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Eugene Doyle: Yellow Peril!  Red Peril! ‘We cannot hide anymore’. Chinese warships in the Tasman Sea. 

Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific.

COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle

The Western media went into overdrive this week to work the laconic Kiwis into a mild frenzy over three Chinese naval vessels conducting exercises in the Tasman Sea a few thousand kilometres off our shores.

What was really behind this orchestrated campaign?

The New Zealand government led the rhetorical charge over the Hengyang, the Zunyi and the Weishanhu in mare nostrum (“Our Sea”, as the Romans liked to call the Mediterranean).

 “We cannot hide at this end of the world anymore,” Defence Minister Judith Collins said in light of three Chinese boats in the Tasman.

Warrior academics were next . “We need to go to the cutting edge, and we need to do that really, really fast,” the ever-reliable China hawk Anne-Marie Brady of Canterbury University said, telling 1 News the message of the live-firing exercises was that China wants to rule the waves.

The British Financial Times chimed in with a warning that “A confronting strategic future is arriving fast”.

Could this have anything to do with the fact we are fast approaching the New Zealand government’s 2025 budget and that they — and their Australian, US and UK allies — are intent on a major increase in Kiwi defence funding, moving from around 1.2 percent of GDP to possibly two percent? A long-anticipated Defence Capability Review is also around the corner and is likely to come with quite a shopping list of expensive gear.

The New Zealand government led the rhetorical charge over the Hengyang, the Zunyi and the Weishanhu in mare nostrum (“Our Sea”, as the Romans liked to call the Mediterranean). Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

What’s good for the goose . . .
It is worth pointing out that New Zealand and Australian warships sailed through the contested Taiwan Strait and elsewhere in the South China Sea as recently as September 2024. What’s good for the goose is good for the Panda.

And, of course, at any one time about 20 US nuclear submarines are prowling in the deep waters of the Pacific Ocean and South China Sea. Each can carry missiles the equivalent of over 1000 Hiroshima bombs — truly apocalyptic.

Veteran New Zealand peace campaigner Mike Smith (a friend) was not in total disagreement with the hawks when it came to the argy-bargy in the Tasman.

“The emergence apparently from nowhere of a Chinese naval expedition in our waters I think may be intended to demonstrate that they have a large and very capable blue water navy now and won’t be penned in by AUKUS submarines when and if they arrive off their coast.

“I think the main message is to the Australians: if you want to homebase nuclear-capable B-52s we have more than one way to come at you. That was also the message of the ICBM they sent into the Pacific: Australia is no longer an unsinkable aircraft carrier.”

According to the Asia Times, China fired the ICBM — the first such shot into the Pacific by China — just days after HMNZS Aotearoa sailed through the Taiwan Strait with Australian vessel HMAS Sydney.

Smith says our focus should be on building positive relationships in the Pacific on our terms. “Buying expensive popguns will not save us.”

China Scare a page out of Australia’s Red Scare playbook
For people good at pattern recognition this week’s China Scare was obviously a page or two out of the same playbook that duped a majority of Australians into believing China was going to invade Australia. They were lulled into a false sense of insecurity back in 2021 — the mediascape flooded with Red Alert, China panic stories about imminent war with the rising Asian power.

As a sign of how successful the mainstream media can be in generating fear that precedes major policy shifts: research by Australia’s Institute of International & Security Affairs showed that more Australians thought that China would soon attack Australia than Taiwanese believed China would attack Taiwan!

Once the population was conditioned, they woke one morning in September 2021 with the momentous news that Australia had ditched a $90 billion submarine defence deal with France and the country was now part of a new anti-Chinese military alliance called AUKUS. This was the playbook that came to mind last week.

There are strong, rational arguments that could be made to increase our spending at this time. But I loathe and decry this kind of manipulation, this manufacturing of consent.

I also fear what those billions of dollars will be used for. Defending our coastlines is one thing; joining an anti-Chinese military alliance to please the US is quite another.

Prime Minister Luxon has called China — our biggest trading partner — a strategic competitor. He has also suggested, somewhat ludicrously, that our military could be a “force multiplier” for Team AUKUS.

We are hitching ourselves to the US at the very time they have proven they treat allies as vassals, threatened to annex Greenland and the Panama Canal, continue to commit genocide in Gaza, and are now imposing an unequal treaty on Ukraine.


Australia’s ABC News on Foreign Minister Winston Peter’s talks in China. Video: ABC

Whose side – or calmer independence?
Whose side should we be on? Or should we return to a calmer, more independent posture?

And then there’s the question of priorities. The hawks may convince the New Zealand population that the China threat is serious enough that we should forgo spending money on child poverty, fixing our ageing infrastructure, investing in health and education and instead, as per pressure from our AUKUS partners, spend some serious coin — billions of dollars more — on defence.

Climate change is one battle that is being fought and lost. Will climate funding get the bullet so we can spend on military hardware? That would certainly get a frosty reaction from Pacific nations at the front edge of sea rise.

The government in New Zealand is literally taking the food out of children’s mouths to fund weapons systems. The Ka Ora, Ka Ako programme provides nutritious lunches every day to a quarter of a million of New Zealand’s most needy children.

Its funding has recently been slashed by over $100 million by the government despite its own advisors telling it that such programmes have profound long-term wellbeing benefits and contribute significantly to equity. In the next breath we are told we need to boost funding for our military.

The US appears determined to set itself on a collision course with China but we don’t have to be crash test dummies sitting alongside them. Prudence, preparedness, vigilance and risk-management are all to be devoutly wished for; hitching our fate to a hostile US containment strategy is bad policy both in economic and defence terms.

In the absence of a functioning media — one that showcases diverse perspectives and challenges power rather than works hand-in-glove with it — populations have been enlisted in the most abhorrent and idiotic campaigns: the Red Peril, the Jewish Peril and the Black Peril (in South Africa and the southern states of the USA), to name three.

Our media-political-military complex is at it again with this one — a kind of Yellow Peril Redux.

New Zealand trails behind both Australia and China in development assistance to the Pacific. If we wish to “counter” China, supporting our neighbours would be a better investment than encouraging an unwinnable arms race.

In tandem, I would advocate for a far deeper diplomatic and cultural push to understand and engage with China; that would do more to keep the region peaceful and may arrest the slow move in China towards seeking other markets for the high-quality primary produce that an increasingly bellicose New Zealand still wishes to sell them.

Let’s be friends to all, enemies of none. Keep the Pacific peaceful, neutral and nuclear-free.

Eugene Doyle is a community organiser and activist in Wellington, New Zealand. He received an Absolutely Positively Wellingtonian award in 2023 for community service. His first demonstration was at the age of 12 against the Vietnam War. This article was first published at his public policy website Solidarity and he is a regular contributor to Asia Pacific Report and Café Pacific.

This article was first published on Café Pacific.

Gene Hackman will be remembered as the Hollywood actor’s actor

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Will Jeffery, Sessional Academic, Discipline of Film Studies, University of Sydney

Gene Hackman, an acting titan of 1970s and ‘80s Hollywood with more than 80 screen credits to his name, has died at 95. He was found dead in his home with his wife, pianist Betsy Arakawa, and his dog.

Hackman had a rugged, dominating and commanding presence on screen, known for his emotionally honest, raw and fierce performances. Always the tough guy, never the romantic lead, off camera he was shy and enjoyed the quiet life.

I first saw Hackman as a child in The Poseidon Adventure (1972). My dad put the film on for the upside-down ocean liner disaster sequences, but it was Hackman who left a lasting impression. I vividly remember being so moved by his final speech berating God for deserting the ship’s passengers and crew while he hangs from a pressure valve door over flames.

There is no actor who comes close to conveying authority with such humanity and reserve.

He was often referred to as the actor’s actor and mentioned by Hollywood A-listers such as Kevin Costner as the best actor they’ve ever worked with. Clint Eastwood, once Hackman retired, described him as “too good not to be performing”.

Hackman will leave a legacy to be studied and appreciated for years to come.

Finding a foot in show business

Born in San Bernardino, California, on January 30 1930, Hackman’s family moved to Danville, Illinois, when he was three. Hackman’s father left when he was 13, which he described to James Lipton on Inside the Actors Studio as his father “driving by with a casual wave goodbye”.

Hackman joked to Lipton the departure of his father at an early age made him a better actor.

Hackman left Danville at the age of 16 to join the marines, where he spent roughly four years. He was a rebellious child, but as Peter Shelley detailed in his biography of Hackman, the marine corps was the first time he gave in to authority.

After the marine corps, Hackman moved to New York wanting to become an actor, telling people he was inspired by tough guy James “Jimmy” Cagney.

In New York, Hackman struggled making a living as an artist while waiting for his breakthrough (his uncle told him to give up and get an honest job). Moving to California, he became friends early on with Dustin Hoffman (they finally appeared opposite each other in Hackman’s penultimate film, 2003’s Runaway Jury).

After struggling for years, Hackman landed his first credited screen role in 1964’s Lilith at the age of 34. He played a small part opposite upcoming star Warren Beatty.

As Hackman recounted to Lipton, Beatty told director Arthur Penn how great Hackman was in a scene they did together. That landed Hackman his breakthrough role playing Buck Barrow opposite Beatty and Faye Dunaway in the 1967 hit Bonnie and Clyde, earning him an Oscar nomination for best supporting actor.

Breaking through in the 1970s

It wasn’t until the 1970s that Hackman began his leading role career, starring in The French Connection (1971) as the unforgettable hard-boiled New York detective Jimmy “Popeye” Doyle. This role earned him his first Academy Award, for best actor.

He was to wait more than 20 years for his second and final Academy Award, for playing the ruthless Little Bill Daggett opposite Clint Eastwood in Unforgiven (1992).

Throughout the 1970s, Hackman was gaining huge popularity on screen, sharing records with the likes of Robert Redford and Harrison Ford as the highest grossing stars at the box office.

There are too many great Hackman performances to mention, but my favourites are Unforgiven, The French Connection, The Poseidon Adventure, The Conversation (1974), Hoosiers (1986), Mississippi Burning (1988) and The Royal Tenenbaums (2001).

