusion, Labor won 42% of preferences, One Nation 19% and the rest exhausted, giving Labor its win.
The third candidate on Labor’s Victorian Senate ticket was Michelle Ananda-Rajah, the former Labor member for Higgins before Higgins was abolished in a redistribution.
Usually Labor only wins two Victorian senators with the Greens winning the third for the left. Ananda-Rajah would not have expected to be back in parliament, although in a different chamber.
WA, Queensland and ACT Senate results
The Western Australian Senate result is two Labor, two Liberals, one Green and one One Nation, a gain for One Nation from the Liberals. Final WA primary votes gave Labor 2.53 quotas, the Liberals 1.86, the Greens 0.90, One Nation 0.41, Legalise Cannabis 0.28, the Nationals 0.25 and Australian Christians 0.19.
Until very late it had been expected that Labor would take the last seat instead of One Nation, but The Poll Bludger changed his model to give One Nation a slight lead owing to evidence of stronger Coalition flows to One Nation in other states.
In Queensland, Labor won two seats, the Liberal National Party two, the Greens one and One Nation one. This was a gain for Labor from the LNP after Labor’s 2019 disaster, when they won just one Queensland senator.
Final Queensland primary votes gave the LNP 2.17 quotas, Labor 2.13, the Greens 0.73, One Nation 0.50, Gerard Rennick 0.33, Trumpet of Patriots 0.26 and Legalise Cannabis 0.25.
I will analyse the WA and Queensland preference distributions in a final Senate results wrap article that will be posted after the final state, New South Wales, has its button pressed. Labor is expected to gain a seat in NSW from the Coalition.
Left-wing independent David Pocock and Labor were both re-elected in the ACT, with no change since 2022. Final primary votes were 1.17 quotas for Pocock, 0.95 Labor, 0.53 for the Liberals (just 17.8%) and 0.23 for the Greens. Labor crossed quota on the exclusion of second Pocock candidate with the Liberals and Greens still remaining.
Labor’s national two party vote up to a 55.6–44.4 lead
On May 5, two days after the election, I explained that we needed to wait for “non-classic” seats to have a special two-party count undertaken between the Labor and Coalition candidates. Non-classic seats are seats where the final two were not Labor and Coalition candidates.
With the major party national primary votes so low at this election, 35 of the 150 House of Representatives seats were non-classics. Before the two-party counts in these seats started, The Poll Bludger’s national two-party estimate gave Labor a 54.6–45.4 margin and the ABC a 55.0–45.0 margin.
This week the electoral commission has been counting the Labor vs Coalition two-party votes in the non-classic seats, and Labor currently leads by 55.6–44.4. The national two-party vote is still incomplete, but the large majority of non-classic seats have now had a two-party count undertaken.
The remaining non-classic seats that are either uncounted or partially counted to two-party are favourable to the Coalition, so Labor will drop back a little, but will still win the national two party vote by about 55.4–44.6.
Labor’s biggest wins on a Labor vs Coalition basis are seats where Labor and the Greens made the final two. For example in Wills, Labor defeated the Greens by 51.4–48.6, but the two-party count gives Labor a massive 80.9–19.1 win over the Liberals. Swings to Labor in non-classic seats have been bigger than swings in classic seats, so Labor’s two-party vote has increased.
Labor’s big two-party win makes the pre-election polls look worse than they did on election night. Here’s the poll graph I was posting in all my pre-election articles updated with the estimated final two-party margin.
Only one national poll was accurate: the Morgan poll published two weeks before the election that gave Labor a 55.5–44.5 lead. It’s a shame for Morgan that their final two polls “herded” back to a consensus that was wrong. I will have a full review of the federal polls once all results are finalised.
Recounts in Bradfield and Goldstein
A full recount is in progress in Liberal-held Bradfield, where the Liberal was ahead of Teal Nicolette Boele by eight votes after distribution of preferences. Four days into the recount, the Liberal leads by just five votes.
A partial recount in Goldstein of the primary votes for Liberal Tim Wilson and Teal incumbent Zoe Daniel is also underway after Wilson led by 260 votes after distribution of preferences. Two days into this recount, Wilson leads by 259 votes and will win unless large errors are found that favour Daniel when corrected.
Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
British prosecutors have this week charged social media influencer Andrew Tate with a string of serious sexual offences, including rape and human trafficking, alleged to have been committed in the United Kingdom between 2012 and 2015.
This comes in the wake of an ongoing case in Romania. There, Tate and his brother Tristan face similar charges of coercing and exploiting women through what is sometimes described as the “loverboy method” of manipulation that is used to control and monetise women through webcam performances.
A self-described misogynist, Tate is a widespread figure of notoriety for his views on women and his role in the internet “manosphere”. He has millions of followers globally, including ten million on X alone.
This latest round of prosecutions will likely further entrench the loyalty of those followers: boys and young men who will see their leader as the victim of a corrupt system.
Who is Andrew Tate?
Tate is a British-American social media influencer and former kickboxer. He gained international notoriety for his violently misogynistic videos and pronouncements.
He’s built a massive, loyal social media following through a brand that is part provocateur, part self-help guru and part conspiracy theorist.
His rhetoric emphasises an aspirational masculinity geared towards extreme wealth and a physically fit body, combined with resentment towards women and so-called “feminised” societies. He has, for example, stated that women should “bear responsibility” for sexual assault.
Tate is a leading ideological figurehead of what is often called the “manosphere” – a loose network of online communities and content creators who promote regressive ideas about masculinity, gender roles and male identity.
Tate offers a template for many boys and young men to make sense of their place in the world, playing up ideas that boys are disenfranchised by social, economic, or cultural change.
This is part of an emotional hook that provides belonging and clarity in a world his followers are told is stacked against them.
Tate’s content involves both overt and, more often, insidious celebration of harmful gender norms and misogynistic ideologies.
Research has found boys’ exposure to this content has contributed to a resurgence of a sense of male supremacy in classrooms. This then increases sexism and hostility towards women teachers and girl peers.
Reinforcing the narrative
Given this context, it is unlikely the new charges will erode his popularity.
To be clear, he is not universally admired. In fact, the majority of boys reject what he stands for.
However, for the significant minority who comprise his hardcore followers, these new charges will likely be used to reinforce a persecution narrative.
In this way, Tate has paved the way for more violent and extreme misogyny to become standard, not rare.
This was exactly the pattern when the Romanian charges first emerged. His followers flooded platforms with hashtags like #FreeTopG, reframing his arrest as proof that he was “telling the truth” and being punished for it.
Figures like US President Donald Trump provide a relevant comparison. Trump has faced multiple criminal indictments and was found liable in a civil trial for sexually assaulting E. Jean Carroll.
Yet, his popularity among his base has held firm.
For many of his supporters, these legal challenges are not signs of wrongdoing, but evidence their champion is being unfairly targeted by corrupt institutions.
Tate is similar in that his hypermasculine posturing and anti-establishment bravado ensures his audience see him the same way.
Prompting more loyalty
Given their previous responses, we can already predict how the Tate brothers will respond this time. They will deny the charges, of course, but more importantly, they will use the moment to deepen their mythos.
We might expect to see talk of “the matrix” of shadowy elites, and the weaponisation of justice systems to silence truth-telling men.
They will insist the charges are not about what they did, but about who they are: disruptors of a weak, feminised society. This victim-persecutor framing is central to their appeal and will remain so as this unfolds.
Their followers will, then, likely respond with greater loyalty. For those already steeped in online misogyny and disillusionment, legal accusations such as these don’t raise doubt, but instead confirm the story they already buy into.
This makes combating Tate’s influence a complex challenge. Simply “calling it out” is not enough.
As our research shows, Tate’s brand thrives not in spite of controversy, but because of it.
This is why we need a more strategic, long-term approach to address the harms Tate and other such figureheads represent.
We need robust gender education in schools, stronger commitments to critical media literacy, and the elevation of alternative role models who can speak to the same emotional terrain without reinforcing misogyny.
A key lesson here is that, for the manosphere’s key figures, being charged or even found guilty of crimes (should that occur) might not signal their downfall or diminish their relevance.
Steven Roberts receives funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety, the Australian Research Council and the Australian Government. He is a Board Director at Respect Victoria, but this article is written wholly separate from and does not represent that role.
Stephanie Wescott receives funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Benjamin Smith, Professor of Archaeology (World Rock Art), School of Social Sciences, The University of Western Australia
Yesterday, new environment minister Murray Watt approved an extension for the North West Shelf liquefied natural gas project. The gas plant at Karratha, Western Australia, will run until 2070.
This expansion – and the pollution it will release – has led to a recommendation by the International Council on Monuments and Sites to defer UNESCO’s decision on the world heritage listing of the nearby Murujuga rock art.
Two of the recommendations prior to renomination of the site are to “ensure the total removal of degrading acidic emissions” and “prevent any further industrial development adjacent to, and within, the Murujuga Cultural Landscape”.
Murujuga has more than one million petroglyphs, some up to 50,000 years old.
It has the oldest depictions of the human face in the world and records the lore and traditions of Aboriginal Australians since the first human settlement of this continent. It is strikingly beautiful and is of enormous cultural and spiritual importance to the Traditional Owners.
Despite the immense significance of the site, a large industrial precinct has been built at its centre.
On Friday, the Western Australian Government released the long awaited Murujuga Rock Art Monitoring Program Year 2 report. This report examines the effect of industrial pollution upon one of the world’s most significant rock art sites.
We have conducted our own independent project into the impact of industrial emissions on Murujuga since 2018. Many of our findings support the details in this report but the government’s report summary and subsequent political commentary downplays the ongoing impacts of acidic emissions from industry on the world unique rock art.
The most significant findings are the Weathering Chamber results. These subjected all rock types from Murujuga to the air pollutants released by industry. The results showed that all were degraded, even with relatively low doses of sulphur dioxide (SO₂) and nitrogen dioxide (NO₂).
The second highly significant finding is that “there is statistically significant evidence of elevated porosity of granophyre rock surfaces”. This is centred on the industrial precinct in Murujuga. The report acknowledges industrial pollution is the most likely cause.
This degradation and elevated porosity of the rocks puts the survival of the petroglyphs at risk.
On our research team, Jolam Neumann’s still to be published PhD thesis at the University of Bonn, Germany, considered the impacts of industrial pollution on Murujuga rocks.
He used actual samples of gabbro and granophyre rock collected from Murujuga and simulated six years of weathering under current pollution conditions. He found elevated porosity in both rock surfaces. He also collected the residue to understand what was eroded from the rock and how.
He found there was significant degradation of birnessite (manganese) and kaolinite (clay) from the surface. The dark red/brown surface of the rock became porous and started to break down.
His work confirms industrial emissions are the cause of the elevated porosity in the report. His work shows the seriousness of the porosity: it is symptomatic of a process causing the rapid disintegration of the rock surface.
Damage is ongoing
With Murujuga Rock Art Monitoring Program report showing evidence of damage to the art from pollution, the state government chose to emphasise in their report summary that a defunct power plant from the 1970s and 1980s was likely the culprit.
The report’s data suggests this power plant produced about 3,600 tonnes of NO₂ per year, and less than 400 tonnes of SO₂ per year. Current industry in the immediate area produces more than 13,000 tonnes of NO₂ per year and more than 6,500 tonnes of SO₂.
If the old power plant damaged the art then contemporary industrial emissions will be damaging the rock art at least five times faster.
Neumann also gained access to a piece of rock collected in 1994 by archaeological scientist Robert Bednarik, and stored in his office in Melbourne for the past 30 years.
The area where this rock came from now has elevated porosity, but the Bendarik rock shows no signs of it. This means the bulk of the industrial damage is likely more recent than 1994 – and is ongoing.
Losing 50,000 years of culture
The rock art was formed by engraving into the outer thin red/brown/black surface of the rock, called rock varnish, exposing the blue-grey parent rock beneath.
This rock varnish was made in a process that involved the actions of specialised microbes called cyanobacteria. They concentrate manganese and iron from the environment to form an outer sheath to protect themselves from the harsh desert environment.
The rock varnish forms at an incredibly slow rate: 1 to 10 microns in 1,000 years (a human hair is about 100 microns).
These organisms can only thrive when the rock surface acidity is near neutral (pH 6.5–7). Their manganese sheaths are crucial to the integrity of the rock varnish, it binds it together and holds it to the underlying rock.
If you lose the manganese you lose the rock varnish and the rock art.
Neumann found the proportion of manganese in the Bednarik rock sample was 18.4% by weight. In samples collected in the same area in 2021, the manganese content had fallen to 9.6%. The depth of the varnish was reduced, and the varnish layer was full of holes where the manganese had been degraded.
The damage by industry over the last 26 years was clearly visible.
Increased porosity is reducing the density of the rock varnish layer and leading to its eventual degradation. There is also an absence of cyanobacteria close to the industrial sites, but not at more distant sites, suggesting industrial emissions are eliminating the varnish-forming microbes.
Where to next?
Industrial pollution has degraded the rock art and will continue to do so until the industrial pollution levels at Murujuga are reduced to zero.
There are two well-recognised ways to eliminate NO₂ emissions. One uses selective catalytic reduction to convert NO₂ to nitrogen and water. The second method is to replace all gas burning heat production processes with electricity.
The use of such technologies should form part of the conditions to the ministerial approval of the North West Shelf extension.
Benjamin Smith receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the National Foundation for Australia-China Relations. Neither of these funding bodies provided funding for the research discussed here and the views expressed here may not reflect those of these funding bodies. The research upon which this Conversation piece is based was funded solely by private donations from concerned citizens. We received no funding for this research from either industry or government.
John Black is retired and receives no government or industry funding. The research upon which this Conversation piece is based was funded solely by private donations from concerned citizens. We received no funding for this research from either industry or government.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jon C. Day, Adjunct Principal Research Fellow, College of Science and Engineering, James Cook University
UNESCO’s World Heritage Committee has again raised grave fears for the future of the Great Barrier Reef, highlighting the problems of water pollution, climate change and unsustainable fishing.
The committee this week released draft decisions regarding the conservation of 62 World Heritage properties. This included the Great Barrier Reef, for which it noted:
Overall, while progress has been made, significant challenges remain in achieving water quality targets, managing extreme climate impacts, and ensuring the long-term resilience of the property.
The comments confirm what experts already know too well: despite substantial investments from successive Australian governments, threats to the Great Barrier Reef remain.
Climate change is the greatest threat to the Great Barrier Reef and other coral reefs around the world. But water pollution is the most significant local threat. That issue, along with unsustainable fishing, is entirely within Australia’s control.
The World Heritage Committee will consider the draft decision at its next meeting in Paris in July. It may amend the decision, but the concerns are now on the public record.
What’s all this about?
The Great Barrier Reef has been on UNESCO’s World Heritage list for more than 40 years. The listing recognises outstanding natural and cultural places around the world.
The reef is jointly managed by the Australian and Queensland governments. UNESCO’s draft decision expressed “utmost concern” at the findings of last year’s outlook report, published by the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority. It noted:
the overall outlook for the property remains one of continued deterioration due largely to climate change, while the long-term outlook for the ecosystem of the property also remains ‘very poor’.
Poor water quality persists
Poor water quality is a major issue on the Great Barrier Reef. It is caused when sediment, nutrients, pesticides and pollution from land-based activities, such as land clearing, farming and coastal development, are carried into the ocean.
In its draft decision, UNESCO noted with “regrets” that the latest water quality targets for sediment and nitrogen – a key component of fertilisers – were not achieved. UNESCO said the updated water quality plan should ensure targets and actions “are sufficiently ambitious and funded”.