The French Connection’s director, William Friedkin, said in an interview Hackman was anti-authority and anti-racism because of his upbringing in an area known for its large Ku Klux Klan presence, and his absent father.

Hackman almost pulled out of The French Connection one week into shooting because he didn’t like “beating on people” for a four-month shoot. He told Friedkin “I don’t think I can do this,” but Friedkin refused to let him go.

Hackman recalled he was eternally grateful Friedkin didn’t, as it was “the start of [his] career”.

Hackman said his character Popeye Doyle was a “bigot, an antisemitic, and whatever else you wanted to call him”, and he famously struggled to say the N-word in one key scene. He initially protested the line but eventually went with it, believing “that’s who the guy is […] you couldn’t really whitewash him”.

Hackman often played the character who had the greatest authority on the surface but slipped up, whether he was playing the hero or the villain. Even for a role such as Reverend Scott in The Poseidon Adventure, in which Hackman played a self-righteous preacher onboard the capsized SS Poseidon, he questions his religion as he leads the entire band of escapees to safety.

A life after acting

Hackman retired from acting in 2004 at age 74.

There are many stories about why he retired, like, as Shelley writes, not wanting to play Hollywood “grandfathers” and his “heart wasn’t in shape”, but his life after acting gives a strong hint: he had other interests.

Over the past 20 years, Hackman wrote three historical fiction novels, was a keen painter, and enjoyed exercise such as cycling. Married to classical pianist Arakawa from 1991 until their death, they lived in Santa Fe, New Mexico, where he designed his own home (yes, he also loved architecture!).

A man of many talents who played a kaleidoscopic range of authoritative roles, Hackman will almost certainly be remembered mainly for his tough-guy performance in The French Connection – though many will also remember him as the Hollywood actor’s actor.

Will Jeffery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Gene Hackman will be remembered as the Hollywood actor’s actor – https://theconversation.com/gene-hackman-will-be-remembered-as-the-hollywood-actors-actor-233109

Grattan on Friday: Albanese falls victim to a Chinese burn

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

As the Albanese government struggles to stay on its political feet, who would have thought the China issue would suddenly insert itself into the campaign, leaving the prime minister looking, at best, flat-footed?

Improving and stabilising what had become a toxic bilateral relationship under Scott Morrison has been one of the Albanese government’s major pluses in its foreign and trade policy.

China has taken off all of the roughly $20 billion in barriers it had enacted on Australian exports. Australian lobsters are back on Chinese menus. And who can forget the PM’s visit to China, when he was lauded as “a handsome boy”.

But now, almost on the eve of the election campaign, a Chinese military exercise in the Tasman Sea has not just reminded Australians of Chinese military power, but has left the PM appearing poorly informed. Or not wanting to offend the Chinese.

Of course, China did not set out to force Anthony Albanese into what were publicly misleading comments. That was all his own doing.

The China incident was on the morning of Friday last week, when its navy commenced the live-fire exercise.

Albanese was briefed on Friday afternoon. Later in the day, a reporter asked him about an ABC report of “commercial pilots [being] warned about a potential hazard in airspace” where three Chinese warships had been sailing.

The PM said: “China issued, in accordance with practice, an alert that it would be conducting these activities, including the potential use of live fire”. This told, at best, a sliver of what was a rather alarming story.

The government says the Chinese had acted in accordance with the law but the amount of notice they’d given (which was not provided directly to Australia) was inadequate. Representations about this were made by Foreign Minister Penny Wong to the Chinese.

It took evidence before Senate estimates hearings this week to paint a full picture of what happened.

On Monday, Rob Sharp, CEO of Airservices Australia (the country’s civil air navigation services provider) told senators: “We became aware at two minutes to ten on Friday morning – and it was, in fact, a Virgin Australia aircraft that advised one of our air traffic controllers – that a foreign warship was broadcasting that they were conducting a live firing 300 nautical miles east off our coast. So that’s how we first found out about the issue.”

Initially, “we didn’t know whether it was a potential hoax or real”.

Meanwhile, a number of commercial planes were in the air and some diverted their routes.

On Wednesday, Australian Defence Force Chief David Johnston was asked at another estimates hearing whether Defence was only notified of what was happening from a Virgin flight and Airservices Australia 28 minutes after the Chinese operation firing window commenced. Johnston’s one-word reply was “Yes”.

Australia does not know whether the Chinese ships, which proceeded towards Tasmania, intend to circumnavigate the continent, or whether they have been accompanied by a submarine.

Relations with China won’t be a first-order issue with most voters at this cost-of-living election. But these events play to the Dutton opposition, for whom national security is home-ground territory.

They reinforce the broader impression, which has taken hold, of Albanese being poor with detail.

Dutton said on Sydney radio on Thursday, “I don’t know whether he makes things up, but he seems to get flustered in press conferences. You hear it – the umming and ahing, and at the end of it, you don’t know what he’s actually said.

“But what we do know is that he is at odds with the chief of the Defence force, and he needs to explain why, on such a totemic issue, he either wasn’t briefed, that he’s made up the facts, that he’s got it wrong.”

Wong hit back, “We have been very clear China is going to keep being China, just as Mr Dutton isn’t going to stop being Mr Dutton – the man who once said it was inconceivable we wouldn’t go to war is going to keep beating the drums of war.

“The Labor government will be calm and consistent; not reckless and arrogant.”

There’s one political complication for Dutton in seeking to exploit the China issue. Despite his natural hawkishness, in recent times he has been treading more softly on China, with an eye to the importance of voters of Chinese heritage in some seats.

The Trump administration has dramatically increased the uncertainty of the international outlook that the Australian government, whether Labor or Coalition, will face during the next parliamentary term.

Defence Minister Richard Marles this week talked up the US administration’s policy in the region. “We are very encouraged by the focus that the Trump Administration is giving in terms of its strategic thinking to the Indo Pacific.”

Treasurer Jim Chalmers, who was in Washington lobbying for a tariff exemption was also, declared that “the alliance and the economic partnership between Australia and the US is as strong as it’s ever been.”

Whether we get that exemption will be an early indication of where we stand in terms of the special relationship with the US. But who knows what the US might want in return.

A volatile world and perhaps pressure from the US may push Australia into spending more on defence, which on present planning is due to tick past 2% of GDP.

Dutton has already said he would put more funding into defence, although, like most other aspects of opposition policy, the amount is vague. The Coalition says when it produces its costing (which will be in the last days before the election) there will be more precision.

We’ve yet to see how the crucial US-China relationship evolves. That trajectory will have implications for Australia, positive or negative. On the very worst scenario, if China, encouraged by US President Donald Trump’s benign attitude to Russia, moves on Taiwan, the security of which the president has refused to guarantee, that could produce a dire situation in the region.

Australia remains confident of continuing American support for AUKUS. But if Trump becomes even more arbitrary and adventurous, AUKUS could become a lot less popular not in America but in Australia.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grattan on Friday: Albanese falls victim to a Chinese burn – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-albanese-falls-victim-to-a-chinese-burn-251029

Revealed: the profound economic impact on women who experience domestic violence

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Summers, Professor, UTS Business School, University of Technology Sydney

Shutterstock

The greatest achievements in women’s economic progress in recent decades are potentially being eroded by domestic violence. This is the key finding of a new research report being released today by the University of Technology Sydney’s Business School. The report provides data that enable us, for the first time, to quantify the economic impact of domestic violence on Australian women.

The increase in women’s participation in employment and higher education in recent decades has been nothing short of dramatic. In 1966, about 37% of women were in the labour force, compared to 84% of men. By 2024 that figure had climbed to 63%, with almost 7 million women employed, 57.3% of them in full-time jobs.

Yet our research shows a dramatic “employment gap” between women who have experienced domestic violence and those who have not.

In 2021-22, the employment rate for women who had experienced partner violence or abuse (physical, sexual, emotional or economic) was 5.3% lower than the employment rates for women who had never experienced violence.

The gap is larger for women who have experienced economic abuse, reaching 9.4% in 2021-22, according to customised data commissioned from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) especially for this report.

The employment gap varies among sub-groups of women. For instance, the gap between women with disability who have recently experienced economic abuse by a partner and women with disability who have never experienced partner violence or abuse is 13.4%. For culturally and linguistically diverse women, the employment gap was 3.7%.

We used the 2018-19 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey to try to calculate employment gaps for First Nations women. They certainly existed but, because of the small sample size, the results were not statistically significant. Further research is urgently needed.

The 2021-22 Personal Safety Survey conducted by the ABS reported that 451,000 women have had a previous partner who had controlled or tried to control them from working or earning money. More than 30,000 women have experienced similar conduct from their current partner.

In other words, many men are using forceful tactics to try to sabotage their partners’ employment. They resort to such tactics as hiding her car keys, letting down the car tyres, damaging her work clothes, even getting into her phone’s calendar to change her appointments, trying to make her appear unreliable as an employee.

The ‘education gap’

What is of perhaps even greater concern for the long-term employment prospects of women is the other key finding of our report: the existence of an “education gap” among young women at university. This is especially the case because the growth of women’s participation in higher education has been spectacular.

In 1982, a mere 8% of women aged 25-34 held a bachelor degree or higher. By 2023, this had skyrocketed to 51.6% of women in this age range holding at least a bachelor degree, amounting to 990,000 women.

The education gap is a new and truly shocking finding that young women who experience domestic violence fail to complete their university degrees. For young women, by the time they are 27, there is a nearly 15% gap in the rates of university degree attainment between victim-survivors and other women.

Statistical analysis of data obtained from the Australian Longitudinal Study in Women’s Health, which surveys the same women over time, allows us to track the direct impact of domestic violence in the following years. We show that domestic violence causes a 5.2% decline in young women’s university degree attainment in the year following the first time they report experiencing violence. This rises to 9.7% three years after the violence is first reported.

These findings on the impact of violence on university education in Australia have never previously been reported.

Ripple effects of violence against women

The implications of these findings are immensely significant for the progress of women’s employment.

The lifelong consequences of failing to complete their degrees are significant, with individuals holding a bachelor’s degree in Australia earning 41% more annually than those with only Year 12 schooling. In addition, these young women are likely to have accrued an indexed HECS debt that could affect their credit rating throughout their lives. Their lower earnings also mean a concomitant decrease in retirement savings.

These young women’s economic futures are severely compromised and it will be extremely difficult for them to ever recover those lost opportunities.

Neither can we overlook the fact of, and possible connection between, the dramatic fall in men’s share of bachelor degrees. Women are now outperforming men at university. In 2023, a majority (57.2%) of bachelor students were women. Is this a source of resentment among men?

The existence of domestic violence among students may be news to many people. Indeed, it is not something that has attracted much attention, including from universities, which have policies to provide paid leave and other supports for staff members who experience domestic violence but little for students.

Yet it ought not to be surprising. We know that many students cohabit and so the possibility for violence exists. And we know from the Personal Safety Survey in 2016 that women aged 18-24 experience the highest rates of recent partner violence: 19.3% (compared to 11.5% for women aged 25 to 34 and 7.7% for women aged 35-44).

Our findings point to the growing prevalence of men trying to exert economic control over their partners. Essential to this has been the use of surveillance, especially stalking of women, designed to intimidate and further control. In 2021-22 the Personal Safety Survey found 323,800 women reported a male intimate partner had “loitered or hung around outside their workplace, school or educational facility”. Often such stalking is accompanied by harassment using a phone or other device, which has been made easier by the advent of new technologies.

In other words, the two gaps identified in this report represent the economic consequences of domestic violence, in addition to the physical harm women suffer when targeted by violent partners.

The full report, by Anne Summers, with Thomas Shortridge and Kristen Sobeck (2025), will be available online on Friday, February 28.

Anne Summers has received research funding from the Paul Ramsay Foundation and the federal Office for Women.

ref. Revealed: the profound economic impact on women who experience domestic violence – https://theconversation.com/revealed-the-profound-economic-impact-on-women-who-experience-domestic-violence-250278

Politics and property – how our leaders are among the privileged using legal loopholes to build their wealth

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rod Campbell, Honorary fellow, Deakin University

Not so long ago, former Liberal prime minister Malcolm Turnbull was branded “Mr Harbourside Mansion”, a moniker bestowed upon him by his own side of politics.

Turnbull’s estimated A$200 million in wealth when he entered politics was well known. So too was the estimated $56 million in riches accrued outside of politics by Labor prime minister Kevin Rudd and his family.

Not all politicians are multimillionaires like Turnbull and Rudd. But generally, they are wealthier than their constituents. They are also more likely to own more than one home.

A recent ABC analysis of the parliamentary public interests register found 215 of Australia’s 227 members and senators own at least one property. 77 of them recorded interest in three or more properties.

Out of touch pollies?

Australians know their politicians tend to be richer than they are and sometimes it makes waves.

Anthony Albanese’s purchase of a $4 million home on the New South Wales Central Coast dominated headlines for weeks, and it’s still being raised in focus and research groups as an issue with voters.

Crucially, like Turnbull and Rudd’s wealth, Albanese’s cash splash on his coastal dream home has always been publicly available information.

Veiled wealth

But Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has mostly managed to skate by in the conversations about MPs and their money. He has kept the media’s focus on his brief career as a Queensland police officer, rather than the riches he has accrued through investing in property.

While Dutton has not made a secret of his previous investments, and elements of his wealth have dripped into the public domain in the past, his affluence has rarely been discussed in whole terms. That changed this week with the Nine newspapers estimating his property investments at $30 million in transactions across 26 pieces of real estate.

The portfolio, bought and sold over 35 years, eclipse Albanese’s property interests several times over.

Dutton’s story highlights a tension that continues to frustrate voters: politicians who enjoy superior wealth are the ones who decide the financial circumstances of their constituents’ lives.

Uncomfortable questions

The stories highlighting Dutton’s prosperity have pointed out his past use of tax structures, including discretionary trusts, self-managed super funds and family companies to manage his money.

Dutton has defended the millions he has made in property purchases. He’s accused his political rivals of mounting a “smear campaign” by trying to discredit him for being an “astute investor”.

On the other side of politics, Albanese has refused to say if he used negative gearing before he became prime minister to reduce his tax bill.

Exposing and debating the wealth of our leaders may be uncomfortable for them, but it’s an opportunity to push all sides of politics to address the aspects of our tax system that make it less fair.

Tax loopholes for some

The first thing to understand is that there are far fewer tax loopholes for avoiding tax on wages. If you work for a living, like most Australians, there are not many tax tricks for you.

If you own assets and earn income from investments, however, things are a little different. How you own the assets is also important. Simply owning your own home is nice, but not as good as owning assets through a discretionary trust, a self-managed super fund, or a family company.

Financial vehicles

A discretionary trust is a way of holding income earning assets where the income stream can be split between beneficiaries. This means money can be directed to the people in the trust who face the lowest marginal tax rates, such as adult children, rather than a higher-earning parent, who faces a higher tax rate.

The income earned from trusts overwhelmingly goes to high income earners. Treasury estimates (page 47) that the top 10% of income earners receive 63% of the income from trusts, while the bottom half of income earners get just 11% of the income.

A self-managed super fund helps reduces taxation because of the various tax breaks for superannuation. For example, an owner might have their business in their self-managed super fund, with the income to the fund being taxed at a lower rate than it would have if it was owned in the business owner’s name.

A family company, like trusts and self-managed super funds, is a vehicle for owning assets. If the assets are owned by a family company, then profits are subject to company tax rates. This can be as low as 25% if the company turnover is less than $50 million per year.

All three of these asset-owning vehicles are entirely legal. And they can have legitimate uses. But they also provide tax loopholes that can be used to reduce the amount of tax someone has to pay and to obscure who actually owns the assets.

Level the playing field

This is fundamentally unfair. These structures for reducing tax are mostly only available to the wealthy. The average wage earner cannot structure their income through such complex tax structures.

Scrapping the capital gains tax discount, getting rid of discretionary trusts, placing more limits on the types of assets that can be held in self-managed super funds, and increasing tax rates on people with big super balances would reduce the ability of the wealthy to avoid paying tax.

It is hard to reform tax loopholes because most people don’t understand them and the people who do understand them reap the biggest benefits from them.

The current discussion around Dutton’s investments might help more people become cognisant of these tax structures and how some of the biggest beneficiaries are politicians pretending to understand what it’s like to be a worker in a cost-of-living crisis.

Rod Campbell is the Research Director at The Australia Institute, an independent research organisation based in Canberra. See www.australiainstitute.org.au

ref. Politics and property – how our leaders are among the privileged using legal loopholes to build their wealth – https://theconversation.com/politics-and-property-how-our-leaders-are-among-the-privileged-using-legal-loopholes-to-build-their-wealth-250929

Virgin Australia’s deal with Qatar has been given the green light. Travellers should be the winners

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chrystal Zhang, Associate Professor, Aerospace Engineering & Aviation, RMIT University

Petr Podrouzek/Shutterstock

Treasurer Jim Chalmers has given the green light for Qatar Airways to buy a 25% stake in Virgin Australia, as part of a strategic alliance. The deal will shake up the Australian aviation market.

The announcement follows a detailed assessment by the Foreign Investment Review Board, and a draft determination to authorise the deal by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC).

The deal allows Qatar Airways to buy the 25% stake from the US private equity firm Bain Capital, and makes an eventual initial public offering of Virgin more likely. It also allows Virgin to operate regular services from some of Australia’s major capital cities to Doha.

Chalmers said the agreement will be subject to enforceable conditions, including retaining Australians on the board of Virgin and protecting consumer data.

The ACCC has previously said the tie-up would boost competition and benefit consumers.

The announcement comes on the same day as competitor Qantas posted its latest half-year earnings, showing statutory profits up 6% on the same period last year. So, will Australian flyers be the ultimate winners?

Getting Australians around the world

For many Australian travellers, getting where they want to go around the world has long meant making a stopover, especially if travelling to Europe.

Currently, Qantas does operate direct flights between Perth and three cities in Europe: London, Paris and Rome.

Doha’s Hamad International Airport is an important global aviation hub.
Light Orancio/Shutterstock

However, other international carriers – including Emirates, Singapore Airlines, Thai Airways, Malaysia Airways and some Chinese carriers – all provide connecting flights via an international hub airport.

Doha’s Hamad International Airport is one such hub, and Qatar Airways currently flies from there to more than 170 destinations.

At the heart of this new partnership is what’s called a “wet lease arrangement”. Virgin will be able to use both the aircraft and crew of Qatar Airways to operate its own flights.

That will allow Virgin to compete as if it were an established international carrier, because it provides access to Qatar’s international network. It should also mean streamlined transit procedures, minimal waiting times, and better baggage handling.

This deal is expected to create 28 new weekly return services to Doha, from Melbourne, Perth, Sydney and Brisbane. Having additional flights to this hub by Virgin will give travellers many more options for getting around the world.

More competition for Qantas

The agreement will greatly expand Virgin’s international reach and make it more competitive with Qantas. Virgin had to scale back its international footprint after it went into receivership in 2020.

Qantas will continue to be a major player in flying Australians to Europe. It has also recently added more direct flights from Perth to European destinations.

But we may be seeing signs of more robust competition pressures already. In its profit announcement on Thursday, Qantas outlined a plan for cabin upgrades for its Boeing 737s as it awaits delivery of new Airbus aircraft.

Virgin will offer international flights through a ‘wet lease’ arrangement with Qatar.
Seth Jaworski/Shutterstock

Turning things around

Virgin Australia has come a long way since entering voluntary administration in April 2020. After being sold to Bain Capital, the airline restructured its cost base, fleet and commercial functions.

With a focus on cutting costs and improving its Velocity frequent flyer program, Virgin has since been able to bounce back from the brink and win back market share.

That success means Virgin is now better positioned to return to international markets and compete with Qantas there, too.