As the below graph shows, actions from 2009 to now have reduced pollution only by about half the desired amounts. At the existing rate of progress and funding commitments, the targets will not be met until 2047 (for sediment) and 2114 (for dissolved inorganic nitrogen).
The draft decision also requests a halt to illegal land clearing while strengthening vegetation laws – both fundamental to reducing water pollution.
Severe weather events exacerbate the water quality problem. In February this year, for example, floodwaters from ten major rivers merged to form extensive flood plumes along 700 kilometres of coastline from Cairns to Mackay, and up to 100 kilometres offshore.
Such plumes can remain present for months after a flood. They can smother seagrass and corals, and cause damaging algal growth.
Queensland’s floods in February discharged large plumes of sediment-laden floodwaters towards the Great Barrier Reef. This Sentinel 2 satellite image shows sediment from the Burdekin River estuary south of Townsville. Tropwater, CC BY-NC-ND
The wicked problem of climate change
UNESCO’s draft decision noted “the overall outlook for the property remains one of continued deterioration due largely to climate change”.
Ocean heatwaves can lead to coral bleaching and potentially death. Mass bleaching occurred again this year on the Great Barrier Reef – the sixth such event since 2016.
UNESCO described as “deeply concerning” preliminary results showing heat stress was the highest on record during the 2023–24 mass bleaching event.
Climate change is also expected to produce more frequent and intense extreme weather events such as tropical cyclones, which can damage reefs and island ecosystems.
UNESCO called on Australia to align its policies with the global goal of “limiting global temperature to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels”, and to take steps to mitigate negative impacts from extreme weather events.
The challenges of fishing
Unsustainable fishing practices damage the Great Barrier Reef. UNESCO’s draft decision noted progress in eliminating gillnet fishing, which is on track for the target of 2027.
The fishing method involves mesh nets which can accidentally kill other wildlife, including threatened species such as dugongs, turtles, dolphins and sawfish.
But smaller nets can still be used throughout much of the World Heritage area, so some threats to threatened species remain.
UNESCO also urged Australia to expand electronic monitoring of commercial fishing vessels, and to ensure the targets in its Sustainable Fisheries Strategy are met. It also called for a comprehensive review of coral harvesting, which primarily supplies the global aquarium trade.
What next?
Despite the significant resources and management efforts Australia expends on the Great Barrier Reef, serious threats remain.
The Great Barrier Reef is struggling under the cumulative impacts of a multitude of threats. The problems outlined above are not isolated challenges.
Both the Queensland and Australian governments could do far more to boost the health of the reef. Clearly, more funding is needed. Without it, the future of the Great Barrier Reef is in jeopardy, and so too its tourism and fishing economies, and thousands of jobs.
UNESCO has now asked Australia to provide more comprehensive results from the recent mass bleaching on the Great Barrier Reef, along with an updated plan to improve water quality. Its draft decision maintains the spotlight on conservation concerns for this precious natural asset.
Jon Day previously worked for the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority between 1986 and 2014, and was one of the Directors at GBRMPA between 1998 and 2014. He also represented Australia as one of the formal delegates to the World Heritage Committee between 2007-2011.
Scott F. Heron is the co-developer of the Climate Vulnerability Index; he receives funding from Australian Research Council.
A US court has blocked the so-called “Liberation Day” tariffs that US President Donald Trump imposed on imported goods from around 90 nations. This puts implementation of Trump’s current trade policy in disarray.
The Court of International Trade ruled the emergency authority Trump used to impose the tariffs could not override the role of Congress, which has the right to regulate commerce with other countries.
Tariffs imposed via other legislative processes such as those dealing with cars, steel and aluminium continue to stand. But the broad-based “reciprocal” tariffs will need to be removed within 10 days of the court’s ruling. Trump administration officials have already filed plans to appeal.
The ruling calls into question trade negotiations underway with more than 18 different nations that are trying to lower these tariffs. Do these countries continue to negotiate or do they wait for the judicial process to play out?
The Trump administration still has other mechanisms through which it can impose tariffs, but these have limits on the amount that can be imposed, or entail processes which can take months or years. This undermines Trump’s preferred method of negotiation: throwing out large threats and backing down once a concession is reached.
Emergency powers were a step too far
The lawsuits were filed by United States importers of foreign products and some US states, challenging Trump’s use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977.
The lawsuits argued the national emergencies cited in imposing the tariffs – the trade deficit and the fentanyl crisis – were not an emergency and not directly addressed by the tariff remedy. The court agreed, and said by imposing tariffs Trump had overstepped his authority.
The ruling said the executive orders used were “declared to be invalid as contrary to law”.
The act states the president is entitled to take economic action in the face of “an unusual and extraordinary threat”. It’s mainly been used to impose sanctions on terrorist groups or freeze assets from Russia. There’s nothing in the act that refers to tariffs.
The decision means all the reciprocal tariffs – including the 10% tariffs on most countries, the 50% tariffs Trump was talking about putting on the EU, and some of the Chinese tariffs – are ruled by the court to be illegal. They must be removed within 10 days.
The ruling was based on two separate lawsuits. One was brought by a group of small businesses that argued tariffs materially hurt their business. The other was brought by 12 individual states that argued the tariffs would materially impact their ability to provide public goods.
Some industry tariffs will remain in place
The ruling does not apply to tariffs applied under Section 201, known as safeguard tariffs. They are intended to protect industries from imports allegedly being sold in the US market at unfair prices or through unfair means. Tariffs on solar panels and washing machines were brought under this regulation.
Also excluded are Section 232 tariffs, which are applied for national security reasons. Those are the steel and aluminium tariffs, the automobile and auto parts tariffs. Trump has declared all those as national security issues, so those tariffs will remain.
Most of the tariffs against China are also excluded under Section 301. Those are put in place for unfair trade practices, such as intellectual property theft or forced technology transfer. They are meant to pressure countries to change their policies.
Other trade investigations are still underway
In addition, there are current investigations related to copper and the pharmaceuticals sector, which will continue. These investigations are part of a more traditional trade process and may lead to future tariffs, including on Australia.
The Trump administration is still weighing possible sector-specific tariffs on pharmaceuticals. Planar/Shutterstock
Now for the appeals
The Trump administration has already filed its intention to appeal to the federal appeals court. This process will take some time. In the meantime, there are at least five other legal challenges to tariffs pending in the courts.
If the appeals court provides a ruling the Trump administration or opponents don’t like, they can appeal to the Supreme Court.
Alternatively, the White House could direct customs officials to ignore the court and continue to collect tariffs.
The Trump administration has ignored court orders in the past, particularly on immigration rulings. So it remains to be seen if customs officials will release goods without the tariffs being paid in 10 days’ time.
The administration is unlikely to lay down on this. In addition to its appeal process, officials complained about “unelected judges” and “judicial overreach” and may contest the whole process. The only thing that continues to be a certainty is that uncertainty will drive global markets for the foreseeable future.
Susan Stone does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
May 2025 marks the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the national inquiry into the forcible removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families.
Conducted by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, the inquiry’s final report was called Bringing Them Home. It demonstrated the extent and trauma of First Nations child removal practices across Australia over more than a century.
Our archival research paints a dramatic picture of how the Howard government set out to minimise the impact of the report, despite the genuine outpouring of national grief.
National reckoning
The 1990s in Australia was marked by an unprecedented national focus on the impact of colonisation on Indigenous Australians. This was part of a global trend using truth-seeking models to examine contemporary and historical injustices.
The establishment of a human rights inquiry investigating the Stolen Generations in 1995 promised a reckoning with this largely unknown history.
Government resistance
However, the election of the Howard government in 1996 had an immediate effect on the nation’s trajectory towards “coming to terms” with its past.
After some early resistance, cabinet eventually agreed to make a whole-of-government submission, broadly outlining its Indigenous affairs priority:
to address current disadvantage in health, housing, employment and education.
It stressed compensation for Indigenous child removal was
inappropriate and unacceptable.
The Bringing Them Home report contained stories and a history that shocked many Australians. Nonetheless, then Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, John Herron argued in 2000 the inquiry was deeply flawed, and
there was never a ‘generation’ of stolen children.
No apology
The government tried to discredit the final 1997 report, including its core finding the removal of Aboriginal children constituted genocide.
Its formal response rejected the key recommendations of a commonwealth apology and compensation for members of the Stolen Generations.
However, the government was willing to act on three areas that presented “opportunities for a positive response”:
access to records
reunion assistance
mental health strategies.
Several of the report’s recommendations were designed to promote self-determination and establish minimum national standards in Indigenous child welfare, adoption and juvenile justice.
One tactic employed by the Howard government was to push responsibility for implementing the recommendations onto the states and non-government organisations, such as churches, which had been involved in child removal.
Therefore, a national legislative response was not forthcoming, with the government arguing this would represent a
significant intrusion by the Commonwealth in state and territory responsibilities.
Family reunion
Herron had ministerial oversight of the government’s response to the report. The prime minister set the tone, saying it would be done in a “practical and realistic way”.
Herron recommended to cabinet family reunion and counselling services should form the overarching theme of the government’s response. This focus left the broader systemic issues identified in Bringing Them Home unaddressed.
While acknowledging “some of the disadvantages suffered by Indigenous people can be attributed to policies of child removal”, the background paper accompanying Herron’s cabinet submission also outlined some of the government’s early criticisms of the report, describing it as
very emotive, and focused only on one view of the separation process.
Partial response
The government’s response package was initially costed at A$54 million over four years. It included:
an oral history project to provide some form of acknowledgement
funding for indexing of archival records
enhanced family reunion services
Indigenous mental health workers.
These measures undoubtedly addressed real needs identified in Bringing Them Home. However, they were a partial response to the broad-ranging findings of the report.
Herron argued facilitating family reunion was the “most pressing” issue identified by the inquiry, which had indeed noted that
assisting family reunions is the most significant and urgent need of separated families.
But it is an oversimplification to single out this issue as “the most pressing”.
ATSIC was unequivocal in its feedback, saying the response would “severely disappoint Indigenous people”. It accused the government of not giving the report “serious attention”.
Herron insisted the government had “listened to Indigenous people”. However, we were unable to identify any archival evidence of consultation with Indigenous communities in formulating the response package.
Legacy
The Healing Foundation commissioned a recent report on the unfinished business of Bringing Them Home. It identified the lack of a whole-of-government policy response that centred on the needs and rights of Stolen Generations survivors and descendants, as a key failing.
This is unsurprising given the approach by the Howard government was carefully designed to limit the impact of Bringing Them Home.
Despite this, the inquiry achieved a significant legacy. This includes greater public awareness of the Stolen Generations, apologies from all Australian parliaments, and the establishment of compensation schemes, now in place in most Australian states and territories.
This was despite the Howard government’s sustained rejection of such measures 30 years ago when the nation was first seeking to come to terms with the wrongs of the past.
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Anne Maree Payne received seed funding from the School of Humanities & Languages, UNSW Sydney, to undertake the archival research on which this article is based.
Heidi Norman receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 29, 2025.
Parents of autistic children are stressed. Here’s what they want you to know Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trevor Mazzucchelli, Associate Professor of Clinical Psychology, Curtin University ErsinTekkol/Shutterstock If you’re a parent or carer of a child who’s autistic, the odds are you’re spinning more plates than the average person. The emotional, physical and logistical demands stack up, often without the kind of support you
Sexual health info online is crucial for teens. Australia’s new tech codes may threaten their access Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Giselle Woodley, Lecturer and Research Fellow, Edith Cowan University CarlosDavid / Getty Last week, organisations from Australia’s online industries submitted a final draft of new industry codes aimed at protecting children from “age-inappropriate content” to the eSafety commissioner. The commissioner will now decide if the codes are
After a chaotic 6 months, South Koreans will elect a new president – and hope for bold leadership Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander M. Hynd, Lecturer, Korean Politics/International Relations, The University of Melbourne On June 3, South Koreans will head to the polls to choose the country’s new president. The election may draw to a close one of the most chaotic and contentious periods in the country’s post-1987 democratic
Samoa parliament to be dissolved in June, election date to come By Grace Tinetali-Fiavaai, RNZ Pacific journalist Its official. Samoa’s Parliament will be dissolved next week and the country will have an early return to the polls. The confirmation comes after a dramatic day in Parliament on Tuesday, which saw the government’s budget voted down at its first reading. In a live address today, Prime Minister
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Sudden arrivals: NZ ambulance crews describe what it’s like when babies are born out of the blue Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vinuli Withanarachchie, PhD candidate, College of Health, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University WOWstockfootage/Getty Images It doesn’t happen very often, but every now and then expectant mothers don’t quite make it to the delivery suite on time – requiring specialised care from emergency medical services (EMS).
Why NZ must act against Israel’s ethnic cleansing and genocide ANALYSIS: By Ian Powell When I despairingly contemplate the horrors and cruelty that Palestinians in Gaza are being subjected to, I sometimes try to put this in the context of where I live. I live on the Kāpiti Coast in the lower North Island of Aotearoa New Zealand. Geographically it is around the same size
Knife crime is common but difficult to investigate. Robots can help Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paola A. Magni, Associate Professor of Forensic Science, Murdoch University The following article contains material that some readers might find distressing. Around the world, knives are a popular weapon of choice among criminals. In Australia, for example, they are the most common weapon used in homicides. And
Can your cat recognise you by scent? New study shows it’s likely Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Henning, PhD Candidate in Feline Behaviour, School of Animal and Veterinary Science, University of Adelaide Ever wonder if your cat could pick you out of a line up? New research suggests they could … but maybe not in the way you would expect. Previous research has
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Behind the wellness industry’s scented oils and soothing music are often underpaid, exploited workers Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rawan Nimri, Lecturer in Tourism and Hospitality, Griffith University Prostock Studio/Shutterstock Wellness tourism is booming. Think yoga retreats in Bali, digital detox weekends in a rainforest, or a break on a luxury island to “find yourself”. It’s no longer just about taking selfies at the beach or
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If you’re a parent or carer of a child who’s autistic, the odds are you’re spinning more plates than the average person. The emotional, physical and logistical demands stack up, often without the kind of support you need. It can leave you exhausted and wondering if things will ever improve.
Every child is different, and every day can bring new challenges. Some moments are beautiful. Some are overwhelming. Some end in tears and frustration. Just when you think you’re in a routine that works or made some headway, everything can change again.
As a clinical psychologist, this is what parents of autistic children tell me. As a parent of an autistic child, I too experience some of these stresses.
In fact, parents of autistic children have much higher levels of stress than parents of children with other disabilities.
What is autism?
Autism, or autism spectrum disorder, is a developmental condition that affects how a person communicates, interacts with others, and makes sense of the world around them.
It involves a wide range of traits and abilities. But it often involves difficulties with interacting and communicating socially, such as understanding body language or holding a conversation, as well as patterns of restricted or repetitive behaviour.
Autism is usually diagnosedin early childhood. While every child’s experience is unique, it can influence their behaviour, learning and daily routines in ways that affect the whole family.
For parents, the impact is often intense. This is not just about managing meltdowns or navigating therapy waitlists. The stress can affect everything from mental health, relationships, finances and the ability to cope day-to-day.
It’s an incredibly tough gig for many parents and carers.
Why the stress?
Many parents tell me and research confirms that the hardest part isn’t autism itself – it’s everything around it. The long waits for a diagnosis. The out-of-pocket costs to see specialists, or for therapy or educational supports. The endless phone calls and paperwork. Trying to get help, only to hit another wall.