It will give the airline’s owners more confidence in handing over to a new chief executive and preparing the ground for a long-delayed initial public sharemarket offering that would see Virgin return to the Australian Securities Exchanges (ASX).

Chrystal Zhang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Virgin Australia’s deal with Qatar has been given the green light. Travellers should be the winners – https://theconversation.com/virgin-australias-deal-with-qatar-has-been-given-the-green-light-travellers-should-be-the-winners-251025

Why does music make us feel things?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katrina McFerran, Professor and Head of Creative Arts and Music Therapy Research Unit; Director of Researcher Development Unit, The University of Melbourne

Al Cruz/Unsplash

Imagine a scene from the movie Jaws, with the great white shark closing in on another helpless victim. The iconic semi-tone pattern builds and your heartbeat rises with it; the suspense pulls you further to the edge of your seat.

Now picture that scene without the score. Much of the tension evaporates.

Maybe it’s a heartfelt pop ballad or a suspenseful soundtrack. If you are my age, it might be the Friends theme song, forever associated with the (largely unfulfilled) hope for sharing apartments with mates and growing old together in a blissful acceptance of one another’s limitations. Music is a powerful force to induce and pre-empt all kinds of emotions in us.

But how do so many different combinations of rhythm, harmony and melody trigger such profound reactions?

The categorical approach

Swedish music psychology researcher Patrik Juslin proposed the most popular explanation of music’s ability to trigger emotion.

He identified eight key mechanisms under the acronym BRECVEMA. The categories begin with more fundamental connections:

Brain stem reflexes – maybe a movie jumpscare moment or another sudden, frightening sound triggering a pre-conscious response. Evolution programmed these reactions into the brain over thousands of years in order to influence arousal levels and initiate the necessary emotional response.

Rhythmic entrainment, like the tendency to tap your foot to the beat; the benefits of moving in time together have been critical to human survival and evolution.

Then, the listings become increasingly complex:

Evaluative conditioning in the fashion of Pavlov’s dog. After years of watching and cultural references, we hear the Jaws music and automatically feel tense.

The contagion effect, wherein we feel the emotions we perceive in the music. Lyrics aren’t necessary; the Peanuts cartoon’s signature tune, for example, strongly conveys childhood wonder and freedom without any words.

The visual imagery many people experience when listening to music, imagery which is often tied to some deep emotion.

Episodic memories, when hearing certain music brings up recollections of a past event. Music therapists can monitor the emotional reactions people have when unexpectedly reminded of particular situations, be they positive, negative or both. The therapists then use their expertise to support people in processing these resulting emotions.

From there, Juslin’s model gets more technical and music theory-based:

Musical expectancy, when we anticipate the resolution of a chord or phrase. This is something you might feel rather than consciously notice. Take My Heart Will Go On: a delicate tension builds through the chorus, before finally resolving as Celine Dion sings the final line of the section and listeners are put to ease.

Aesthetic judgements, closely related to the ways we experience pleasure, are our personal emotional responses to how beautiful (or not) we consider a piece of music.




Read more:
Different songs for different days: why it’s important to actively choose the music for your mood


It makes sense that a theory using the brain to explain otherwise indescribable relationships would be popular. It provides a level of objectivity to what is, in essence, a purely subjective and non-generalisable experience.

Celine Dion keeps listeners on tenterhooks before the chorus comes to a beautifully satisfying resolution.

Is it just about neurological pathways?

Evolutionary theories suggest music and emotions are connected because of the inherent musicality we are each born with, essential to our ability to develop relationships and flourish.

Parent-infant interactions often have musical aspects to them, described as:

  • pulse, a shared tempo, where infant and carer move in time together and synchronise to one underlying beat

  • quality, the character and melodic interplay of voices and movements, mirroring one another in dynamics and timbre

  • narrative, the tendency for the same phrases, gestures and movements to be repeated on the same pitch and pace over time.

When responding to musical sounds, babies are also able to recognise musical phrases even when they start on a different note.

Subsequently, however, other learning and our limited brain capacity mean this ability is buried deep, so it rarely translates to perfect pitch or other forms of music theory knowledge that underpin Mozart-like genius.

A mother, laying on a bed, holds her smiling baby up on her chest.
All of us are born with an inherent musicality.
FamVeld/Shutterstock

This baby-talk theory may be the most intimate and emotion-based explanation for why music affects us so strongly – it was designed to enhance our emotional bonds with others. When adults coo and dance with babies, they are being musical, meaning emotional reactions to music are implicit in human nature.

Cognitive developmental theorists like Steven Pinker have opinions firmly in contrast to this. Pinker calls music “evolutionary cheesecake”, functioning only to tickle the senses and serving no evolutionary purpose.

Pleasure for purpose

Cultures across the world have long acknowledged the healing power of music.

Sound healing practitioners in India and China, for example, point to ancient traditions of healing and draw correlations between recovery from illness and certain tones, scales and chants. Some suggest the vibrations of different tones can serve specific purposes.

In the West, the idea of emotional differences between major and minor scales still has public traction even though its academic credibility hasn’t really extended in the past 100 years.

None of these concepts have been used in the modern practice of music therapy, but they do reflect assumptions many people hold about how music works.

Instead, a fundamental principle of music therapy is based on how each person’s unique connections with music shapes their emotional reactions. What moves your sibling to tears might leave you cold, for example. It always depends on a range of conditions – historical, cultural and personal.

Cultural upbringing, simple song-like phrases from infancy and our own unique musical preferences and behaviours all shape these connections. They’re powerful, but they sure ain’t simple.

The Conversation

Katrina McFerran has received funding from the Australian Research Council to investigate music and emotions. She is affiliated with the Australian Music Therapy Association.

ref. Why does music make us feel things? – https://theconversation.com/why-does-music-make-us-feel-things-250756

New report slaps an official price tag on Australia’s precious natural assets

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

Roadwarrior Photography/Shutterstock

Climate regulation through carbon storage was worth A$43.2 billion to Australia in 2020-21, according to a report released today which seeks to put a monetary value on the benefits flowing from our natural assets.

Australia’s first national ecosystem accounts were released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics today. Together, they reveal the key ways our environment contributes to Australia’s economic and social wellbeing in dollar terms.

Ecosystems covered by the accounts include desert, grasslands, native forests, rivers, streams, coastal areas and oceans.

The accounts provide a holistic view of Australia’s land, freshwater and marine environments. They intend to help policymakers look beyond GDP to a broader measurement of how ecosystems contribute to society and the economy.

Valuing our ecosystems

The accounts cover services provided by Australia’s ecosystems in 2020–21.

Australian ecosystems stored more than 34.5 billion tonnes of carbon – the most valuable service by ecosystems examined in the accounts, according to the ABS.

It brought a $43.2 billion benefit to Australia in the form of climate regulation. Plants and other organisms reduce greenhouse gases in the atmosphere by removing and storing them. This helps stabilise the climate, avoiding damage caused by climate change.

Grasslands made the biggest contribution to carbon storage, followed by native forests and savannas.

The accounts show grazed biomass, or grasslands, provide $40.4 billion in benefits, through the forage provided to cattle and sheep. The dollar figure represents what farmers would otherwise have spent on feeding their livestock.

The accounts also examined the provision of surface water taken from ecosystems, and used for drinking, energy production, cooling, irrigation and manufacturing. This was valued at $1.4 billion.

The provision of wild fish, sold to consumers to eat, was put at $39.2 million.

The accounts also reveal how coral reefs, sandbanks, dunes and mangroves protect our coastlines against tides and storm surges.

The ABS estimates mangroves protected 4,006 dwellings around Australian coastlines. This prevented more than $57 million worth of building damage.

The accounts also track changes in Australia’s ecosystems.

Some 281,000 hectares of mostly farmland were converted to urban and industrial uses between 2015–16 and 2020–21. And 169,000 hectares of “steppe” land – flat, unforested grassland – was converted to sown pastures and fields.

Feral animal and weed species continue to spread. Meanwhile, the number of threatened native species is increasing.





Why do we need ecosystem accounting?

Think of a logged forest. The value of the timber produced counts towards Australia’s gross domestic product. But cutting trees down also produces a loss. For example, the forest is no longer there for the community to enjoy. And it no longer provides “services” such as filtering water and preventing soil erosion.

There are many reasons to measure the value of those services. For example, governments might then be able to charge a logging company a licence fee which reflects the community value of the forest. A government may decide the forest is too valuable to allow logging at all, or the fee may just be set too high for any company to find it profitable to log it.

To date, the value lost when trees are cut down, or other ecosystems are damaged, has not been included in the national accounts. The new environmental accounts seek to change this.

Obviously, ecosystems are complex and difficult to measure. The ABS has been guided by an international framework developed by the United Nations.

The ecosystem accounts are a collaboration between several federal agencies: the ABS, the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water, and the CSIRO.

Boundless plains and golden soil, girt by sea

The accounts distinguish between environmental “realms”.

About half of Australia’s terrestrial (dry land) realm is desert. About a quarter is savanna and grassland. Intensively used land, such as pastures, is a smaller proportion.

There are contrasts between the states. Western Australia has 158 million hectares of desert while Victoria, Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory have none. Queensland, Western Australia and the Northern Territory host 97% of Australia’s mangroves.

About half of Australia is the marine realm, covering 681 million hectares. Some 30% of this is the marine shelf and 70% deep sea. About 14 million hectares comprise coral reefs. The darker areas in the map below show where most fish are caught.



The coastal realm comprises mangroves and saltmarsh. In 2021, mangroves covered an estimated 1.1 million hectares of Australia’s coastal areas.

A small but important proportion of Australia is our freshwater realm, comprising rivers and streams. The accounts show between 2015–16 and 2020–21, 4% of natural environments along perennial rivers were converted to higher intensity land uses.

Where to now?

These accounts are just the first step in estimating the value of Australia’s natural assets.

The ABS will update Australia’s ecosystem accounts annually. It describes the inaugural accounts as “experimental” and says the government agencies involved will run a consultation process to improve them.

We can expect the accounts to become more useful over time as data accrues and trends can be identified.

According to the ABS, policy uses for the accounts include managing healthy and resilient ecosystems, and integrating biodiversity into planning.

Poet and playwright Oscar Wilde defined a cynic as someone who “knows the price of everything but the value of nothing”. In today’s society we often underrate things that do not have a dollar value attached.

So this compilation of Australia’s ecosystems, and their value to us, is a welcome development. It should lead to more informed, holistic decisions about whether natural assets should be protected, or damaged for economic benefit.

John Hawkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New report slaps an official price tag on Australia’s precious natural assets – https://theconversation.com/new-report-slaps-an-official-price-tag-on-australias-precious-natural-assets-250623

What’s the difference between burnout and depression?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gordon Parker, Scientia Professor of Psychiatry, UNSW Sydney

Yuri A/Shutterstock

If your summer holiday already feels like a distant memory, you’re not alone. Burnout – a state of emotional, physical and mental exhaustion following prolonged stress – has been described in workplaces since a 5th century monastery in Egypt.

Burnout and depression can look similar and are relatively common conditions. It’s estimated that 30% of the Australian workforce is feeling some level of burnout, while almost 20% of Australians are diagnosed with depression at some point in their lives.

So what’s the difference between burnout and depression?

Depression is marked by helplessness and burnout by hopelessness. They can have different causes and should also be managed differently.

What is burnout?

The World Health Organization defines burnout as an “occupational phenomenon” resulting from excessively demanding workload pressures. While it is typically associated with the workplace, carers of children or elderly parents with demanding needs are also at risk.

Our research created a set of burnout symptoms we captured in the Sydney Burnout Measure to assist self-diagnosis and clinicians undertaking assessments. They include:

  • exhaustion as the primary symptom

  • brain fog (poor concentration and memory)

  • difficulty finding pleasure in anything

  • social withdrawal

  • an unsettled mood (feeling anxious and irritable)

  • impaired work performance (this may be result of other symptoms such as fatigue).

People can develop a “burning out” phase after intense work demands over only a week or two. A “burnout” stage usually follows years of unrelenting work pressure.

What is depression?

A depressive episode involves a drop in self-worth, increase in self-criticism and feelings of wanting to give up. Not everyone with these symptoms will have clinical depression, which requires a diagnosis and has an additional set of symptoms.

Clinically diagnosed depression can vary by mood, how long it lasts and whether it comes back. There are two types of clinical depression:

  1. melancholic depression has genetic causes, with episodes largely coming “out of the blue”

  2. non-melancholic depression is caused by environmental factors, often triggered by significant life events which cause a drop in self-worth.

When we created our burnout measure, we compared burnout symptoms with these two types of depression.

Burnout shares some features with melancholic depression, but they tend to be general symptoms, such as feeling a loss of pleasure, energy and concentration skills.

We found there were more similarities between burnout and non-melancholic (environmental) depression. This included a lack of motivation and difficulties sleeping or being cheered up, perhaps reflecting the fact both have environmental causes.

Looking for the root cause

The differences between burnout and depression become clearer when we look at why they happen.

Personality comes into play. Our work suggests a trait like perfectionism puts people at a much higher risk of burnout. But they may be less likely to become depressed as they tend to avoid stressful events and keep things under control.

A mother feeling overwhelmed with a toddler.
Excessive workloads can contribute to burnout.
tartanparty/Shutterstock

Those with burnout generally feel overwhelmed by demands or deadlines they can’t meet, creating a sense of helplessness.

On the other hand, those with depression report lowered self-esteem. So rather than helpless they feel that they and their future is hopeless.

However it is not uncommon for someone to experience both burnout and depression at once. For example, a boss may place excessive work demands on an employee, putting them at risk of burnout. At the same time, the employer may also humiliate that employee and contribute to an episode of non-melancholic depression.

What can you do?

A principal strategy in managing burnout is identifying the contributing stressors. For many people, this is the workplace. Taking a break, even a short one, or scheduling some time off can help.

Australians now have the right to disconnect, meaning they don’t have to answer work phone calls or emails after hours. Setting boundaries can help separate home and work life.




Read more:
Australians now have the right to disconnect – but how workplaces react will be crucial


Burnout can be also be caused by compromised work roles, work insecurity or inequity. More broadly, a dictatorial organisational structure can make employees feel devalued. In the workplace, environmental factors, such as excessive noise, can be a contributor. Addressing these factors can help prevent burnout.

As for managing symptoms, the monks had the right idea. Strenuous exercise, meditation and mindfulness are effective ways to deal with everyday stress.

Woman running with dog in a park.
Regular exercise can help manage symptoms of burnout.
alexei_tm/Shutterstock

Deeper contributing factors, including traits such as perfectionism, should be managed by a skilled clinical psychologist.

For melancholic depression, clinicians will often recommend antidepressant medication.

For non-melancholic depression, clinicians will help address and manage triggers that are the root cause. Others will benefit from antidepressants or formal psychotherapy.

While misdiagnosis between depression and burnout can occur, burnout can mimic other medical conditions such as anemia or hypothyroidism.

For the right diagnosis, it’s best to speak to your doctor or clinician who should seek to obtain a sense of “the whole picture”. Only then, once a burnout diagnsois has been affirmed and other possible causes ruled out, should effective support strategies be put in place.


If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

The Conversation

Gordon Parker receives funding from the University of of NSW.

ref. What’s the difference between burnout and depression? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-burnout-and-depression-250043

Head lice are getting harder to kill. Here’s how to break the nit cycle

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cameron Webb, Clinical Associate Professor and Principal Hospital Scientist, University of Sydney

DGLimages/Shutterstock

Wrangling head lice, and the children they infest, must be up there with the most challenging duties a parent or carer has to face.

And the job is getting harder. Commonly used chemical products aren’t working as well as they once did, meaning head lice are harder to kill.

You can still rid your children of lice – but it’s likely to take some patience and persistence.

Remind me, what are head lice? And nits?

Head lice are tiny six-legged insects that are only found in the hair on a human’s head – most commonly in the hair of primary school-aged children.

Head lice have been a constant companion for humans throughout their millions of years of evolution.

Lice love living in our hair. But they scoot down to our scalp up to a half dozen times a day to drink our blood.

Their claws are perfectly designed to scuttle up and down shafts of hair. But while they’re nimble on our hair, once they’re off, they don’t last long –they’re clumsy, uncoordinated and die quickly.

The term “nits” actually describes the eggs of head lice. They’re often the first sign of an infestation. And with one louse laying more than 100 in their month-long lifespan, there can be a lot of them.

Head lice live for around a month.
logika600/Shutterstock

Can they spread diseases?

No. Head lice are annoying and their bites may cause skin reactions. But Australian health authorities don’t consider lice a health risk. There is no evidence that head lice can spread pathogens that cause disease.

The stigma of head lice infestations can be greater than any direct health consequences for infested children.

Why do my children always pick up lice?

From child care through to primary school, it’s likely your child has had a head lice infestation at least once. One Australian study found the infestation rate in Australian classrooms ranged from no cases to 72% of children affected.

Girls are more likely to be carry head lice than boys. Long hair means it’s easier for the head lice to hitch a ride.

Children work in class
One study found that in some classrooms, almost three in four children had head lice.
CDC/Unsplash

Head lice don’t jump or fly, they move from head to head via direct contact.

Head lice come home with your children because they spend time in close contact with other children, hugging, playing or crowding around books or screens. Any head-to-head contact is a pathway of infections.

Rules differ slightly between states but in New South Wales and Queensland, children don’t need to be kept home from school because of head lice.

How can I keep my home free of head lice?

Keeping the house clean and tidy won’t keep head lice away. They don’t care how clean your bed sheets and towels are, or how frequently you vacuum carpets and rugs.

There may be a risk of head lice transfer on shared pillows, but even that risk is low.

There’s no need to change the child’s or other family member’s bedding when you find lice in a child’s hair. Research-based recommendations from NSW Health are that “bed linen, hats, clothing and furniture do not harbour or transmit lice or nits and that there is no benefit in washing them as a treatment option”.

I’ve used nit solution. Why isn’t it working?

A wide range of products are available at your local pharmacy to treat head lice. Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration assesses products to ensure that they are both safe and effective.

The problem is that most of these products are insecticides that kill the lice on contact but may not kill the eggs.

Also, if treatments aren’t completed as directed on product labels, some head lice won’t be killed.

Head lice also seem to be fighting back against the chemicals we’ve been using against them and it’s getting harder to clear children of infestations.

So how can you get rid of them?

Mum combs child's hair
You’ll need conditioner and a nit comb.
riopatuca/Shutterstock

Don’t expect any miracle cures but health authorities in Australia generally recommend the “conditioner and comb” or “wet comb” method. This means you physically remove the lice without the need for chemical applications.

There are three key steps:

  1. immobilise the lice by applying hair conditioner to the child’s damp hair and leaving it there for around 20 minutes

  2. systematically comb through the hair using a fine toothed “lice comb”. The conditioner and lice can be wiped off on paper towels or tissues. Only adult lice will be collected but don’t worry, we’ll deal with the eggs later

  3. repeat the process twice, about a week apart, to break the life cycle of the head lice.

Repeating the process after a week allows the remaining eggs to hatch. It sounds counter-intuitive but by letting them hatch, the young lice are easier to remove than the eggs. You just need to remove them before they start laying a fresh batch of eggs and the infestation continues.

While children are much more likely to have head lice, the reality is that everyone in the household is just as likely to host a head louse or two. You don’t necessarily need everyone to have a treatment but “grown ups” should be on the lookout for lice too.