Parents often spend extra time coordinating appointments, supporting school engagement, and advocating for their child. That invisible workload can take a toll, especially when combined with social isolation, lack of respite and little time to care for their own wellbeing.
Chronic stress and burnout are real risks for many parents, especially when the level of support required just isn’t there.
What can parents and carers do?
A few approaches can help lighten the load:
be kind to yourself, especially on the hard days. Even a short break and some deep breathing to release tension can take the edge off and help you reset. It might not solve everything, but it can give you a small window to regroup and keep going
research shows evidence-based parenting programs can help families of children with disability feel more confident and less stressed. They can also make it easier to manage tough times and strengthen the parent-child bond. The Australian government offers a free, online, self-paced program, which I co-wrote, to help parents cope.
Many parents and carers carry a huge emotional load trying to help their autistic child feel supported in educational settings, such as childcare and schools.
They often become the case manager, counsellor and advocate to make sure their child is included, safe and seen.
If you’re a friend, family member, or part of the school community, try to understand how challenging this can be. The struggle is often ongoing. Parents and carers aren’t being difficult – they’re doing what they can to give their child their best chance.
Ongoing support, even small things such as dropping off a meal, helping with school pick-ups, or sending a kind message, can ease the load more than you might realise.
Information and support for parents of autistic childrenis available. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.
Trevor Mazzucchelli is a co-author of Stepping Stones Triple P – Positive Parenting Program and a consultant to Triple P International. The Parenting and Family Support Centre is partly funded by royalties stemming from published resources of the Triple P – Positive Parenting Program, which is developed and owned by The University of Queensland (UQ). Royalties are also distributed to the Faculty of Health and Behavioural Sciences at UQ and contributory authors of published Triple P resources. Triple P International (TPI) Pty Ltd is a private company licensed by UniQuest Pty Ltd on behalf of UQ, to publish and disseminate Triple P worldwide. Trevor has no share or ownership of TPI, but has received and may in the future receive royalties and/or consultancy fees from TPI. Trevor has a child with autism and accesses support through the National Disability Insurance Scheme. He is also a member of the Parenting and Family Research Alliance (PAFRA), a multidisciplinary research collaboration of experts from leading Australian universities and research centres. The alliance is actively involved in conducting research, communication, and advocacy pertaining to parenting, families, and evidence-based parenting support. PAFRA is supported by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course.
Last week, organisations from Australia’s online industries submitted a final draft of new industry codes aimed at protecting children from “age-inappropriate content” to the eSafety commissioner.
The commissioner will now decide if the codes are appropriate to be implemented under the Online Safety Act.
The codes aim to address young people’s access to pornography, high-impact violence, and material relating to self-harm, suicide and disordered eating.
However, the draft codes may have unintended consequences. There is a real risk they may further restrict access to materials about sex education, sexual health information, harm reduction and health promotion.
The eSafety commissioner is in the process of introducing codes of practice for the online industry “to protect Australians from illegal and restricted online content”. The Phase 1 codes, aimed at illegal content such as child sexual exploitation material, came into effect last year.
Now the commissioner is looking at Phase 2. These are designed to prevent young people from accessing “inappropriate” but not illegal content. They will do this via age-assurance mechanisms and by filtering, de-prioritising, downranking and suppressing content.
The codes will apply to operating systems, various internet services, search engines and hardware, such as smartphones and tablets.
Tech companies will have more power (and responsibility) to remove content and suspend users. Companies that don’t follow the codes risk fines of up to US$49.5 million (around A$77 million).
Suppression of sexual health content
The idea of using technology to restrict online content by age is problematic. The Australian government itself has deemed that age-assurance technologies are not ready to be used. State-of-the-art software has shown racial and gendered bias.
And digital platforms have a poor track record of governing sexual media.
International human rights organisations, including the United Nations, have warned that automated content moderation is being used to censor sex education and consensual sexual expression.
Sexual health organisations and educators already face challenges using social media to communicate with key audiences, including LGBTQ+ communities. These include having their content made less visible (“shadowbanning”) or outright removed.
For example, Google’s computer vision software has previously relied on word databases that link “bisexuality” with “pornography”, “sodomy” with “bestiality”, and “masturbation” with “self-abuse”.
Many users currently use “algospeak”. This is language designed to avoid the notice of the algorithms that may flag content as inappropriate, often involving tweaks such as using emojis or “seggs” or “s&x” instead of “sex”.
The government recognises the power of social media. It has committed more than A$100 million towards Our Watch (a leading organisation advocating against violence against women) and its teen-focused social media initiative The Line.
Another A$3.5 million has gone to the Teach Us Consent organisation. This group creates social media content for teens and young people about consent, healthy relationships, pornography and sex.
Social media platforms try to separate health information from general sexual content. For example, they may aim to allow nudity in cases like childbirth, breastfeeding, medical care or protests.
To uphold sexual rights to information, privacy and expression, the codes must shift away from simply giving platforms an incentive to detect and suppress all sexual content.
This task might seem time consuming, resource heavy and difficult for regulators and platforms alike. But the implications of content suppression are too dire to overlook.
In our view, the codes should be paused until they are able to balance protection with rights to information.
Giselle Woodley has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council via Discovery Project DP190102435 ‘Adolescents’ perceptions of harm from accessing online sexual content’ and the ARC’s Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child. She currently receives funding under Discovery Project ID: DP250102379: Teen-informed strategies to counter sexual image abuse and sextortion. She is a co-founder of Bloom-Ed, a Relationships and Sexuality Education advocacy group, whose views are not expressed here. Giselle would like to thank Dr Elena Jeffreys and Professor Paul Haskell-Dowland for their contributions to this article.
Kath Albury receives funding from the Australian Research Council Future Fellowship scheme, the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making + Society; and FORTE, the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare. She has previously received funding from the Office of the eSafety Commissioner. She is a current member of pro-bono advisory groups for ASHM, Scarlet Alliance and UNESCO.
Zahra Stardust has previously received funding from the QUT Digital Media Research Centre (for a project on Rainbow Capitalism, Pinkwashing and Targeted Advertising); FORTE, the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare (for a project on LGBTQ Digital Sexual Health); from Google Asia Pacific (for a project on AI-related Image-Based Abuse); and from the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making + Society (for projects on Alternative Sexual Content Moderation, Sexual Surveillance and the Political Economy of Sextech). She previously worked as a policy advisor for ACON (NSW’s leading HIV and LGBTI health organisation) and Scarlet Alliance, Australian Sex Workers Association.
The Liberals, still reeling from their crushing 2025 election defeat and following with brief split in the Coalition, have a new frontbench and their eyes turning to the long road of rebuilding.
New leader Sussan Ley stresses the importance of the Liberals “meeting people where they are” and the party represents modern Australia.
But what that will actually look like for the party is still an open question. To talk about this uncertain future we’re joined by the newly-minted Shadow Assistant Minister for Education, Early Learning and Mental Health, Zoe McKenzie.
McKenzie was elected to the Melbourne electorate of Flinders in 2022. Her seat encompasses the Mornington Peninsula, mixing urban and rural areas. At the May election she held off a Climate 200-funded teal challenger.
On the Liberal Party’s commitment to net-zero by 2050 – which is likely to come up for debate this term – McKenzie says she thinks net-zero is “a given”.
It’s where the markets are heading. It’s our responsibility as a developed economy to contribute to the decarbonisation of the planet. I went to COP-27 a few years back, and you can see that the world’s markets, investment markets, research and development markets have all moved into preparing for a net-zero environment and Australia will be part of that. I do think, though, people are right to say, please don’t take away our manufacturing base.
I am confident that net zero is here to stay. But you cannot disconnect it from what it says about the energy market, energy security, and the future of Australian industry. We’ve got to keep this as an investment rich country.
On the party’s issues with the women’s vote, while McKenzie says the Liberals should look at “all options” she still has some concerns with the idea of quota’s,
I am reluctantly coming to the conclusion that we must look at all options. I am fearful for what happens if a woman is selected by the operation of a quota and whether she will feel she has deserved her place there and or whether it will be asserted that she only got there because of a quota.
Asked if Labor’s introduction of quotas is proof they can work, McKenzie says,
Labor sacrificed a generation of talented Labor men to get to 50-50.
That sacrificed generation coincided with our many years of successful leadership of this nation. They are now though, because of that decision and because of the sacrifice that was made, and because of the way they went about it, they are in the enviable position of attracting talented, capable women for election, routinely, for each and every seat.
The Liberal Party, it tends, by its very nature, to preference people who have been able to devote a significant amount of time, often while in your 20s or 30s, to both party and community events. […] It will favour men. It will favour women who don’t have their own biological children, or it will favour women who can afford high quality in-home help. So we are not getting the breadth of women we need presenting for pre-selection and we are going to have to think out of the box.
On the rise of the teals, McKenzie’s looks to global examples to explain why two-party systems are changing,
I’m not sure yet whether teal is here to stay but what I do know is that we have moved well beyond the paradigm when I was a kid, which is when it was a 40-40-20 voting bloc. We all fought over that 20 in the middle. It now looks like the 30-30-40 pattern is here to stay.
That’s a message for all of us, in fact, to do better. So I should say, though, this is not unique to Australia. The demise of the two-party system can be observed worldwide.
If you look at the United States, the Republicans and the Democrats remain, but some would say they remain in name only. They have both morphed significantly as political movements. The Labour and Tory parties in the UK have both evolved over time.
On the Liberal’s lack of appeal to younger Australians McKenzie highlights what went wrong and why the party must do better with those voters,
We hadn’t explained to them the basics of home ownership, let alone what a tax deduction on your interest payments on your first mortgage might look and feel like. If you’re 18, 19, 20, your first mortgage still feels 10 to 15 years away.
We didn’t do enough, I think, to talk about their lives, to understand their lives and their aspirations and how Liberal policy was going to make their life easier. We must do a better job of that […] because the average voter now is either Gen Z or a millennial, no longer Gen X, which is my generation, or boomers above.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
On June 3, South Koreans will head to the polls to choose the country’s new president. The election may draw to a close one of the most chaotic and contentious periods in the country’s post-1987 democratic era.
South Korea has been embroiled in a political crisis since December, when former President Yoon Suk Yeol disastrously declared martial law.
Yoon ordered security forces to block lawmakers from entering the National Assembly, leading to a dramatic late night confrontation. His unconstitutional decree was overturned after just six hours.
The fall-out was equally dramatic: Yoon was impeached and removed from office in a drawn-out process that was not finally resolved until April.
This period coincided with massive street demonstrations both opposing and supporting Yoon, a far-right assault on a courthouse and a physical stand-off between investigators and Yoon’s personal security team.
The country, meanwhile, has cycled through three short-lived caretaker leaders.
With weak economic growth and high costs of living, in addition to an equally challenging security environment, South Korea is in desperate need of bold and effective leadership.
Who are the candidates?
The Democratic Party’s Lee Jae-myung is the clear frontrunner to be the next president, after finishing a close second in the previous 2022 election.
Recent polling put the veteran left-leaning politician at around 49% support as the race entered the final week.
This is a double-digit lead over his main conservative opponent, Kim Moon-soo, polling at 35%. Another conservative candidate, Lee Jun-seok, is polling at 11%. Notably, for the first time since 2007, there are no female candidates standing to be president.
The high levels of support for Lee Jae-myung suggest a widespread desire among the public to repudiate Yoon’s martial law declaration.
Kim, the labour minister in Yoon’s administration, has apologised for December’s declaration. But his opponents have continued to question him about it.
Kim’s challenge has been to build a coalition of moderates and mainstream conservatives who firmly opposed the martial law declaration, while also winning support from those who believe far-right conspiracy theories around election fraud. Yoon, the former president, is continuing to promote these narratives.
Lee’s compelling background
Lee Jae-myung’s personal story has uplifting parallels with South Korea’s own history of economic and political development.
Lee was born into poverty; the exact date of his birth is not known. He worked in factories from a very young age and permanently injured his left arm in an industrial accident when he was still a child.
Lee went on to earn a scholarship to study law and, by the late 1980s, had established himself as a labour lawyer and activist.
This activist image was highlighted when he live-streamed himself dramatically scaling a fence to enter the National Assembly and vote down Yoon’s martial law declaration in December. He has previously compared himself to populist, progressive US Senator Bernie Sanders.
More recently, however, he has moderated his political rhetoric and policy platform to appeal to centrists and even some conservative voters.
This shift may also help shield Lee from the “red-baiting” claims left-leaning South Korean candidates typically face from conservative opponents that they are “communists”, “pro-China”, or “pro-North Korea”.
But Lee is also plagued by legal troubles, including corruption charges linked to a land development project. These charges, frequently highlighted by his opponents, risk derailing his administration if he wins the election.
What are the main issues?
Some international commentators have focused on how the next president will handle North Korea. South Koreans, however, are more interested in the candidates’ plans to fix the country’s troubled economy.
There has also been a vigorous debate over South Korea’s future energy policy. Kim favours expanding nuclear energy production to around 60% of the country’s energy mix. Lee has voiced safety concerns about nuclear power, arguing “the era of building more reactors should come to an end”.
Additionally, questions remain over potential constitutional reform to end South Korea’s so-called “imperial presidency” system, which has been blamed for centralising too much power in the hands of the president.
The system dates back to the rewriting of the constitution following mass protests in 1987. This established direct presidential elections and a single, five-year term.
Both Lee and Kim support changing this to a four-year, two-term presidential system, similar to the United States.
Big challenges lie ahead
On the international stage, the new leader will face an uphill battle negotiating with US President Donald Trump over his punitive tariffs. Trump imposed 25% tariffs on South Korean goods in April, but lowered them temporarily to 10% until early July.
Before his impeachment, Yoon was widely reported to be practising his golf skills to attempt to find common ground with Trump, much as former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe did.
The new leader will also face massive challenges bringing South Korean society together in the current climate. Political polarisation and the spread of disinformation worsened under Yoon’s presidency – and these trends will be hard to reverse.
Alexander M. Hynd does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Its official. Samoa’s Parliament will be dissolved next week and the country will have an early return to the polls.
The confirmation comes after a dramatic day in Parliament on Tuesday, which saw the government’s budget voted down at its first reading.
In a live address today, Prime Minister Fiame Naomi Mata’afa confirmed the dissolution of Parliament.
The official notice of the dissolution of Samoa’s Legislative Assembly. May 2025
“Upon the adjournment of Parliament yesterday, I met with the Head of State and tendered my advice to dissolve Parliament,” she said.
Fiame said that advice was accepted, and the Head of State has confirmed that the official dissolution of Parliament will take place on Tuesday, June 3.
According to Samoa’s constitution, an election must be held within three months of parliament being dissolved.
Fiame reassured the public that constitutional arrangements are in place to ensure the elections are held lawfully and smoothly.
Caretaker mode In the meantime, she said the government would operate in caretaker mode with oversight on public expenditure.
“There are constitutional provisions governing the use of public funds by a caretaker government,” she said.
PM Fiame Naomi Mata’afa in Parliament on Tuesday . . . Parliament will go into caretaker mode. Image: Samoan Govt /RNZ Pacific
“Priority will be given to ensuring that the machinery of government continues to function.”
She also took a moment to thank the public for their prayers and support during this time.
Despite the political instability, Fiame said Samoa’s 63rd Independence Day celebrations would proceed as planned.
The official programme begins with a Thanksgiving Service on Sunday, June 1, at 6pm at Muliwai Cathedral.
This will be followed by a flag-raising ceremony on Monday, June 2, in front of the Government Building at Eleele Fou.
Few sports have witnessed a transformation as dramatic as darts in recent years.
From its origins as a pub game stereotypically played with cigarette and beer in hand, darts is now serious business.
With surging television ratings and huge demand for live events, the growth of darts continues to leave many sports looking on in envy.
There has been a combination of factors at play – not least one exceptionally prodigious teenager. Before discussing those factors, it’s worth taking a closer look at the numbers.
Becoming big business
Darts sits alongside a select few sports to have achieved significant commercial growth over the past decade.
In addition to the PDC World Championship – the sport’s premier knockout event – viewership records were also broken across the 2024 Premier League Darts season, a league-format competition featuring weekly fixtures between top-ranked players.
Outside the UK, darts viewership also continues to grow.
The Netherlands remains a strong and expanding heartland, while in Germany, viewership for the World Championship final has increased eightfold since 2008.
In Australia, precise viewing figures are not widely available, but the Foxtel Group’s landmark four-year deal with the PDC in 2023 suggests rising demand.
Surging audiences are translating into significantly larger broadcast deals.
In 2025, Sky Sports reportedly outbid Netflix to secure a new £125 million (A$260.3 million) deal for exclusive UK coverage of the PDC for 2026–30. That was double the size of the previous deal.
In contrast, many other sports face stagnation or even sharp declines in media rights value.
For instance, the UK Super League rugby’s rights on Sky Sports fell from £40 million (A$83.3 million) per season in 2021 to £21.5 million (A$44.5 million) in 2024.
Similarly, in soccer, the French Ligue 1’s TV deal with DAZN collapsed due to underwhelming subscriber numbers. Meanwhile, ESPN walked away from its long-standing agreement with Major League Baseball after unsuccessfully trying to cut its US$550 million (A$848 million) annual payment down to $200 million (A$309 million).
Prize money in darts has also exploded.
Next year, the winner of the two-week long World Championship will bank £1 million (A$2.08 million) – doubling this year’s purse.
Like Formula 1 and the UFC, darts benefits from being privately operated.
Without the typical bureaucracy and conflicting interests seen in many traditional sport governing bodies, the PDC can respond more quickly to audience preferences and market opportunities.
This streamlined, commercially driven approach has been key to darts’ growth.
The sport has been expertly tailored to modern audiences.
One of darts’ best-known selling points is the live event experience. The entertainment-first approach is known for loud music, the showmanship of player walk-ons, fancy dress from the crowd and yes, often plenty of alcohol.
The lines are blurred between sport and party and fans love it.
Culturally, darts is seen by many as fun, relatable, and rooted in working-class culture. After all, its heritage is in the pub.
Darts is ideally suited to modern sport media consumption habits: PLD matches last only 20–30 minutes and the up-close TV product works perfectly for social media highlight clips.
It is also one of the few sports where women compete directly against men.
This adds another layer of interest for fans and has helped elevate stars such as Fallon Sherrock, who made headlines in 2019 by becoming the first woman to win a match at the PDC World Championship, eventually reaching the final 32.
A prodigy emerges
The so-called “Littler Effect” has given darts’ profile a significant boost.
The emergence of talented teenager Luke Littler has broken new ground for the sport and drawn global interest.
The English prodigy, who has quickly risen to fame, is by far the sport’s biggest star, but it would be unfair to say darts is a one-man band.
Luke Humphries and Michael van Gerwen enjoy significant profiles while Phil Taylor is regarded as the sport’s greatest player. Australia’s Simon “The Wizard” Whitlock also forged a successful career.
There is also colourful two-time world champion Peter Wright.
Where to from here?
The success of darts reveals much about modern sports audiences and their preferences.
Darts does not rely on traditional ideas of athletic excellence, nor does it fit the Olympic ideal.
Darts’ success stems from remaining authentic to its working-class roots while evolving into an engaging commercial product suited for television, short-form content and digital media.
For darts to fully achieve its global potential, the next step has to be continued international growth. Although it has grown steadily in markets like Australia and throughout Asia, the UK remains darts’ dominant base.
As the global sports marketplace becomes more fragmented and competitive, darts is well positioned to continue growing.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This can happen when babies come early, when the mother-to-be is in denial, or when they simply don’t know they are pregnant. These out-of-hospital births can increase the risks for both mother and child.
While there haven’t been any New Zealand-specific studies, data from Norway and Ireland show infant mortality rates are two to three times higher for unplanned out-of-hospital births compared to those in medical facilities.
In 2024, Hato Hone St John, Aotearoa New Zealand’s largest ambulance service, responded to 2,745 obstetric emergencies. This accounted for 0.9% of all ambulance patients – similar to comparable countries such as Australia and the United States.
In our new research, we surveyed Hato Hone St John ambulance personnel to better understand their experiences attending unplanned out-of-hospital births. Although such events are rare, personnel must be prepared to provide care for mothers and newborns during any clinical shift.
The 147 responses we received highlighted the need for ongoing and targeted training for staff as they balance supporting the safe arrival of a newborn with patient and whānau-centered care.
Navigating the unknown
EMS personnel reported being dispatched for reports of abdominal or back pain in female patients, only to encounter an unanticipated imminent birth upon arrival.
In many of these cases, patients were unaware of their pregnancies and had received no prior antenatal care. This left EMS personnel to lead labour and birth care without crucial information about gestational age or potential complications. As one paramedic explained:
The call was for non-traumatic back pain. The patient had a cryptic pregnancy and was not aware she was pregnant until I informed her that she was in labour. I was the senior clinician in attendance, we were 25 minutes to a maternity unit that didn’t have surgical facilities and a [neonatal unit].
In some situations, EMS personnel attended teenage patients who were in denial of their pregnancies or fearful it would be discovered by their families.
Attending to the mother’s emotional needs, respecting her dignity and navigating family dynamics compounded existing challenges to providing care. Another paramedic explained:
Attended an 18-year-old that did not know or was in denial that she was pregnant. She had the baby on her own in the bathroom. The parents came home during the birth, and she was too scared to tell them and kept the baby quiet by nursing her. She called an ambulance from the bathroom and told them she didn’t want the parents to know.
Unplanned out-of-hospital birts can test the skills of ambulance staff. hedgehog94/Shutterstock
Practical challenges
Complex births, medical emergencies and limited specialised neonatal equipment required EMS to improvise in such cases. While some focused on skin-to-skin contact between mother and baby, others prepared makeshift blankets using things such as plastic clingfilm to keep their newborn patients warm. An intensive care paramedic said:
I needed to “chew” through the cord with the scissors provided, which was frustrating given the patient was under CPR. Also, I wanted to keep the patient warm as the house was cold and it was winter, so I used the Gladwrap in the ambulance. The roll I had was a new one and very difficult to start up as it shredded. I ended up using the patient’s industrial size wrap with a plastic blade attached.
The distance to a specialised newborn care facility, as well as rules around who could be transported and when, meant mothers and babies sometimes needed separate transport. This distressed mothers and added pressure to already stressful situations. One North Island-based paramedic explained:
The baby was flown to [a tertiary hospital] – great for the baby but very distressing for mum as she had to be transported by road.
Detailed accounts emerged of EMS providing labour and birth care in remote and poorer areas, such as homes with no electricity or heating, far away from hospital facilities and with no back up readily available. Another South Island-based paramedic said:
It was 2 degrees outside and the front door was open. The house was cold, and the mother was standing in the bathroom with the [newborn] lying on the cold floor. I called for backup as the mother had a severe postpartum haemorrhage, and the [newborn] required resuscitation. I was not sent assistance and had to manage the mother and [newborn] by myself during a 15-minute drive to the birth suite at hospital.
The stories shared by New Zealand ambulance personnel not only described their critical role in providing care during labour and birth, but also highlighted a gap in care for women not accessing routine antenatal and birth services.
Training and support needed
Studies from Norway, Australia, the US and the United Kingdom have previously highlighted the need for dedicated EMS training and equipment to support out-of-hospital births.
Change is happening in New Zealand. Recent updates to Hato Hone St John guidelines, resources and training, including education on cultural considerations related to birth, aim to prepare EMS personnel for these unpredictable and high-risk scenarios.
Ongoing training and education will be critical to support clinicians to confidently address birth emergencies while continuing to deliver patient and whānau-centered care.
Vinuli Withanarachchie works for Hato Hone St John.
Bridget Dicker is an employee of Hato Hone St John.
Sarah Maessen works for Hato Hone St John.
Verity Todd receives funding from the Heart Foundation NZ and Health Research Council NZ. She is affiliated with Hato Hone St John.
When I despairingly contemplate the horrors and cruelty that Palestinians in Gaza are being subjected to, I sometimes try to put this in the context of where I live.
I live on the Kāpiti Coast in the lower North Island of Aotearoa New Zealand.
Geographically it is around the same size as Gaza. Both have coastlines running their full lengths. But, whereas the population of Gaza is a cramped two million, Kāpiti’s is a mere 56,000.
The Gaza Strip . . . 2 million people living in a cramped outdoor prison about the same size as Kāpiti. Map: politicalbytes.blog
I find it incomprehensible to visualise what it would be like if what is presently happening in Gaza occurred here.
The only similarities between them are coastlines and land mass. One is an outdoor prison while the other’s outdoors is peaceful.
New Zealand and Palestine state recognition Currently Palestine has observer status at the United Nations General Assembly. In May last year, the Assembly voted overwhelmingly in favour of Palestine being granted full membership of the United Nations.
To its credit, New Zealand was among 143 countries that supported the resolution. Nine, including the United States as the strongest backer of Israeli genocide outside Israel, voted against.
However, despite this massive majority, such is the undemocratic structure of the UN that it only requires US opposition in the Security Council to veto the democratic vote.
Notwithstanding New Zealand’s support for Palestine broadening its role in the General Assembly and its support for the two-state solution, the government does not officially recognise Palestine.
While its position on recognition is consistent with that of the genocide-supporting United States, it is inconsistent with the over 75 percent of UN member states who, in March 2025, recognised Palestine as a sovereign state (by 147 of the 193 member states).
NZ Prime Minister Christopher Luxon . . . his government should “correct this obscenity” of not recognising Palestinians’ right to have a sovereign nation. Image: RNZ/politicalbytes.blog/
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s government does have the opportunity to correct this obscenity as Palestine recognition will soon be voted on again by the General Assembly.
In this context it is helpful to put the Hamas-led attack on Israel in its full historical perspective and to consider the reasons justifying the Israeli genocide that followed.
7 October 2023 and genocide justification The origin of the horrific genocide of Palestinians in Gaza and the associated increased persecution, including killings, of Palestinians in the Israeli occupied West Bank (of the River Jordan) was not the attack by Hamas and several other militant Palestinian groups on 7 October 2023.
This attack was on a small Israeli town less than 2 km north of the border. An estimated 1,195 Israelis and visitors were killed.
The genocidal response of the Israeli government that followed this attack can only be justified by three factors:
The Judaism or ancient Jewishness of Palestine in Biblical times overrides the much larger Palestinian population in Mandate Palestine prior to formation of Israel in 1948;
The right of Israelis to self-determination overrides the right of Palestinians to self-determination; and
The value of Israeli lives overrides the value Palestinian lives.
The first factor is the key. The second and third factors are consequential. In order to better appreciate their context, it is first necessary to understand the Nakba.
Understanding the Nakba Rather than the October 2023 attack, the origin of the subsequent genocide goes back more than 70 years to the collective trauma of Palestinians caused by what they call the Nakba (the Disaster).
The foundation year of the Nakba was in 1948, but this was a central feature of the ethnic cleansing that was kicked off between 1947 and 1949.
During this period Zionist military forces attacked major Palestinian cities and destroyed some 530 villages. About 15,000 Palestinians were killed in a series of mass atrocities, including dozens of massacres.
The Nakba – the Palestinian collective trauma in 1948 that started ethnic cleansing by Zionist paramilitary forces. Image: David Robie/APR
During the Nakba in 1948, approximately half of Palestine’s predominantly Arab population, or around 750,000 people, were expelled from their homes or forced to flee. Initially this was through Zionist paramilitaries.
After the establishment of the State of Israel in May this repression was picked up by its military. Massacres, biological warfare (by poisoning village wells) and either complete destruction or depopulation of Palestinian-majority towns, villages, and urban neighbourhoods (which were then given Hebrew names) followed
By the end of the Nakba, 78 percent of the total land area of the former Mandatory Palestine was controlled by Israel.
Genocide to speed up ethnic cleansing Ethnic cleansing was unsuccessfully pursued, with the support of the United Kingdom and France, in the Suez Canal crisis of 1956. More successful was the Six Day War of 1967, which included the military and political occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.
Throughout this period ethnic cleansing was not characterised by genocide. That is, it was not the deliberate and systematic killing or persecution of a large number of people from a particular national or ethnic group with the aim of destroying them.
Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestinians began in May 1948 and has accelerated to genocide in 2023. Image: politicalbytes.blog
In fact, the acceptance of a two-state solution (Israel and Palestine) under the ill-fated Oslo Accords in 1993 and 1995 put a temporary constraint on the expansion of ethnic cleansing.
Since its creation in 1948, Israel, along with South Africa the same year (until 1994), has been an apartheid state. I discussed this in an earlier Political Bytes post (15 March 2025), When apartheid met Zionism.
However, while sharing the racism, discrimination, brutal violence, repression and massacres inherent in apartheid, it was not characterised by genocide in South Africa; nor was it in Israel for most of its existence until the current escalation of ethnic cleansing in Gaza.
Following 7 October 2023, genocide has become the dominant tool in the ethnic cleansing tool kit. More recently this has included accelerating starvation and the bombing of tents of Gaza Palestinians.
The magnitude of this genocide is discussed further below.
The Biblical claim Zionism is a movement that sought to establish a Jewish nation in Palestine. It was established as a political organisation as late as 1897. It was only some time after this that Zionism became the most influential ideology among Jews generally.
Despite its prevalence, however, there are many Jews who oppose Zionism and play leading roles in the international protests against the genocide in Gaza.
Zionist ideology is based on a view of Palestine in the time of Jesus Christ. Image: politicalbytes.blog
Based on Zionist ideology, the justification for replacing Mandate Palestine with the state of Israel rests on a Biblical argument for the right of Jews to retake their “homeland”. This justification goes back to the time of that charismatic carpenter and prophet Jesus Christ.
The population of Palestine in Jesus’ day was about 500,000 to 600,000 (a little bigger than both greater Wellington and similar to that of Jerusalem today). About 18,000 of these residents were clergy, priests and Levites (a distinct male group within Jewish communities).
Jerusalem itself in biblical times, with a population of 55,000, was a diverse city and pilgrimage centre. It was also home to numerous Diaspora Jewish communities.
In fact, during the 7th century BC at least eight nations were settled within Palestine. In addition to Judaeans, they included Arameans, Samaritans, Phoenicians and Philistines.
A breakdown based on religious faiths (Jews, Christians and Muslims) provides a useful insight into how Palestine has evolved since the time of Jesus. Jews were the majority until the 4th century AD.
By the fifth century they had been supplanted by Christians and then from the 12th century to 1947 Muslims were the largest group. As earlier as the 12th century Arabic had become the dominant language. It should be noted that many Christians were Arabs.
Adding to this evolving diversity of ethnicity is the fact that during this time Palestine had been ruled by four empires — Roman, Persian, Ottoman and British.
Prior to 1948 the population of the region known as Mandate Palestine approximately corresponded to the combined Israel and Palestine today. Throughout its history it has varied in both size and ethnic composition.