The Conversation

Cameron Webb and the Department of Medical Entomology, NSW Health Pathology and University of Sydney, have been engaged by a wide range of insect repellent and insecticide manufacturers to provide testing of products and provide expert advice on medically important arthropods. Cameron has also received funding from local, state and federal agencies to undertake research into various aspects of management of various medically important arthropods.

ref. Head lice are getting harder to kill. Here’s how to break the nit cycle – https://theconversation.com/head-lice-are-getting-harder-to-kill-heres-how-to-break-the-nit-cycle-250397

Whales sing when they’ve had a good meal – new research

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ted Cheeseman, PhD Candidate, Marine Ecological Research Centre, Southern Cross University

Stock Photos Studios/Shutterstock

Spanning more octaves than a piano, humpback whales sing powerfully into the vast ocean. These songs are beautifully complex, weaving phrases and themes into masterful compositions. Blue and fin whales richly fill out a bass section with their own unique versions of song.

Together, these three species can create a marvellous symphony in the sea.

Published today in PLOS One, our new research reveals these baleen whale species’ response to major changes in their ecosystem can be heard in their songs.

Food for long-distance travel

The six-year study took place in whale foraging habitat in the eastern North Pacific, off the coast of California in the United States. From this biologically rich foraging habitat, the whales migrate long distances each year to breeding habitats at lower latitudes.

They eat little to nothing during their migration and winter breeding season. So they need to build up their energy stores during their annual residence in foraging habitat.

This energy, stored in their gigantic bodies, powers the animals through months of long-distance travel, mating, calving, and nursing before they return to waters off California in the spring and summer to resume foraging.

The whales eat krill and fish that can aggregate in massive schools. However, their diets are distinct.

While blue whales only eat krill, humpback whales eat krill and small schooling fish such as anchovy. If the prey species are more abundant and more densely concentrated, whales can forage more efficiently. Foraging conditions and prey availability change dramatically from year to year.

We wanted to know if these changes in the ecosystem were reflected in the whales’ acoustic behaviour.

Piecing together a complex puzzle

To track the occurrence of singing, we examined audio recordings acquired through the Monterey Accelerated Research System. This is a deep-sea observatory operated by the Monterey Bay Aquarium Research Institute and funded by the US National Science Foundation.

Analysis of sound recordings is a highly effective way to study whales because we can hear them from quite far away. If a whale sings anywhere within thousands of square kilometres around the hydrophone, we will hear it.

Yet, piecing together the complex puzzle of whale behavioural ecology requires diverse research methods.

Our study used observations of the whales, including sound recordings, photo identification and diet analysis. It also used measurements of forage species abundance, characterisation of ecosystem conditions and theoretical modelling of sound propagation.

Our ability to probe the complex lives of these giants was enhanced for humpback whales because we had a unique data resource available for this species: extensive photo identification.

The Happywhale community science project combines photos supplied by researchers and ecotourists, and identification enabled by artificial intelligence, to recognise individual whales by the shape and coloration of their flukes.

This unique resource enabled us to examine the local abundance of humpback whales. We could also study the timing of their annual migration and how persistently individual whales occupied the study region.

A small microphone on the seafloor, with two fish swimming around it.
Scientists used a deep-sea hydrophone to keep a nearly continuous record of the ocean soundscape.
MBARI

An increase in food – and in song

The study began in 2015, during a prolonged marine heatwave that caused major disruption in the foraging habitat of whales and other animals throughout the eastern North Pacific.

All three whale species sang the least during the heatwave, and sang more as foraging conditions improved over the next two years.

These patterns provided the first indications that the singing behaviour by whales may be closely related to the food available. Remarkably, whale song is an indicator of forage availability.

Further evidence was found in the striking differences between humpback and blue whales during the later years of the study.

Continued increases in detection of humpback whale song could not be explained by changes in the local abundance of whales, the timing of their annual migration, or the persistence of individuals in the study region.

However, humpback song occurrence closely tracked tremendous increases in the abundances of northern anchovy — the largest increase in 50 years. And when we analysed the skin of the humpback whales, we saw a clear shift to a fish-dominated diet.

In contrast, blue whales only eat krill, and detection of their songs plummeted with large decreases in krill abundance. Our analysis of blue whale skin revealed they were foraging over a larger geographic area to find the food they needed during these hard times in the food web.

School of small, silver fish swimming in the water.
Humpback song occurrence closely tracked tremendous increases in the abundances of northern anchovy.
evantravels/Shutterstock

Predicting long-term changes

This research shows listening to whales is much more than a rich sensory experience. It’s a window into their lives, their vulnerability, and their resilience.

Humpback whales emerge from this study as a particularly resilient species. They are more able to readily adapt to changes in the ecology of the foraging habitats that sustain them. These findings can help scientists and resource managers predict how marine ecosystems and species will respond to long-term changes driven by both natural cycles and human impacts.

At a time of unprecedented change for marine life and ecosystems, collaboration across disciplines and institutions will be crucial for understanding our changing ocean.

This work was enabled by private research centres, universities and federal agencies working together. This consortium’s past work has revealed a rich new understanding of the ocean soundscape, answering fundamental questions about the ecology of ocean giants.

Who knows what more we will learn as we listen to the ocean’s underwater symphony?

Side view of a large whale swimming down from the ocean's surface.
The study’s findings can help scientists better understand how blue whales and other baleen whales respond to long-term changes in the ocean.
Ajit S N/Shutterstock

This work was led by John Ryan, a biological oceanographer at the Monterey Bay Aquarium Research Institute (MBARI), with an interdisciplinary team of researchers from MBARI, Southern Cross University, Happywhale.com, Cascadia Research Collective, University of Wisconsin, NOAA Southwest Fisheries Science Centre, University of California, Santa Cruz, Naval Postgraduate School, and Stanford University.

The Conversation

Ted Cheeseman is the co-founder of citizen science project, Happywhale.

Jarrod Santora receives funding from NOAA, NASA, and NSF.

ref. Whales sing when they’ve had a good meal – new research – https://theconversation.com/whales-sing-when-theyve-had-a-good-meal-new-research-250926

Legal aid is a lifeline for vulnerable Australians, but consistent underfunding puts the system at risk

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natasha Cortis, Associate Professor, Social Policy Research Centre, UNSW Sydney

It’s central to any democracy that citizens receive fair treatment under the law. An important part of this is access to legal advice and representation.

But lawyers are expensive. Many people who engage with the justice system can’t afford them.

This is where legal aid comes in. Legal aid is a government-funded service available to some people unable to afford legal assistance. It is tightly targeted and many people are turned away.

Those approved can access professional advice and representation. Many clients are women and children escaping family violence, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, who remain vastly overrepresented in the criminal justice system.

But the first ever national census of legal aid private practitioners reveals widespread underfunding, overwhelming workloads and high financial costs borne by the lawyers providing help.

How does legal aid work?

Vulnerable Australians who need essential services often access them from private providers in mixed markets. This is the case for childcare, aged care and the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS).

It’s also true of legal aid, in which private lawyers play major roles.

Legal Aid Commissions deliver legal aid through a mix of directly employed, in-house practitioners and approved private providers. The mix is heavily weighted toward private providers, although it fluctuates over time and across jurisdictions.

According to National Legal Aid, in 2022–23, 72% of successful legal aid applications were assigned to private practitioners.

To resource this arrangement, private practitioners are funded by grants of aid allocated to approved clients, with amounts regulated through a fixed scale of fees. Legal Aid Commissions in each state and territory usually release grant funds to practitioners in stages, initially to cover advice, investigation and negotiation, with funding extended to cover more work, such as going to trial, if cases progress.

Private practitioners are expected to assist legal aid clients at the same standard of quality they would provide to other, fee-paying clients.

But quality legal representation, especially for highly vulnerable people, is complex and time-consuming.

Our research shows private practitioners feel frustrated that government funding does not cover all activities they need to perform and falls short of meeting community need.

Our research

We surveyed private practitioners who had delivered legal aid in the past two years, or who were listed on legal aid panels or preferred supplier lists.

Among the 1,010 who participated, most were self-employed or working in very small practices. A quarter had delivered legal aid for more than 20 years.

Commitment to legal aid is high, reflected in statements such as “everyone deserves good-quality representation”, and

there is an obligation on professionals to assist in providing access to justice.

Overwhelmingly, private practitioners find legal aid satisfying and meaningful. They also value the way it can build expertise for practitioners early in their legal career.

But despite being enjoyable and enriching work, private practitioners say legal aid is becoming more difficult to deliver.

Bearing the brunt of the cost

Legal aid work can be stressful for practitioners, but their greatest challenge by far is funding.

While there is no illusion that legal aid will be lucrative, private practitioners are frustrated with paltry grants that require significant administration and which undervalue their work.

They feel the funding they receive does not recognise the time required in legal aid cases, nor the growing complexity of cases. As legal aid clients increasingly present with unmet health, social and economic needs, cases are more complex, lengthy and costly.

Community need for legal assistance is high. For years, formal reviews have found the sector is chronically underfunded, both in Australia and overseas.

Announcements of additional funding and better indexation have been welcomed, but aren’t enough to fix the shortfall.

In the census, private practitioners repeatedly told us the funding available does not cover all activities required in legal aid cases or expected by courts. As one practitioner explained:

legal aid matters effectively become pro bono matters near weeks into an initial grant, despite being potentially years-long.

For 85% of private practitioners, “having to perform unremunerated work” is a source of difficulty. More than three-quarters said “trying to do quality work with limited time and resources” makes legal aid cases difficult.

Many private practitioners travel long distances for their legal aid work and feel frustrated when costs are not covered. They also find administration is slow and cumbersome, and feel that Legal Aid Commissions are too understaffed to respond quickly to inquiries.

Although 70% intend to continue to deliver at least some legal aid in the next year, many private practitioners feel undervalued. A third want to reduce their legal aid caseload and one in nine plan to abandon this work altogether.

To continue to deliver legal aid, private practitioners echo scholarly evidence
in calling for better grants, straightforward administration and responsive communication.

Some question why legal aid, as a public good, has come to rest so heavily on the commitment of private practitioners and suggest that in-house staff and the community legal sector play bigger roles.

Ultimately, some private practitioners will find ways to integrate legal aid into their business, or simply wear the cost. But for most, financial costs and risks are too high. Essential services cannot be delivered based on practitioners’ goodwill.