The Ottoman census of 1878 provides an indicative demographic profile of its three districts that approximated what became Mandatory Palestine after the end of World War 1.
Group
Population
Percentage
Muslim citizens
403,795
86–87%
Christian citizens
43,659
9%
Jewish citizens
15,011
3%
Jewish (foreign-born)
Est. 5–10,000
1–2%
Total
Up to 472,465
100.0%
In 1882, the Ottoman Empire revealed that the estimated 24,000 Jews in Palestine represented just 0.3 percent of the world’s Jewish population.
The self-determination claim Based on religion the estimated population of Palestine in 1922 was 78 percent Muslim, 11 percent Jewish, and 10 percent Christian.
By 1945 this composition had changed to 58 percent Muslim, 33 percent Jewish and 8 percent Christian. The reason for this shift was the success of the Zionist campaigning for Jews to migrate to Palestine which was accelerated by the Jewish holocaust.
By 15 May 1948, the total population of the state of Israel was 805,900, of which 649,600 (80.6 percent) were Jews with Palestinians being 156,000 (19.4 percent). This turnaround was primarily due to the devastating impact of the Nakba.
Today Israel’s population is over 9.5 million of which over 77 percent are Jewish and more than 20 percent are Palestinian. The latter’s absolute growth is attributable to Israel’s subsequent geographic expansion, particularly in 1967, and a higher birth rate.
Palestine today (parts of West Bank under Israeli occupation). Map: politicalbytes.blog
The current population of the Palestinian Territories, including Gaza, is more than 5.5 million. Compare this with the following brief sample of much smaller self-determination countries — Slovenia (2.2 million), Timor-Leste (1.4 million), and Tonga (104,000).
The population size of the Palestinian Territories is more than half that of Israel. Closer to home it is a little higher than New Zealand.
The only reason why Palestinians continue to be denied the right to self-determination is the Zionist ideological claim linked to the biblical time of Jesus Christ and its consequential strategy of ethnic cleansing.
If it was not for the opposition of the United States, then this right would not have been denied. It has been this opposition that has enabled Israel’s strategy.
Comparative value of Palestinian lives The use of genocide as the latest means of achieving ethnic cleansing highlights how Palestinian lives are valued compared with Israeli lives.
While not of the same magnitude appropriated comparisons have been made with the horrific ethnic cleansing of Jews through the means of the holocaust by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Per capita the scale of the magnitude gap is reduced considerably.
Since October 2023, according to the Gaza Health Ministry (and confirmed by the World Health Organisation) more than 54,000 Palestinians have been killed. Of those killed over 16,500 were children. Compare this with less than 2000 Israelis killed.
Further, at least 310 UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) team members have been killed along with over 200 journalists and media workers. Add to this around 1400 healthcare workers including doctors and nurses.
What also can’t be forgotten is the increasing Israeli ethnic cleansing on the occupied West Bank. Around 950 Palestinians, including around 200 children, have also been killed during this same period.
Time for New Zealand to recognise Palestine The above discussion is in the context of the three justifications for supporting the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians strategy that goes back to 1948 and which, since October 2023, is being accelerated by genocide.
First, it requires the conviction that the theology of Judaism in Palestine in the biblical times following the birth of Jesus Christ trumps both the significantly changing demography from the 5th century at least to the mid-20th century and the numerical predominance of Arabs in Mandate Palestine;
Second, and consequentially, it requires the conviction that while Israelis are entitled to self-determination, Palestinians are not; and
Finally, it requires that Israeli lives are much more valuable than Palestinian lives. In fact, the latter have no value at all.
Unless the government, including Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters, shares these convictions (especially the “here and now” second and third) then it should do the right thing first by unequivocally saying so, and then by recognising the right of Palestine to be an independent state.
Ian Powell is a progressive health, labour market and political “no-frills” forensic commentator in New Zealand. A former senior doctors union leader for more than 30 years, he blogs at Second Opinion and Political Bytes, where this article was first published. Republished with the author’s permission.
The following article contains material that some readers might find distressing.
Around the world, knives are a popular weapon of choice among criminals. In Australia, for example, they are the most common weapon used in homicides. And in countries such as the United Kingdom and Canada, knife crime has recently been on the rise.
As common as they are, stabbings are also difficult to investigate. Our new study, published this week in WIREs Forensic Science, presents the most comprehensive review to date of the methods used by forensic investigators for the reconstruction of knife crimes. It also highlights the limitations of these methods and introduces mechanical and robotic stabbing machines as a solution.
These technologies could significantly enhance forensic science and criminal investigations in the pursuit of justice.
An intensely personal act of violence
Stabbing is an intensely personal act of violence, carefully planned or opportunistic. It reflects not just an intent to harm but also a direct, physical engagement with the victim.
Forensic investigators will rely on a range of evidence to investigate a stabbing. For example, they will gather statements from any witnesses. But witnesses’ memory can be affected by issues such as shock, lighting conditions or their vantage point.
Forensic investigators will also gather physical evidence left behind after a stabbing. This can include bloodstain patterns, sharp-force damage in wounds and clothing, and impression evidence. It can also include trace evidence such as DNA, fibres, soil, glass and pollen from the victims clothing or suspected weapon.
This physical evidence is crucial for the next step of a criminal investigation: reconstructing a crime scene.
Knife cuts from a blunt blade (left) and a sharp blade (right) in cotton fabric reveal distinct yarn and fibre patterns, which forensic experts analyse to help identify the weapon used. Stevie Ziogos
A forensic puzzle
Investigators reconstruct a crime scene to determine the type of weapon used, estimate whether the stabbing was intentional or not and how forceful it was. But many variables complicate the analysis.
For example, the attacker’s (or attackers’) physical characteristics such as their size, strength or preferred hand, their familiarity and experience in handling knives can all influence the stabbing motion. So too can the characteristics of a knife.
The victim’s build, positioning, area of impact, and even the number of clothing layers they have on can also affect how a blade enters the body. For example, stabbing with a kitchen knife and slashing with a machete leave vastly different injuries, just as a thick jacket can slow or deflect a blade.
Reconstructing a stabbing is a forensic puzzle. It requires a combination of scientific analysis, investigative techniques and the collaborative effort of experts. Each specialist provides a comprehensive perspective on the victim, the weapon, the manner in which it was used, and the impact of the surrounding environment.
An accurate simulated stabbing
In many stabbing investigations, it is necessary to confirm evidence through simulation.
Our new research focuses on the different ways stabbing simulations are conducted. It provides an overview of current methodologies used to reconstruct sharp-force events, especially considering the role of clothing in the reconstruction.
A well-planned simulation must account for key variables affecting damage to the body and textiles. These factors fall into three categories:
Pre-impact (garment type, weapon and assailant-victim characteristics)
Impact (stabbing method, force and angle)
Post-impact (body decomposition, manipulation, contamination and environmental effects).
While adding more parameters can improve the realism of a simulation, it may also introduce complexity that reduces accuracy. Because of this, careful planning is pivotal.
A mix of methods is best
The choice of simulation method depends on available personnel, tools and funding. Approaches are typically categorised as manual or mechanical, with emerging research exploring the potential of robotic systems.
Manual simulations rely on human effort to replicate stabbing motions. They remain widely used in forensic testing and provide valuable insights into wound characteristics, biomechanics, and protective materials. But they can be subjective, particularly in force estimation and motion consistency.
Mechanical simulations address this issue by using devices for controlled, repeatable tests. While they reduce variability, they are often limited by restricted motion, force constraints, and a lack of standardisation in forensic protocols.
Robotic simulations offer a promising alternative. They combine the adaptability of manual approaches with the precision and repeatability of mechanical systems.
However, their forensic application is still being developed. They also face challenges such as cost, accessibility, professional expertise and the need for validation in real-world casework.
Our research suggests that combining manual simulations with robotic and mechanical systems can enhance the accuracy and reliability of stabbing simulations. The manual approach can be used to train robotic systems that replicate human actions while ensuring consistent and controlled measurements.
By adopting this combined approach, forensic science can bridge crucial gaps in crime scene reconstruction. In turn, this would improve the interpretation of stabbing incidents and the pursuit of justice.
We acknowledge that the research discussed in this article was conducted in collaboration with Dr. Kari Pitts, ChemCentre.
Alasdair Dempsey, Ian Dadour, and Stevie Ziogos do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Henning, PhD Candidate in Feline Behaviour, School of Animal and Veterinary Science, University of Adelaide
Ever wonder if your cat could pick you out of a line up?
New research suggests they could … but maybe not in the way you would expect.
Previous research has found that only 54% of cats could recognise humans by their face alone.
So how does your cat know it’s you?
Studying the sniff
A new study published today in PLOS One suggests your cat can recognise you by your smell. This feat has not been studied before and may reveal another layer of depth within cat-human bonds.
Cats often get a bad rap for being aloof or uncaring about the people in their lives, but a growing number of studies are finding the opposite to be true. We now know that cats learn the names we give them, cats and their guardians form their own communication style, and most cats will pick human social interaction over food, a choice even dogs struggle with.
And now, thanks to this most recent study, we know that cats can identify their people by smell, something they also rely on to identify their close feline social groups.
The study, by Yutaro Miyairi and colleagues at Tokyo University of Agriculture, investigated the ability of 30 cats to differentiate between their guardian and an unknown person based on scent alone.
Cats in the study were presented with a plastic tube containing swab samples from under the armpit, behind the ear and between the toes of either the cat’s guardian or of a human they had never met. As a control, cats were also presented with an empty plastic tube.
The results?
Cats in the study spent longer sniffing the scent of an unknown person compared to the scent of their guardian or the empty tube.
A shorter sniffing time suggests that when cats came across the smell of their guardian, they recognised it quickly and moved along. But when they came to the swabs from an unknown person, the cat sniffed longer, using their superior sense of smell to gather information about the scent.
Similar patterns have been observed previously, with kittens sniffing the odour of unknown female cats longer than the odour of their own mother, and adult cats sniffing the faeces of unfamiliar cats longer than those within their social group.
The findings of this new study may indicate that we, too, are in our cats’ social circle.
Cats do use their sense of smell to tell apart familiar and unfamiliar cats. Chris Boyer/Unsplash
The brain and the nose
The study also found a tendency for cats to sniff familiar scents with their left nostril, while unknown scents were more often sniffed using their right. But when cats became familiar with a scent after sniffing for a while, they switched nostrils from the right to the left.
While this may sound like an odd finding, it’s a pattern that has also been observed in dogs. Current research suggests this nostril preference may indicate that cats process and classify new information using their right brain hemisphere, while the left hemisphere takes over when a routine response is established.
Cats will sniff things with different nostrils depending on whether the information is familiar or not. Kevin Knezic/Unsplash
Why scent?
Cats rely on scent to gather information about the world around them and to communicate.
Scent exchange (through cheek-to-cheek rubbing and grooming each other) is used as a way to recognise cats in the same social circle, maintain group cohesion, and identify unfamiliar cats or other animals that may pose a threat or need to be avoided.
Familiar scents can also be comforting to cats, reducing stress and anxiety and creating a sense of security within their environment.
When you come back from a holiday, if you notice your cat being distant and acting like you’re a total stranger, it might be because you smell like one. Try taking a shower using your usual home products and put on some of your regular home clothing. The familiar scents should help you and your cat settle back into your old dynamic sooner.
And remember, if your cat spends a lot of time sniffing someone else, it’s not because they prefer them. It’s likely because your scent is familiar and requires less work. Instead of being new and interesting, it might do something even better: help your cat feel at home.
Julia Henning does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) affects one in eight women globally. However, this complex hormonal condition is under-researched and often misunderstood.
This is partly due to its name, which overemphasises “cysts” and the ovaries. In fact, you can have PCOS without cysts.
It can affect many parts of the body, not just the ovaries, leading to acne, excess body hair, changes in metabolism and even mental health issues.
Our new research, published today, shows that changing the name would help better reflect the complexity of PCOS and improve awareness about this condition. We surveyed 7,700 health professionals and people with PCOS and found the majority supported a name change.
What is PCOS?
PCOS is a chronic condition caused by an imbalance of multiple hormones – the body’s chemical messengers – that circulate through the body.
Genes and environment play a role. Lifestyle factors, such as diet (especially ultraprocessed foods) and activity, can also lead to weight gain and worsen its severity.
In PCOS, the “cysts” are actually partially developed eggs that, due to underlying hormonal imbalance, remain dormant. This means they are less likely to be released (ovulation).
Unlike conventional ovarian cysts, these dormant eggs will generally not grow larger, cause pain, require surgery or burst. Instead, they are slowly reabsorbed over time back into the ovary.
Having dormant eggs in your ovaries is not, by itself, enough to be diagnosed with PCOS – and you can have PCOS without any dormant eggs.
2) high levels of certain hormones (androgens), such as testosterone, which is evident either in blood tests or symptoms (excess facial and body hair, acne, and thinning/balding scalp)
3) excess dormant eggs detected either on an ultrasound or ovarian hormone blood test
In adolescents, only the first two criteria are needed for a diagnosis. Ovary tests (ultrasound or blood tests) are not recommended until after age 20, as changes in the ovaries are common during normal adolescent development.
However, these criteria focus heavily on the ovaries and menstrual cycles, neglecting the condition’s broader impacts.
Widespread health effects
In fact, hormonal imbalances in PCOS affect multiple systems in the body. This can include:
metabolism – higher blood pressure and cholesterol, and greater risk of heart disease and diabetes.
reproductive system – irregular menstrual cycles, reduced fertility and pregnancy complications and increased endometrial cancer risk.
skin – excess facial/body hair, acne, scalp hair thinning and dark skin patches.
mental health – anxiety, depression, disordered eating and body image concerns.
PCOS has also been linked to sleep apnoea (a sleep disorder involving irregular breathing, snoring and fatigue) and inflammatory conditions such as asthma.
It’s not uncommon for women with PCOS to see two or three doctors and wait years for a diagnosis. Many types of doctors, including GPs and hormone, skin and fertility specialists, may be involved in care.
Common but problematic approaches include not informing women of the diagnosis, telling them not to “worry” about their PCOS until they wish to conceive, providing inadequate information or only addressing the problem in their speciality area, such as infertility.
This fragmentation creates a troubling paradox. Some are told they’ll face infertility. Yet without proper education they may be unaware they can still occasionally ovulate and may experience unexpected pregnancies.
Conversely, others planning for families often face unforeseen fertility difficulties that early comprehensive care – such as reproductive life planning, healthy lifestyle and early treatment – could have addressed.
The case to change the name
In our new study, we surveyed 3,462 health professionals and 4,246 people with PCOS across six continents.
We wanted to find out what health-care professionals, doctors and those affected by the condition understood about PCOS, and whether understanding has improved over time.
We also wanted to understand whether changing the name – for example, to include “endocrine” or “metabolic” – could have a positive impact, given frequent confusion and misdiagnosis.
Support for a name change was widespread: 86% of women with PCOS and 76% of health professionals said renaming PCOS would better reflect the condition, reduce confusion and likely lead to better outcomes.
We are now leading an international process to find a consensus on a new name and formally change it in the International Classification of Diseases. This involves engaging widely with health professionals and people with PCOS.
By reframing PCOS beyond a purely reproductive disorder, a name change can support
broader research funding, education and advocacy. It may lead to better recognition and improved diagnosis, care and outcomes for people with PCOS.
Combating misinformation with evidence
Accurate information is critical for proper PCOS management. Yet misinformation about the condition – for example, that PCOS can be cured through diet or exacerbated by the oral contraceptive pill – is rife on social media.
We have also co-designed and developed evidence-based guidelines and free resources for people with PCOS to find out more about the condition, including the free “Ask PCOS” app.
Renaming PCOS is another key step in improving knowledge about this understudied condition – and care for the 170 million women affected worldwide.
Helena Teede receives funding from the Australian Government and the NHMRC
Chau Thien Tay (Jillian) receives funding from NHMRC supported Centre for Research Excellence in Women’s Health in Reproductive Life. She is affiliated with Endocrine Society of Australia.
Lorna is employed by MCHRI Monash Uni as consumer lead for women with PCOS.
Wellness tourism is booming. Think yoga retreats in Bali, digital detox weekends in a rainforest, or a break on a luxury island to “find yourself”.
It’s no longer just about taking selfies at the beach or in front of Instagrammable landmarks. Travellers today want to invest in activities aimed at improving their mental, spiritual and physical wellbeing. And, they’re willing to pay for these experiences.
Global spending on wellness tourism is projected to hit US$8.5 trillion by 2027. Rather than being a passing fad, spending in this sector is forecast to nearly triple by 2035. This is big business.
The Wellness Tourism Association says 90% of travellers report wellness activities are an essential part of their travel itineraries.
Behind the luxe retreat
But, while holidaymakers pursue their zen, the workforce is largely overlooked. The massage therapists, spa staff, yoga instructors and retreat hosts – often women, migrants and workers from the Global South – frequently experience substandard, undignified working conditions.
Our new report, In Decent or Dirty Work?, examines an often overlooked part of the wellness industry. We propose a model to shift the industry from “dirty to decent” in line with the United Nations’ sustainable development goal eight supporting “decent work and economic growth”.
The 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs) were adopted by all UN member states in 2015. They support ending poverty and other deprivations as part of improving health and education, reducing inequality and encouraging economic growth – while tackling climate change and protecting the environment. These goals are designed to help businesses and governments develop sustainable and inclusive economies.
Progress towards decent work in wellness tourism is undermined by workers in some cases facing low pay, insecure employment and poor working conditions.
Wellness is often viewed as feminised work, rather than skilled or professional. Workers are expected to be calm, warm and nurturing, as well as emotionally available while juggling demanding workloads and unpredictable hours.
Weak regulation
Gaps in standards and regulation leave workers vulnerable. For example, Massage and Myotherapy Australia has raised concerns about exploitative contracting and loose employment arrangements. Without regulated certification, enforcement of fair contracts, and professional recognition, many workers experience underemployment or unsafe conditions.
Wellness workers are often underpaid and sometimes treated with disrespect by clients. Shellygraphy/Shutterstock
Research shows workers at some spas even describe their roles as feeling uncomfortably close to sex work, especially in settings where the boundaries are blurred and expectations can cross a moral line.
The case of the Melbourne business penalised for underpaying migrant workers and reports of Asian massage therapists being asked regularly for “happy endings” reflect the devaluation and gendered risks for this workforce.
Sociologists call this “dirty work” – jobs that are not physically messy but carry an emotional or moral burden. And while these roles are pivotal to customers’ experiences, the people doing them are often invisible. This makes it even harder to push for better training or fairer conditions.
Proposed changes
To improve the wellness industry’s sustainability and fairness, our research proposes three key changes.
On an individual level, workers need to be empowered. Workers who have a connection with their job will gain personal fulfilment from helping clients with their health and relaxation. Satisfied workers means happier customers and superior work quality.
However, workers should also receive external support to help improve job satisfaction.
For example, management regularly reinforcing the value of staff to a business can enhance a worker’s sense of dignity. Additionally, protecting workers from such threats as immoral requests by customers, is key to cultivating the sense of a safe and dignified workplace.
At the macro-level, policies, social structures and public perceptions shape how wellness work is valued. Without professional accreditation or recognition, these jobs will remain undervalued. Broader changes, like government reforms and public campaigns, would lift professional recognition and support dignity.
Employees’ working conditions should be examined. Decent work – as per the UN sustainable development goals – means providing fair pay, safe environments, recognition and genuine opportunities for employees to develop and thrive at work.
Also, investing in better training and standards benefits everyone, whether workers, businesses or customers.
Leonie Lockstone-Binney receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Liz Simmons, Rawan Nimri, and Tom Baum do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In a new study published today in Nature, we report the discovery of a new long-period transient – and, for the first time, one that also emits regular bursts of X-rays.
Long-period transients are a recently identified class of cosmic objects that emit bright flashes of radio waves every few minutes to several hours. This is much longer than the rapid pulses we typically detect from dead stars such as pulsars.
What these objects are, and how they generate their unusual signals, remains a mystery.
Our discovery opens up a new window into the study of these puzzling sources. But it also deepens the mystery: the object we found doesn’t resemble any known type of star or system in our galaxy – or beyond.
An image of the sky showing the region around ASKAP J1832-0911. The yellow circle marks the position of the newly discovered source. This image shows X-rays from NASA’s Chandra X-ray Observatory, radio data from the South African MeerKAT radio telescope, and infrared data from NASA’s Spitzer Space Telescope. Author provided
Watching the radio sky for flickers
There’s much in the night sky that we can’t see with human eyes but can detect when we look at other wavelengths, such as radio emissions.
Our research team regularly scans the radio sky using the Australian SKA Pathfinder (ASKAP), operated by CSIRO on Wajarri Yamaji Country in Western Australia. Our goal is to find cosmic objects that appear and disappear (known as transients).
Transients are often linked to some of the most powerful and dramatic events in the universe, such as the explosive deaths of stars.
In late 2023, we spotted an extremely bright source, named ASKAP J1832-0911 (based on its position in the sky), in the direction of the galactic plane. This object is located about 15,000 light years away. This is far, but still within the Milky Way.
Some of the ASKAP antennas, located at Inyarrimanha Ilgari Bundara, the Murchison Radio-astronomy Observatory in Western Australia. CSIRO
A dramatic event
After the initial discovery, we began follow-up observations using telescopes around the world, hoping to catch more pulses. With continued monitoring, we found the radio pulses from ASKAPJ1832 arrive regularly – every 44 minutes. This confirmed it as a new member of the rare long-period transient group.
But we did not just look forward in time – we also looked back. We searched through older telescope data from the same part of the sky. We found no trace of the object before the discovery.
This suggests something dramatic happened shortly before we first detected it – something powerful enough to suddenly switch the object “on”.
Then, in February 2024, ASKAPJ1832 became extremely active. After a quieter period in January, the source brightened dramatically. Fewer than 30 objects in the sky have ever reached such brightness in radio waves.
For comparison, most stars we detect in radio are about 10,000 times fainter than ASKAPJ1832 during that flare-up.
A lucky break
X-rays are a form of light that we can’t see with our eyes. They usually come from extremely hot and energetic environments. Although about ten similar radio-emitting objects have been found so far, none had ever shown X-ray signals.
In March, we tried to observe ASKAPJ1832 in X-rays. However, due to technical issues with the telescope, the observation could not go ahead.
Then came a stroke of luck. In June, I reached out to my friend Tong Bao, a postdoctoral researcher at the Italian National Institute for Astrophysics, to check if any previous X-ray observations had captured the source. To our surprise, we found two past observations from NASA’s Chandra X-ray Observatory, although the data were still under a proprietary period (not yet public).
We contacted Kaya Mori, a research scientist at Columbia University and the principal investigator of those observations. He generously shared the data with us. To our amazement, we discovered clear X-ray signals coming from ASKAPJ1832. Even more remarkable: the X-rays followed the same 44-minute cycle as the radio pulses.
It was a truly lucky break. Chandra had been pointed at a different target entirely, but by pure coincidence, it caught ASKAPJ1832 during its unusually bright and active phase.
A chance alignment like that is incredibly rare – like finding a needle in a cosmic haystack.
NASA’s Chandra X-ray Observatory is the world’s most powerful X-ray telescope, in orbit around Earth since 1999. NASA/CXC & J. Vaughan
Still a mystery
Having both radio and X-ray bursts is a common trait of dead stars with extremely strong magnetic fields, such as neutron stars (high-mass dead stars) and white dwarf (low-mass dead stars).
Our discovery suggests that at least some long-period transients may come from these kinds of stellar remnants.
But ASKAPJ1832 does not quite fit into any known category of object in our galaxy. Its behaviour, while similar in some ways, still breaks the mould.
We need more observations to truly understand what is going on. It is possible that ASKAPJ1832 is something entirely new, or it could be emitting radio waves in a way we have never seen before.
Ziteng Wang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jacqui Stuart, Postdoctoral Researcher in Marine Ecology, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington
Antarctica is the world’s great cooling unit. This vital part of Earth’s climate system is largely powered by the annual freeze and melt of millions of square kilometres of sea ice around the continent.
Our research shows changes to this annual freeze cycle in McMurdo Sound can lead to shifts in the diversity of algal communities that live within the sea ice.
At the start of the southern winter, as sea water begins to freeze, it expels salt and forms heavy and very cold brine. This sinks to the seafloor, ultimately forming what’s known as Antarctic Bottom Water. This is then pumped out to the rest of the world through several major oceanic currents.
Historically, this cycle meant that Antarctica effectively doubled in size and the continent was surrounded by an enormous apron of sea ice at the peak of winter. But the changing climate is shifting this annual cycle.
Major ocean currents transport cold Antarctic Bottom Water out to the rest of the world. Jacqui Stuart, VUW, CC BY-NC-ND
For the past decade, Antarctic sea ice has been in decline. It hasn’t been a steady trend, but each year since 2016 less sea ice has formed compared to historic averages.
Antarctica’s annual maximum sea ice extent in September 2023 was the lowest on record, with approximately 1.75 million square kilometres less sea ice than normal – an area equivalent to about 6.5 times the land area of Aotearoa.
Change happening at the continental scale is usually well documented and publicised. However, smaller, more local changes are also occurring in places such as McMurdo Sound, the home of Aotearoa New Zealand’s only Antarctic outpost.
For four of the last seven years, unseasonable winter southerly storms have been associated with significant delays in the timing of sea-ice formation within McMurdo Sound.
Where measurements were taken during these “unusual” years, the sea ice that formed later was thinner (1.5 metres compared to 2.5 metres) and had less snow cover (about 5 centimetres versus 15-30 centimetres) compared to the same locations during “typical” years.
Ken Ryan and Jacqui Stuart measuring the depth of sea ice and the sub-ice platelet layer in McMurdo Sound in 2022. Svenja Halfter, NIWA, CC BY-NC-ND
Icy reefs and algal meadows
Another type of ice, known as “platelet ice”, also appears to be affected by the later formation of sea ice.
A layer of platelet ice extends into the ocean below the sea ice in some regions around Antarctica, including McMurdo Sound. It is a fragile lattice structure made up of loosely consolidated plate-shaped ice crystals, creating an upside-down reef-like structure.
The resulting protective environment is a hot spot for primary productivity – microscopic algae that support the base of the marine food web. When sea ice forms later, the platelet ice doesn’t have as much time to accumulate beneath and can be metres thinner than beneath older ice (down to about 1 metre from more than 3 metres).
Scientist collecting cores of sea ice in McMurdo Sound. Jacqui Stuart, VUW, CC BY-NC-ND
Why should we care about sea ice? Because, it isn’t just a frozen, lifeless sheet expanding out from the continent, broken by the odd silhouette of a seal or a gathering of penguins on the top.
Beneath the desolate surface, where ice meets water, green meadows of microalgae can spread out as far as the eye can see.
View from under the sea ice in McMurdo Sound, with the sub-ice platelet layer extending down into the water. The green-yellow tinge shows thriving microalgae living within the reef-like structure. Leigh Tate, NIWA, CC BY-NC-ND
Microalgae are single-cell, plant-like organisms that use sunlight to create energy. Similar to land-based meadows, they provide food for many other creatures. In winter, when other sources of food can be scarce, this sea-ice superstore plays a crucial role in feeding other inhabitants of McMurdo Sound.
Diminishing algal diversity under thinner sea ice
Our research indicates that when the sea ice forms later, microalgal communities living within the ice are also different. In later-forming sea ice, these vital communities are less diverse and dominated by fewer species.
Some species usually abundant in earlier-forming sea ice are absent or in low numbers when the sea ice forms later. Interestingly, though, it appears the quantity of microalgae in later-forming ice conditions is similar to “typical” ice. However, instead of being spread out through almost three metres depth of the platelet layer, they are crammed into a metre-thick habitat instead.
These microscopic snacks are diverse in shape, size and the roles they play in the ecosystem. It can help to think of microalgal communities as the produce section in the supermarket. Each type has preferred growing conditions and different nutritional values, producing varied quantities of important resources such as proteins, carbohydrates and fatty acids.
Microalgae come in different shapes, sizes and nutritional content, like fruits and vegetables. Jacqui Stuart, VUW, CC BY-NC-ND
Imagine, one winter the weather is different and all that grows are cabbages and sweet peas. These won’t provide you with all the nutrients you need. This mirrors the problem when there is less diversity at the base of the food web. As the microalgal communities shift in the ways our research has observed, the quantity and quality of resources they provide are likely to change, too.
These early signals matter. They foreshadow wider ecological impacts, especially, if Antarctic sea ice continues to thin, retreat or form later each year.
We need more research to establish the nuances of these changes and the extent of their impact. But it is worth remembering that what happens at the base of the food web in Antarctica doesn’t necessarily stay there. These changes could ripple through ecosystems further afield with the potential to affect key fisheries in the Southern Ocean.
By paying close attention now, we have a chance to understand and adapt, to ensure ecosystems stay resilient in a changing world.
Natalie Robinson receives funding from the Marsden Fund and Antarctic Science Platform. She is affiliated with New Zealand Antarctic Society.
Jacqui Stuart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonathan W. Marshall, Associate Professor & Postgraduate Research Coordinator, Western Australian Academy of Performing Arts, Edith Cowan University
“Tamaokoshi (たまおこし-) – Evocation” (2013) by Yumi Umiumare. Performers: Umiumare, Felix Ching Ching Ho, Fina
Po, Helen Smith, Willow Conway, Sevastian Peters-Lazaro, Takashi Takiguchi.Photo by Vikk Shayen, reproduced courtesy of Umiumare and Shayen.
Post-war Japan was home to exciting new theatrical forms. These included the often grotesque and contorted, but at times flowing, dance style “butoh”, created by dancer/choreographer Hijikata Tatsumi – and the intensely focused, sometimes militaristic, sometimes dreamy theatre of Suzuki Tadashi.
Both Hijikata’s and Suzuki’s work attracted followers in Australia, and continue to have influence today. They often exchanged ideas, and several of Hijikata’s former dancers performed in Suzuki’s productions.
Here’s a brief history of how these two helped bring Japanese performance to Australia – and how local artists made it their own.
Suzuki’s training method
Visits by Japanese performing artists to Australia increased during the 1990s, with Melbourne’s Playbox Theatre commissioning Suzuki Tadashi to direct an Australian cast in The Chronicle of Macbeth (1992). But even before he came here, several Australians visited his training institution in the Japanese mountains.
Suzuki is best known for his training method, in which performers stomp up and down in a line, or swiftly move from one physical position to another.
Suzuki claims this generates an actor who, even when standing still, is full of suppressed energy like a “Boeing 747, its brakes on and engines full-throttle just before take-off”.
The performances themselves often have a dreamlike quality, similar to the Japanese noh theatre that inspired Suzuki.