The Conversation

Natasha Cortis conducts commissioned research on social policy and service delivery, for government and non-government organisations. The research this article discusses was commissioned by National Legal Aid.

Megan Blaxland conducts commissioned research on social policy and service delivery for a range of government and non-government organisations. The research this article discusses was commissioned by National Legal Aid.

ref. Legal aid is a lifeline for vulnerable Australians, but consistent underfunding puts the system at risk – https://theconversation.com/legal-aid-is-a-lifeline-for-vulnerable-australians-but-consistent-underfunding-puts-the-system-at-risk-250275

Keith Rankin Chart Analysis – Germany’s stale (and still pale) political mainstream

Chart by Keith Rankin.

Analysis by Keith Rankin.

Chart by Keith Rankin.

The above chart traces the vote-share of Germany’s establishment political parties: the right-wing CDU/CSU and the now-centre-right SPD (essentially the Christian Democrats, just like National in New Zealand) and the Social Democrats (just like Labour). And it compares Germany with England to show a similar process there.

An increasingly stale political centre has consolidated power in both Germany and the United Kingdom, despite record low vote-shares for these establishment parties. In Germany, the ‘major party’ combined vote has fallen to 45% (nearly as low as that in last year’s election in France, for the Centre and the traditional Right). In the United Kingdom, the establishment (Labour, Conservative) vote has fallen to 60%; though, given a much lower turnout in the United Kingdom than Germany, 60% there represents a similar level of support to that of the equivalent parties in Germany.

With these outcomes being at-best borderline-democratic (JD Vance had a point about the shutting-out of alternative voices), neither country is scheduled to have another election until 2029. And the ‘left’ establishment parties – in office in both countries in March 2025 – are as right-wing as their centre-right predecessor governments of Merkel and Sunak.

We note that, for Germany, elections before 1991 are for West Germany only. And, for the United Kingdom, my aim has been to focus on England, where Celtic nationalist parties have not played a role; thus until 1979, the British data is for the United Kingdom, whereas from 1983 the data is for England only. We also note that Germany shows few signs of promoting the literally colourful characters who play such an important part in contemporary British politics.

The waxing and waning of the postwar German mainstream

Postwar German politics began in 1949, with its new MMP voting system; proportional voting featuring two disqualification mechanisms, a five percent party-vote threshold, and the failure to gain a local electorate using the simple-plurality (FPP) criterion. (In Germany, in the 1950s, the latter disqualification rule was tightened; three electorate seats were required, rather than one.)

The rise in the two-party vote from 1949 to 1972 represented the consolidation of the major-party system, essentially in line with the post-war German economic miracle. From 1949 to 1969, the government was CDU-led. The SPD led the government from 1969 to 1982 (though with fewer votes than the CDU/CSU). All subsequent governments have been CDU-led, except for the relatively short-lived administrations of Gerhard Schröder (c.2000) and Olaf Scholz.

The fall in establishment-party vote-share reflects the rise of the Green Party in Germany, which itself reflects the waning of the economic miracle.

The 1990s’ political stability reflects the reunification era, the political dominance of Helmut Kohl; and the fact that, due to reunification, German politics suspended its characteristic debt-phobia.

The 2000s and 2010s represents the Angela Merkel era. The 2009 result reflects the Global Financial Crisis. The 2005 vote reflects the early Eurozone period, in which investment within the European Union was diverted into the development of the southern EU countries (and to Ireland). In particular, the 2000s saw the rise of The Left Party, which was shunned by the Establishment parties; this was the beginning of the German ‘firewall’, which meant that ‘grand coalitions’ were favoured over the inclusion of ‘outsider’ parties into government. In that time, the Green Party became a centrist party; inside rather than outside ‘the tent’.

In 2014 the debt-phobic way Germany ‘resolved’ the Euro crisis was popular in Germany, though ‘austerity’ ushered in the deflationary bias that has characterised subsequent fiscal policy in the European Union. (The adverse effect of deflationary fiscal policy was the use of a zero-interest-rate monetary policy by the European Central Bank; so the adverse consequences of the austerity policies played out more slowly than they might have.)

Since the initial ‘triumph’ of austerity in 2014, we have seen a substantial and ongoing decline in the vote for the establishment parties. However, these parties managed to consolidate power despite haemorrhaging votes. The new 2025 Government will be a substantially right-wing government made up of German-National (CDU 28.5%) and German-Labour (SPD 16.4%); this represents easily the worst vote ever for the ‘left’ SPD and easily the second-worst vote ever for the ‘winning’ CDU/CSU.

And, in the United Kingdom, the vote for Labour in 2024 was easily the worst vote of any ‘winning’ party in any election since 1945 (and possible since the time of Walpole in the 1720s).

Democracy anyone?

Postscript UK

In the UK, the highest percentage vote for a political party in the postwar era was 48.8% for Clement Attlee’s Labour Party, seeking a third term in office (in a very-early election which Attlee was tricked into calling). Labour was defeated, despite its record-high poll! Winston Churchill’s Conservatives got 48.0% of the vote; but, crucially, more seats. Attlee’s government was the least stale government in the United Kingdom’s post-war history; Attlee, in the UK, had a popularity and significance comparable to that of Michael Joseph Savage in New Zealand.

*******

Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.

Dutton hints he’ll sack 36,000 public servants. Voters deserve to know what services will be affected

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

Peter Dutton and his Coalition colleagues have dithered for several weeks on their plans for the Commonwealth public sector.

While being upfront that public service jobs would be targeted, they’ve made numerous contradictory statements about the number of public servants who would be sacked if the Coalition wins the coming election.

But Peter Dutton’s most recent comments confirm that he clearly wants to make significant cuts.

And it’s hard to see how the sackings wouldn’t erode important front line services that many Australians depend on for help and support.

36,000 jobs on the line

This week the opposition leader declared the Coalition would achieve A$24 billion in savings by reducing the size of the public service.

He was unequivocal. The money would be clawed back over four years and would more than cover the Coalition’s promised $9 billion injection into Medicare.

Dutton explicitly tied the $24 billion in savings to the 36,000 Commonwealth public servants who have been hired since the last election

Under the Labor Party, there are 36,000 additional public servants, that’s at a cost of $6 billion a year, or $24 billion over the forward estimates. This program totals $9 billion over that period. So, we’ve well and truly identified the savings.

While still not nominating a precise number of job cuts, it’s Peter Dutton’s clearest statement of intent to date. By “truly” identifying the savings, 36,000 jobs are on the line. And it accords with Dutton’s earlier comments that the extra workers are not providing value for money for Australian taxpayers.

(They have) not improved the lives of Australians one iota

While this sounds like he wants to dismiss them all, senior colleagues are more circumspect.

According to Nationals leader David Littleproud, the number of job cuts has not yet been decided. Shadow Public Service Minister Jane Hume further muddied the waters by referring to the cuts being by attrition, and excluding frontline services.

Frontline services

The public service head count has grown to 185,343, as of June 2024. So cutting 36,000 staff, or even a large proportion of that number, would be a very significant reduction.

The agencies that added the most public servants between June 2023 and June 2024 were the National Disability Insurance Agency (up 2,193), Defence (up 1,425), Health and Aged Care (up 1,173) and Services Australia (up 1,149).

Many of these extra staff would be providing invaluable front line services to clients and customer who are accessing essential support.

And some of the new public servants replaced more expensive outsourced workers. Finance Minister Katy Gallagher has claimed the Albanese government has saved $4 billion of taxpayers’ money by reducing spending on consultants and contractors.

Rather than the alleged explosion in the size of the bureaucracy, the growth in public service numbers has closely matched the increase in the population. Last year, they accounted for 1.36% of all employed persons, up by only a minuscule degree on the 1.35% in 2016.

Canberra bashing

According to Dutton, the 36,000 additional public servants hired under Labor all work in Canberra. It was not a slip of the tongue. The claim is also in the Liberal Party’s pre-election pamphlet.

But only 37% of the public service workforce is located in the national capital. Half are based in state capitals. A full quarter of those involved in service delivery work in regional Australia.

The Liberals clearly think they have nothing to lose among Canberra voters, given they have no members or senators from the Australian Capital Territory.

The coming election will no doubt tell us if Canberra bashing still resonates with voters elsewhere in the country. Dutton has clearly made the political judgement that it does.

Another night of the long knives?

A change of government often precipitates a clean out at the top of the public service.

When the Howard government was elected in 1996, no fewer than six departmental secretaries were sacked on the infamous night of the long knives. Then prime minister Tony Abbott dismissed four departmental chiefs in one fell swoop after taking office in 2013. He didn’t even consult his treasurer before dumping the head of Treasury.

This pattern of culling senior public servants represents a chilling risk to good policy development. Departmental secretaries concerned about losing their jobs may be reluctant to give the “frank and fearless advice” their positions demand.




Read more:
After robodebt, here’s how Australia can have a truly ‘frank and fearless’ public service again


Spending cuts after the election

Voters are entitled to know what the Coalition has planned for the public service before they cast their ballots.

The lack of detail on job losses is matched by a reluctance to outline spending cuts elsewhere. Dutton has ruled out an Abbott-style audit commission. He is prepared to cut “wasteful” spending, but won’t say if it may be necessary to also chop some worthwhile outlays to dampen inflationary pressures.

Dutton is adamant that any spending cuts by a government he leads will be determined after the election, not announced before it. This does nothing for democratic accountability. It does not give the electorate the chance to cast their votes on the basis of an alternative vision from the alternative government.

All Australians, not just public servants, deserve to know before polling day just how deep Dutton and the Coalition are really planning to cut.

The Conversation

John Hawkins is a former public servant and lives in Canberra.

ref. Dutton hints he’ll sack 36,000 public servants. Voters deserve to know what services will be affected – https://theconversation.com/dutton-hints-hell-sack-36-000-public-servants-voters-deserve-to-know-what-services-will-be-affected-250797

Peter Dutton strongly hints he’ll sack 36,000 public servants. Voters deserve to know what services will be affected

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

Peter Dutton and his Coalition colleagues have dithered for several weeks on their plans for the Commonwealth public sector.