Tanaka brings butoh to Australia
The first of Hijikata’s students to reach Australia was Japanese performer Tanaka Min. Tanaka appeared at the 1982 Sydney Biennale, showcasing his dance style of “Body Weather”.
The Sydney Morning Herald described it as “the relationship between body and place […] improvisation and […] textures” – viewed as a shifting microclimate of impulses moving between the dancer’s body and their surroundings.
Tanaka claimed Hijikata and his principal dancer Ashikawa Yoko taught him 1,000 embodied states that were prompted or described by poetic images or motifs. He passed these on to several Australian performers through his own training.
Although similar to Hijikata’s approach, Tanaka’s focus on the body as an interactive landscape was unique to his version of butoh.
Yumi Umiumare
Japanese choreographer-director Maro Akaji had the greatest influence on Australian physical performance. His butoh company, Dairakudakan, appeared at the 1992 Melbourne Festival and left behind dancer Yumi Umiumare, who settled in the city. Dairakudakan established some of the key motifs recognisable in early Australian butoh.
Maro’s Tale of the Sea-Dappled Horse (1991), opens with a group of almost-naked dancers in white makeup performing a grotesque group dance, coming together in a pulsating mass. As author Bruce Baird describes it, “on their hands and knees […] they convulse progressively energetically”.
Umiumare’s Japanese heritage gives her the most direct link to butoh’s origins. After performing solos, duets and character roles, she developed what she calls “butoh cabaret”. This often surrealistically funny style is similar to Melbourne’s zanier comedy shows, as well as Dairakudakan’s own “grand seminarrative spectacles”.
Umiumare says even her serious works in Melbourne were aimed at “audiences [who] really wanted a laugh”. In a 1995 cabaret skit, she parodied Madonna’s famous pointed cone bra costume. She pulled out accordian-style tubes placed over her breasts to render herself a phallic woman, before threatening and flirting with spectators.
Umiumare continues to train and direct ensembles.
Tess de Quincey
Choreographer-dancer Tess de Quincey was the first non-Japanese, Australian-based artist to focus on Japanese physical theatre. She trained with Tanaka in Japan from 1985, before returning to performing in Sydney in 1988.
De Quincey’s early Australian shows of 1988 and 1989 featured her naked body, all white like the Japanese butoh dancers, twisting and shifting in semi darkness.
She later produced introspective multimedia works such as Nerve 9 (2001-05), structured around the slow unfolding of dissociated bodily gestures.
Zen Zen Zo Physical Theatre
Hijikata’s butoh style was further explored by the Brisbane-based Zen Zen Zo Physical Theatre, founded by performer/director/trainer Lynne Bradley and director/trainer Simon Woods. The pair also witnessed Suzuki’s training in Japan.
Zen Zen Zo’s fusion of butoh, Suzuki’s method, and Jacques Lecoq’s approach to clowning culminated in the 1996 production The Cult of Dionysus, performed at the Brisbane Festival.
Audiences described a “glamorously grotesque” chorus, attired in “ragged skirts of rich reds, oranges and pinks, and strings of beads across their […] bare torsos,” “smeared” with ochre.
Although Zen Zen Zo’s work became increasingly varied during the 2000s, it still trains in Suzuki’s method.
Frank Theatre
Another pair dedicated to Suzuki’s theatre and training were former contemporary dancers Jacqui Carroll and John Nobbs. The pair founded Frank Theatre in Brisbane in 1992, drawing on many of the same performers as Zen Zen Zo.
Nobbs rejected any dilution of Suzuki’s method, going on to develop what he characterises as an unsullied “regional variant”. Carroll and Nobbs also retained the often riotous grotesquerie and absurdism of Suzuki’s productions.
Frank Theatre’s masterpiece was Carroll’s Doll Seventeen (2002), an adaptation of Ray Lawler’s Summer of the Seventeenth Doll (1955). Very similar to a Japanese noh play in its sense of inevitability, the characters intoned their words as though trapped in a slowly unfolding nightmare.
Crisscrossing the Pacific
Hijikata and Suzuki have also inspired performance-makers more distant from Japanese tradition.
Australian dance company Marrugeku combines certain elements of Japanese theatre with First Nations performance.
Similarly, multidisiplinary Māori–Australian artist Victoria Hunt combines butoh influences with her own whakapapa, or Māori genealogy.
And Tony Yap, of Malaysian Chinese descent, has developed what he calls “trance dance”, drawing on Hijikata’s writings, Polish theatre director Jerzy Grotowski’s’s theatre of bodily and spiritual transfiguration, and Yap’s own background in Southeast Asian possession rituals.
In these, and other exchanges, performance practices crisscross the Pacific, from Japan to Aotearoa New Zealand, to Australia, to Malaysia, and back.
Some of Jonathan W. Marshall’s research into butoh was supported by an ARC-LIEF grant.
Two Victorian Liberal women, Jane Hume and Sarah Henderson, have been dumped and a key numbers man has been promoted from the backbench to the shadow cabinet in the new frontbench announced by Coalition leaders Sussan Ley and David Littleproud.
Hume was the high-profile finance spokeswoman last term and central in the disastrous work-from-home election policy debacle.
Henderson was shadow education minister, and complained after the election about not being able to get some of her policy out. She said in a statement she was “very disappointed” not to be included in the shadow ministry. “I regret that a number of high performing Liberal women have been overlooked or demoted in the new ministry”.
Alex Hawke, who was numbers man for Scott Morrison, and has played that role for Ley, becomes shadow minister for industry and innovation as well as manager of opposition business in the House of Representatives.
The shadow ministry was unveiled after a Nationals party meeting earlier on Wednesday formally signed off on re-forming the Coalition, just over a week after it had dramatically split.
Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, who defected from the Nationals in a vain hope of becoming deputy Liberal leader, is shadow minister for defence industry, outside the shadow cabinet. Price has lost out by her move – she would have been in the shadow cabinet if she had stayed in the Nationals. She indicated on Wednesday night she would continue to speak widely on issues.
The post of “government efficiency” that Peter Dutton created for Price has been scrapped.
As expected, Liberal deputy Ted O’Brien, who carried the nuclear debate for the opposition in the last term, becomes shadow treasurer. The deputy leader has the right to choose their own portfolio.
Apart from O’Brien, the opposition economic team includes James Paterson in finance, Andrew Bragg in productivity, deregulation and housing, and Tim Wilson in industrial relations, employment and small business.
This is a promotion for Paterson, considered a good performer on national security issues last term, and a big reward for Wilson for dislodging teal MP Zoe Daniel. There is a partial recount in Wilson’s seat of Goldstein at Daniel’s request, but he is considered safe.
The opposition’s Senate leader Michaelia Cash receives the plum job of shadow foreign minister, while Angus Taylor, who ran unsuccessfully for leader, becomes shadow defence minister.
Andrew Hastie, who wanted to move from the defence post, is in home affairs. Hastie decided not to run for leader after the election but is seen as positioning himself for a bid at some point in the future. He told the ABC this week: “Timing is really important in political life”.
Kerrynne Liddle is shadow minister for Indigenous Australians, as well as having social services. Angie Bell becomes shadow minister for the environment while Dan Tehan is spokesman on energy and emissions reduction.
Jonathon Duniam becomes education spokesman. Julian Leeser takes over shadow attorney-general, a position he held early last term before he resigned over the Voice.
The Nationals, who wanted a stronger economic voice, have
won the position of shadow assistant treasurer, which goes to Pat Conaghan.
For their part, the Liberals have sliced off part of the infrastructure portfolio, held by the Nationals’ Bridget Mckenzie, to create a new shadow ministry for urban infrastructure and cities, which goes to Queensland senator James McGrath.
Gisele Kapterian, who as of late Wednesday was only three votes ahead of teal Nicolette Boele for the Sydney seat of Bradfield, will become a shadow assistant minister if she wins.
For Ley, the shadow frontbench reflects a juggling act of rewarding supporters while seeking to not excessively alienate those who opposed her.
She was reluctant to be drawn on her dumping of Hume, who supported Taylor in the leadership. “I don’t reflect on private conversations. I will say this; These are tough days and having been through many days like this myself in my parliamentary career, I recognise that.”
Tensions in the Nationals
Though the Coalition is back together, ructions within the Nationals are continuing, with the longer-term implications for Littleproud unclear.
Two former Nationals leaders, Michael McCormack and Barnaby Joyce, have been excluded from frontbench positions. Both had been critical of breaking the Coalition.
McCormack welcomed the Coalition rejoining, but said “we should never have been apart”. Of his exclusion from the frontbench, he told reporter in his home city of Wagga Wagga, “I’m disappointed, but life goes on”.
Nationals Colin Boyce, from Queensland, attacked Littleproud on Wednesday saying, “How can you support a bloke who misled the party room?” Boyce, speaking on Sky, said the party room had not been told “the whole truth about the conversations, the letters, the little extras that were demanded”.
It was later revealed Littleproud had asked for Nationals shadow ministry to have freedom to freelance on policy. This was rejected by Ley, which Littleproud then accepted.
The Coalition now faces a defining coming battle over whether to stay committed to the target of reducing emissions to net zero by 2050.
Joyce – under whom the Nationals signed up to net zero – flagged he would push for change.
He said net zero was a disaster for the economy and the environment, and most importantly for “poor people because they can’t afford their power bills”.
Nationals senator Matt Canavan, who ran for the leadership against Littleproud, is a constant campaigner against net zero.
Hastie this week described net zero as “a straitjacket that I’m already getting out of”.
Ley was confident she and Littleproud could work well together. “Personally, David and I will be friends. I think a woman who got her start in the shearing sheds of western Queensland can always find something to talk about over a steak and a beer, David, with you, the person who represents those communities now.”
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In a decision surprising very few people, Australia’s new environment minister Murray Watt has signed off on an extension for the gas plant at Karratha, part of the enormous North West Shelf liquefied natural gas project.
The decision had been deferred until after the federal election, given significant environmental concerns around the project.
This approval means the gas plant at Karratha can now keep running until 2070. The Woodside-operated project has helped to shape Australia’s reputation as one of the biggest suppliers of LNG in the world.
Watt did not have to consider climate impacts, but rather what damage the extension might do to ancient rock art as well as economic and social matters. His approval is “subject to strict conditions”, which largely focus on air emissions from the project. Critics claim the extension will threaten irreplaceable 50,000 year old rock carvings and petroglyphs.
The decision will enrage environmentalists. If the project continues to operate, it has been estimated to generate four billion tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions over 50 years.
Australia has committed to reach net zero emissions by 2050. But the majority of the gas extracted from the North West Shelf will be exported, meaning the huge emissions generated from its extraction, liquefaction, transportation and burning will not be counted domestically.
But while the Karratha plant now has a lifeline, there’s still an open question about where the gas will come from. For decades, the plant has processed gas from the North Rankin, Perseus and Goodwyn gasfields offshore. These are now running out.
The main purpose of extending the Karratha plant’s lifespan would be to process gas extracted from giant new gasfields lying underneath the pristine Scott Reef. Approval to open these gasfields has not yet been given because of the significant concerns extraction will damage the reefs.
What is the North West Shelf Project?
The North West Shelf development has been operational since the 1980s. Gas is extracted from huge basins located off the Pilbara coast and processed at the Karratha plant on the Burrup Peninsula.
To date, only a third of the 33 trillion cubic feet of gas in this basin has been extracted.
Woodside Petroleum is the project operator, holding a one-third shareholding along with Chevron and Shell in what is known as the North West Shelf Joint Venture.
The project is the largest producer of domestic gas in Western Australia, providing almost two-thirds of the state’s consumption. In the 2023-2024 financial year, it produced gas worth about A$70 billion.
Domestic consumers are paying much more for this gas than their international counterparts. For example, a $25 billion contract entered into with China in 2002 includes a guarantee prices will remain the same until 2031.
With the rapid escalation of gas prices, this means China is paying a third of the price paid by domestic consumers. Other markets for the gas include Japan and South Korea, which lack domestic gas resources.
Worse, a recent study showed emissions from LNG are 33% higher than coal over a 20 year period when extraction, piping to a processing facility, compression, shipping, decompression and burning for energy are considered. “Ending the use of LNG should be a global priority,” the report concludes.
Turning methane-heavy natural gas into a liquid to allow it to be shipped overseas is energy intensive. Large leaks of methane from wells and pipes are common during extraction and transport. When the gas is finally burned to generate energy, it produces carbon dioxide.
In China, coal’s share of electricity production has been eroded by renewables but not by LNG, according to the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis.
From a big picture point of view, climate commitments can’t be met if high-emitting infrastructure keeps being commissioned. Alongside stopping the expansion of fossil fuel projects, existing fossil fuel infrastructure must be retired or retrofitted with cleaner technology.
Eroding ancient rock art
The project’s processing plant is located on the Burrup Peninsula, also known as Murujaga. But this peninsula also has about 500,000 rock carvings by First Nations groups, the densest concentration in the world. In 2023, former environment minister Tanya Plibersek announced a bid to give this area World Heritage listing.
In a new draft decision, the United Nations World Heritage Committee flagged concerns over the bid and referred it back to the Australian government to “ensure the total removal of degrading acidic emissions” and “prevent any further industrial development” near the petroglyphs.
Gas production and ancient rock art are poorly matched. Research suggests processing plant gases such as nitrogen dioxide, sulphur dioxide and ammonia have been gradually eroding the fragile petroglyphs for decades. Successive state and federal governments have failed to act to safeguard this area.
Gas projects seem untouchable
Approving the North West Shelf extension is a disaster for the environment, our climate commitments and the fragile and irreplaceable rock art in Murujuga.
It would seem that despite well-founded concerns on many fronts, big gas projects in Australia are all but untouchable.
Samantha Hepburn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
On Wednesday, Nobel laureate Brian Schmidt and economics professor Richard Holden gave a joint address to the National Press Club in Canberra. Their key message? Australia isn’t spending enough money on university research.
Schmidt wants to ensure Australia can undertake research vital to our national interests.
“I look around and I am scared,” Schmidt said. “The Australian government investment in its sovereign research capability was 50% higher 15 years ago as a fraction of GDP.”
In his remarks, Holden warned, “we’ve become addicted to funding […] research capability through international student income”.
If this sounds familiar, both Schmidt and Holden have made similar calls before. And their press club presentation follows constant and repeated repeated calls from the university sector for more funds.
How much is Australia spending on research and how does this compare to other countries?
How does Australia compare?
When we look around the world, Australia is lagging when it comes to research spending. Australia spends roughly 1.7% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on all forms of research and development.
Our research expenditure has also decreased every year since 2008, according to the Australian Academy of Science.
Meanwhile, based on World Bank data, the United States spends about 3.59% of their GDP on research. China might only spend 2.56% of its GDP, but that’s 2.56% of around US$18.7 trillion (A$29 trillion) – meaning China spends about US$500 billion ($778 billion) on research annually.
The OECD average (across 38 member countries) is 2.7%, a full percentage point higher than Australia. We’re also underspending compared to other nations smaller than us, including:
– Finland has a population roughly one-fifth of Australia and spends 2.96% of its GDP on research
– Sweden has a population of about 10 million and spends 3.41%.
Australia’s top research universities (the Group of Eight), argue Australia needs to work towards a target of 3% GDP to “underwrite national prosperity”.
The funding we have is unstable
Australia’s university research funding also lacks stability.
Government only funds part of university research – so universities have to come up with the rest. This adds a layer of vulnerability to our research system.
But while the requests may not change, the global security context is shifting. As Schmidt told the press club,
We can expect new technologies based around small-scale automated machines, hypersonic missiles and computer warfare to feature prominently if we are to have future conflicts between advanced economies.
In such a case the research capability of a country will be incredibly important at influencing the overall winners and losers, because once the conflict starts, you ‘have what you got’.
If we don’t properly fund universities to do cutting-edge research, such as quantum science, robotics and cybersecurity, researchers will go elsewhere to do their work. And some funders might not have Australian interests at heart.
China, Russia and the European Union have leapt on US President Donald Trump’s recent decisions to defund or halt research programs, creating funds worth billions of dollars to woo scientists and scholars from the US to their own countries.
What options do we have?
The Albanese government has commissioned a strategic review of Australia’s research and development sector (led by Tesla chair Robyn Denholm), which is due to report by the end of the year. Part of its remit is to look at “mechanisms to improve coordination and impact of [research and development] funding and programs […].”
In an ideal world, this will prompt the federal government up its funding of research, to match other countries. But previous unheard calls suggests this is unlikely.
But we can also be more creative. Perhaps industry can fill the gap with an Australian “Silicon Valley” where emerging industries can be clustered with universities in research partnerships. This is what some authors have called “innovation precincts”.
We could also look at prioritising industry-based PhDs, so postdoctoral students have a research job when they graduate. Or we could consider reallocating government funds going to other sources, such as defence, on topics of military or intelligence importance.
This could see university funding pools become broader and deeper, more diversified and better suited to our national interests.
Brendan Walker-Munro has completed paid consultancies for the Australian Strategic Policy Institute and Independent National Security Legislation Monitor. He receives funding from the Australian Government under the Australia-India Cyber and Critical Technologies Partnership.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lara Herrero, Associate Professor and Research Leader in Virology and Infectious Disease, Griffith University
As we enter the colder months in Australia, COVID is making headlines again, this time due to the emergence of a new variant: NB.1.8.1.
Last week, the World Health Organization designated NB.1.8.1 as a “variant under monitoring”, owing to its growing global spread and some notable characteristics which could set it apart from earlier variants.
So what do you need to know about this new variant?
The current COVID situation
More than five years since COVID was initially declared a pandemic, we’re still experiencing regular waves of infections.
It’s more difficult to track the occurrence of the virus nowadays, as fewer people are testing and reporting infections. But available data suggests in late May 2025, case numbers in Australia were ticking upwards.
Genomic sequencing has confirmed NB.1.8.1 is among the circulating strains in Australia, and generally increasing. Of cases sequenced up to May 6 across Australia, NB.1.8.1 ranged from less than 10% in South Australia to more than 40% in Victoria.
Internationally NB.1.8.1 is also growing. By late April 2025, it comprised roughly 10.7% of all submitted sequences – up from just 2.5% four weeks prior. While the absolute number of cases sequenced was still modest, this consistent upward trend has prompted closer monitoring by international public health agencies.
NB.1.8.1 has been spreading particularly in Asia – it was the dominant variant in Hong Kong and China at the end of April.
It’s a sublineage of the Omicron variant, descending from the recombinant XDV lineage. “Recombinant” is where a new variant arises from the genetic mixing of two or more existing variants.
The image to the right shows more specifically how NB.1.8.1 came about.
What does the research say?
Like its predecessors, NB.1.8.1 carries a suite of mutations in the spike protein. This is the protein on the surface of the virus that allows it to infect us – specifically via the ACE2 receptors, a “doorway” to our cells.
The mutations include T22N, F59S, G184S, A435S, V445H, and T478I. It’s early days for this variant, so we don’t have much data on what these changes mean yet. But a recent preprint (a study that has not yet been peer reviewed) offers some clues about why NB.1.8.1 may be gathering traction.
Using lab-based models, researchers found NB.1.8.1 had the strongest binding affinity to the human ACE2 receptor of several variants tested – suggesting it may infect cells more efficiently than earlier strains.
The study also looked at how well antibodies from vaccinated or previously infected people could neutralise or “block” the variant. Results showed the neutralising response of antibodies was around 1.5 times lower to NB.1.8.1 compared to another recent variant, LP.8.1.1.
This means it’s possible a person infected with NB.1.8.1 may be more likely to pass the virus on to someone else, compared to earlier variants.
What are the symptoms?
The evidence so far suggests NB.1.8.1 may spread more easily and may partially sidestep immunity from prior infections or vaccination. These factors could explain its rise in sequencing data.
But importantly, the WHO has not yet observed any evidence it causes more severe disease compared to other variants.
Reports suggest symptoms of NB.1.8.1 should align closely with other Omicron subvariants.
Common symptoms include sore throat, fatigue, fever, mild cough, muscle aches and nasal congestion. Gastrointestinal symptoms may also occur in some cases.
There’s potential for this variant to play a significant role in Australia’s winter respiratory season. Public health responses remain focused on close monitoring, continued genomic sequencing, and promoting the uptake of updated COVID boosters.
The most recent booster available in Australia and many other countries targets JN.1, from which NB.1.8.1 is descended. So it makes sense it should still offer good protection.
Ahead of winter and with a new variant on the scene, now may be a good time to consider another COVID booster if you’re eligible. For some people, particularly those who are medically vulnerable, COVID can still be a serious disease.
Lara Herrero receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.
Papua New Guinea’s state broadcaster NBC wants shortwave radio reintroduced to achieve the government’s goal of 100 percent broadcast coverage by 2030.
Last week, the broadcaster hosted a workshop on the reintroduction of shortwave radio transmission, bringing together key government agencies and other stakeholders.
NBC had previously a shortwave signal, but due to poor maintenance and other factors, the system failed.
The NBC’s 50-year logo to coincide with Papua New Guinea’s half century independence anniversary celebrations. Image: NBC
Its managing director Kora Nou spoke with RNZ Pacific about the merits of a return to shortwave.
Kora Nou: We had shortwave at NBC about 20 or so years ago, and it reached almost the length and breadth of the country.
So fast forward 20, we are going to celebrate our 50th anniversary. Our network has a lot more room for improvement at the moment, that’s why there’s the thinking to revisit shortwave again after all this time.
Don Wiseman: It’s a pretty cheap medium, as we here at RNZ Pacific know, but not too many people are involved with shortwave anymore. In terms of the anniversary in September, you’re not going to have things up and running by then, are you?
KN: It’s still early days. We haven’t fully committed, but we are actively pursuing it to see the viability of it.
We’ve visited one or two manufacturers that are still doing it. We’ve seen some that are still on, still been manufactured, and also issues surrounding receivers. So there’s still hard thinking behind it.
We still have to do our homework as well. So still early days and we’ve got the minister who’s asked us to explore this and then give him the pros and cons of it.
DW: Who would you get backing from? You’d need backing from international donors, wouldn’t you?
KN: We will put a business case into it, and then see where we go from there, including where the funding comes from — from government or we talk to our development partners.
There’s a lot of thinking and work still involved before we get there, but we’ve been asked to fast track the advice that we can give to government.
DW: How important do you think it is for everyone in the country to be able to hear the national broadcaster?
KN: It’s important, not only being the national broadcaster, but [with] the service it provides to our people.
We’ve got FM, which is good with good quality sound. But the question is, how many does it reach? It’s pretty critical in terms of broadcasting services to our people, and 50 years on, where are we? It’s that kind of consideration.
I think the bigger contention is to reintroduce software transmission. But how does it compare or how can we enhance it through the improved technology that we have nowadays as well? That’s where we are right now.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philippa Collin, Professor of Political Sociology, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University
It’s been 30 years since Natasha Stott Despoja became the youngest woman ever elected to the Australian Parliament. A 25-year-old Sarah Hanson-Young beat that record slightly in 2007.
Just over a decade later, the Australian Electoral Commission has confirmed another record-breaking young woman will be entering parliament: 21-year-old Charlotte Walker, in sixth Senate spot for South Australia.
Walker’s election is remarkable because she’s young and she’s female. Both these characteristics run against long-standing trends in Australian politics.
It’s also a reminder of why young people’s representation, both inside and outside parliament, matters for the whole society.
The result of a ‘youth quake’?
In the 2025 election, Gen Z and Millennial voters outnumbered older generations.
While we cannot treat the “youth vote” as a homogeneous bloc, expert analysis of the lower house votes shows young people contributed to the shift away from the Liberals and minor parties in specific seats.
This groundswell helped create a landslide of support for Labor, despite a primary vote of less than 35%.
Amid these changes, Walker joins a select few very young people ever elected to federal parliament.
Wyatt Roy remains the youngest person to take up a federal political post. He was just 20 years old when he entered the lower house in 2010, representing the Queensland seat of Longman for the Liberals.
In 2017, 23-year-old Jordan Steele-John became the youngest senator in Australia’s history, representing the Greens for Western Australia.
According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, this track record puts Australia fifth among the top-ranked democracies for parliamentarians under 30 years old in the upper chamber.
While this suggests Australia does well in having young people represented, only 20.1% of the upper house is under the age of 45. For comparison, the youngest parliament in the world is in Bhutan, with 70.8% of upper house members aged under 45.
So, while they make up more than 30% of the electorate, Millennial and Gen Z Australians are far from proportionately represented.
The growing power of women?
Previous electoral study data indicates young people and women tend to be more progressive and more likely to vote for the Greens and progressive minor parties and candidates.
This, in combination with preference flows, almost certainly contributed significantly to the Labor result in both houses.
Another consequence is the 48th parliament will have more female representation than any other, with women making up more than half of the Senate and occupying a record 66 seats in the House of Representatives.
For the first time in Australia’s history, there will be a female majority in the Cabinet.
This is despite women still being less likely to join the major political parties or see themselves running for public office.
But my research over two decades indicates there is a surge of girls and young women leading and participating in non-traditional volunteering, social enterprises and social movements.
For example, in the leadership of the student climate movement in Australia, we see mostly young women taking charge of political organising and action. They express strong visions for a better, more equitable and viable world.
To maintain this positive move in young, female representation, political parties and the networks supporting independents would be wise to start engaging seriously with them.
Youth visibility matters
Greater youth representation in formal institutions of government is urgently needed. Young people in Australia face unprecedented levels of economic difficulty and systemic inequality.
The costs of tertiary education is higher than ever. Australia currently collects more in student loan repayments (A$4.9 billion) than it does from the Petroleum Resource Rent Tax ($2.3 billion).
With the high costs of living, many students are living in poverty. Some universities and their leaders are calling for urgent policy change to address these challenges.
For those who can afford to buy a house, the average age of first home purchase is now 36 years – more than a decade older than in the early 2000s. People are taking on bigger loans for longer. They also dedicate a greater proportion of their income to repayments.
These pressures can be even more significant for First Nations young people, who receive less recognition and representation in Australian politics and policy-making. This is despite the fact they can show enormous leadership in researching, documenting and proposing policy recommendations for all levels of government.
Such issues, along with systematic challenges – such as a grossly unequal tax system – mean Walker and her fellow parliamentarians have some big opportunities to drive change in areas that matter to all young people.
Perhaps the election of Charlotte Walker is a sign of things to come: a parliament and Australian democracy more attuned, more representative and more responsive to the needs of this generation of young people and those to come.
Philippa Collin receives funding from the Australian Research Council, batyr, Telstra Foundation, Google AU/NZ, Academy Of The Social Sciences In Australia and the Centre for Resilient and Inclusive Societies.
Satellite images reveal the dust storm formed in the Mid-North region of South Australia, east of Spencer Gulf, at around 11am on Monday. It then travelled through western Victoria into New South Wales, reaching Sydney approximately 18 hours later.
It’s an odd time of year for a dust storm, but South Australia is in drought. The soil is very dry, bare and loose. So when a cold front with strong winds moved through SA earlier this week, it picked up lots of dust.
This demonstrates how everything is interconnected in Australia, despite the nation’s huge size. Extreme weather events such as drought in one part of the country can cause trouble for people “downwind”, hundreds of kilometres away. Climate change is likely to further raise the risk of dust storms in the future.
Sydney’s air quality tumbled after the dust cloud settled on the city | 7NEWS.
The dust bowl era
In the 1930s, prolonged drought in the United States coupled with poor land management practices caused devastating dust storms. This eroded valuable agricultural soils and forced many families off the land. All this took place across the Central Plains, which became known as the American Dust Bowl – later immortalised in Steinbeck’s book The Grapes of Wrath.
Australia experienced its own smaller dust bowl about a century after British settlers arrived. Overgrazing in the late 1800s removed native vegetation from large parts of western New South Wales. Dust storm activity picked up dramatically from the late 1800s onwards and hit a maximum in 1944-45 during the World War II drought.
Fortunately, the dust storms and drought experienced during the 1940s soon prompted a change in both policy and attitude. The focus of land management shifted from “taming the land” to more sustainable use, such as moving livestock around from time to time – allowing paddocks to rest and recover. The government also provided more financial support to manage drought.
Growing awareness and the desire to protect environmental assets also led to development of the NSW Soil Conservation Service.
Australia has continued to experience heightened dust activity and major dust storms after 1945. In 2009, Sydney awoke to what looked like apocalyptic scenes straight out of the movie Mad Max when a dust storm engulfed the city.
The last big dusty period was the Black Summer of 2019-20. Parts of NSW such as Wagga Wagga and Sydney were shrouded in smoke and dust for days. But there were significantly fewer “dust storm days” compared to 1944-45. This is partly due to improved land management practices that value sustainability, including the revegetation of denuded land.
The movie Mad Max featured apocalyptic dust storm scenes.
Recent research suggests southern Australia may experience longer and more frequent droughts in the future. Grazing and cropping will put extra pressure on the land.
In addition, the cold fronts that typically trigger large dust storms are expected to intensify with climate change. This means a growing chance of major dust storms such as the one this week.
Dust is a health hazard
Dust consists of tiny particles, some smaller than the width of a single strand of hair. These particles may include sand, topsoil, pollen, microbes, iron and other minerals, lifted into the air.
During the latest dust storm, health authorities warned people with respiratory issues to stay indoors and monitor symptoms.
Developing early warning systems
The 2019-20 dusty period and the current SA drought shows Australia can still fall victim to these major dust storms. But there are things we can do to be better prepared and more resilient.
The United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification suggests better ways to reduce harm from dust. These include improving land management practices, implementing early warning systems and improving monitoring of dust events.
On the ground, NSW is well equipped to monitor dust through the DustWatch network. The air quality monitoring network acts as an early warning system, particularly for people in Sydney living downwind of sources interstate. But usually no more than 12-24 hours notice is provided. This means the authorities might might start to prepare to issue a warning when they detect poor air quality in Western NSW.
However, these systems pale in comparison to the predictive capacity available in South Korea and Japan. There, alerts of dust storms and poor air quality can be issued days in advance.
Using our eyes in the sky
My PhD research project involves using satellites to deepen our understanding of where dust storms are coming from and where they might travel to.
For instance the Himawari-8/9 satellite scans Australia every ten minutes, allowing us to track the evolution of dust events from start to finish.
We can pinpoint almost the exact moment a dust storm begins. These areas can then be targeted using satellites to understand the conditions of the land causing dust storms to form and monitor high-risk areas for erosion in the future.
Putting technology to good use will get us part of the way to a more resilient Australia. There is also a clear need to adapt to the changing climate in our nation’s grazing and cropping systems.
Tegan Clark receives support from the Australian Government Research Training Program to undertake her PhD. She also works for Connected Farms, an ag-tech company. She is a volunteer with IncludeHer, a non-for-profit focused on gender equity in STEM education.