While being upfront that public service jobs would be targeted, they’ve made numerous contradictory statements about the number of public servants who would be sacked if the Coalition wins the coming election.

But Peter Dutton’s most recent comments confirm that he clearly wants to make significant cuts.

And it’s hard to see how the sackings wouldn’t erode important front line services that many Australians depend on for help and support.

36,000 jobs on the line

This week the opposition leader declared the Coalition would achieve A$24 billion dollars in savings by reducing the size of the public service.

He was unequivocal. The money would be clawed back over four years and would more than cover the Coalition’s promised $9 billion injection into Medicare.

Dutton explicitly tied the $24 billion in savings to the 36,000 Commonwealth public servants who have been hired since the last election

Under the Labor Party, there are 36,000 additional public servants, that’s at a cost of $6 billion a year, or $24 billion over the forward estimates. This program totals $9 billion over that period. So, we’ve well and truly identified the savings.

While still not nominating a precise number of job cuts, it’s Peter Dutton’s clearest statement of intent to date. By “truly” identifying the savings, 36,000 jobs are on the line. And it accords with Dutton’s earlier comments that the extra workers are not providing value for money for Australian taxpayers.

(They have) not improved the lives of Australians one iota

While this sounds like he wants to dismiss them all, senior colleagues are more circumspect.

According to Nationals leader David Littleproud, the number of job cuts has not yet been decided. Shadow Public Service Minister Jane Hume further muddied the waters by referring to the cuts being by attrition, and excluding frontline services.

Frontline services

The public service head count has grown to 185,343, as of June 2024. So cutting 36,000 staff, or even a large proportion of that number, would be a very significant reduction.

The agencies that added the most public servants between June 2023 and June 2024 were the National Disability Insurance Agency (up 2,193), Defence (up 1,425), Health and Aged Care (up 1,173) and Services Australia (up 1,149).

Many of these extra staff would be providing invaluable front line services to clients and customer who are accessing essential support.

And some of the new public servants replaced more expensive outsourced workers. Finance Minister Katy Gallagher has claimed the Albanese government has saved $4 billion of taxpayers’ money by reducing spending on consultants and contractors.

Rather than the alleged explosion in the size of the bureaucracy, the growth in public service numbers has closely matched the increase in the population. Last year, they accounted for 1.36% of all employed persons, up by only a minuscule degree on the 1.35% in 2016.

Canberra bashing

According to Dutton, the 36,000 additional public servants hired under Labor all work in Canberra. It was not a slip of the tongue. The claim is also in the Liberal Party’s pre-election pamphlet.

But only 37% of the public service workforce is located in the national capital. Half are based in state capitals. A full quarter of those involved in service delivery work in regional Australia.

The Liberals clearly think they have nothing to lose among Canberra voters, given they have no members or senators from the Australian Capital Territory.

The coming election will no doubt tell us if Canberra bashing still resonates with voters elsewhere in the country. Dutton has clearly made the political judgement that it does.

Another night of the long knives?

A change of government often precipitates a clean out at the top of the public service.

When the Howard government was elected in 1996, no fewer than six departmental secretaries were sacked on the infamous night of the long knives. Then prime minister Tony Abbott dismissed four departmental chiefs in one fell swoop after taking office in 2013. He didn’t even consult his treasurer before dumping the head of Treasury.

This pattern of culling senior public servants represents a chilling risk to good policy development. Departmental secretaries concerned about losing their jobs may be reluctant to give the “frank and fearless advice” their positions demand.




Read more:
After robodebt, here’s how Australia can have a truly ‘frank and fearless’ public service again


Spending cuts after the election

Voters are entitled to know what the Coalition has planned for the public service before they cast their ballots.

The lack of detail on job losses is matched by a reluctance to outline spending cuts elsewhere. Dutton has ruled out an Abbott-style audit commission. He is prepared to cut “wasteful” spending, but won’t say if it may be necessary to also chop some worthwhile outlays to dampen inflationary pressures.

Dutton is adamant that any spending cuts by a government he leads will be determined after the election, not announced before it. This does nothing for democratic accountability. It does not give the electorate the chance to cast their votes on the basis of an alternative vision from the alternative government.

All Australians, not just public servants, deserve to know before polling day just how deep Dutton and the Coalition are really planning to cut.

John Hawkins is a former public servant and lives in Canberra.

ref. Peter Dutton strongly hints he’ll sack 36,000 public servants. Voters deserve to know what services will be affected – https://theconversation.com/peter-dutton-strongly-hints-hell-sack-36-000-public-servants-voters-deserve-to-know-what-services-will-be-affected-250797

A middle power with ‘great and powerful friends’: Australia’s changing role in the region

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rebecca Strating, Director, La Trobe Asia, and Professor of International Relations, La Trobe University

Debating Australia’s role in world politics is not always high on the political agenda. Elections here are more often fought on economic issues than foreign or defence policy. And while the major parties have different views on foreign policy, there tends to be bipartisanship on the central tenets of our strategic policy, including Australia’s alliance with the United States.

In recent years, however, Australia has found itself wedged between two great powers: its security guarantor, the US, and its major trading partner, China. The increasing strategic competition between these two great powers, especially in Asia, has raised new questions about how Australia should manage these relationships and conceive of its role in the world.

For some countries, having a prominent role on the global stage may be more obvious than for others. Wealthy states with large militaries and populations, for example, often play the part of “great powers”. These countries tend to make claims about their unique rights and responsibilities, such as having a greater say in multilateral institutions (like the United Nations) and the “rules” intended to govern international conduct.

However, most of the world’s countries are not great powers. For a middle-sized nation like Australia, its role on the global stage is not necessarily static but determined by how our leaders balance national interests and values.

These, in turn, are shaped by “material factors”, such as geography, population and economy size, natural resources, shared political ideals (for example, our belief in democratic institutions), norms and culture.

In addition, a middle-sized country’s global role can change depending on how leaders perceive contemporary threats and challenges to their security.

Australia as a ‘middle power’

The National Defence Strategy released in 2024 describes Australia as an “influential middle power”. According to the strategy, this is demonstrated by several things:

  • our enduring democratic values
  • our history of safeguarding international rules and contributing to regional partnerships
  • the strong foundations of our economy
  • the strength of our partnerships in the Indo-Pacific.

Whether Australia should be described as a “middle power”, though, has long been the subject of political debate. Since H.V. “Doc” Evatt, then-attorney general and minister for external affairs, used the term in 1945, it has been most often (but not always) associated with the Labor Party.

Recent Coalition governments have been more reluctant to view Australia as “just” a middle power.

Alexander Downer, the foreign minister in the Howard government, would occasionally use the term “pivotal power”. Pivotal powers, as one political analyst put it, are “destined to shape the contours of geopolitics in key regions of the world” due to their strategic location, economic power and political influence.

Meanwhile, Julie Bishop, foreign minister in the Abbott and Turnbull administrations, preferred the term “top 20 country”, arguing this better reflected Australia’s standing and level of influence on the global stage.

At the core of this historical debate is the extent to which a country like Australia can – and does – have influence in the region and globally.

Middle powers have different characteristics from great or smaller powers. Size, geography and economic wealth affect the extent to which they can shape the world. As a result, middle powers often adopt certain types of actions or behaviours to enhance their influence.

This concept, known as “middle power diplomacy”, has often been associated with Australia.

There are a number of ways middle powers do this, such as by:

  • supporting adherence to international law and rules (because these can help restrain more powerful states from imposing their will on others)

  • encouraging cooperation through multilateralism (cooperation between multiple states)

  • finding creative new solutions to global problems, such as climate change

  • taking the diplomatic lead on specific, but important, issues.

A liberal-democratic middle power, such as Australia, may also seek to promote its values internationally, including the respect for human rights, free and open trade, and the principles of democratic governance and accountability.

Australia’s reliance on ‘great and powerful friends’

In addition, middle powers often choose to align themselves with a bigger power to boost their influence even further.

In Australia’s case, its strategic dependence on the United States developed, in part, by historical anxieties that faraway “great and powerful friends”, as former diplomat Allan Gyngell phrased it, might abandon it in a potentially hostile region.

Prior to the second world war, Australia relied on its former colonial ruler, Britain, for its security. The Fall of Singapore in 1942, in which Japanese forces routed British and Australian troops defending the island, demonstrated the risks of our overdependence on a distant ally.

In the aftermath of the war, Australia forged a new security alliance with a new global superpower, the United States, through the ANZUS Treaty. Yet, replacing one “great and powerful” but distant friend with another did not alleviate Australia’s abandonment anxieties.

Since then, debates about Australia’s international role have largely focused on the extent to which it can – and should be – self-reliant in the context of the US alliance, or if it should pursue a more independent foreign policy.

US domestic politics – particularly during President Donald Trump’s time in office – have also driven uncertainty about Washington’s reliability, as well as its commitment to Asia and the implications for allies like Australia.

Despite such concerns, Australia’s relationship with the US is as strong and deeply entwined as it has ever been. In fact, it only got stronger during Trump’s first term. While Canberra has sought to deepen engagement with regional states it views as “like-minded”, such as Japan, South Korea and India, it has done so firmly in the context of its broader alliance with the United States.

This, of course, is driven by the new anxieties over China’s rise as a major economic and military power in the region. In recent years, Beijing’s assertive and coercive behaviours in the region have made it the key national security threat facing Australia.

This is a break from the past, when Australian leaders – both Labor and Liberal – broadly agreed that a “pragmatic approach” to engaging great powers meant Canberra would not have to “choose sides” between China and the US.

In 2023, the Albanese government sought a détente of sorts with China, attempting to return to this pragmatic approach. But wariness of Beijing remains.

Opponents to this strategy have called the government’s efforts to re-engage with China a “threat to Australian sovereignty, principles, and values”.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s visit to Beijing in late 2023.

An Indo-Pacific power?

In the context of these new challenges presented by a rising China, Australia has increasingly leaned into becoming an “Indo-Pacific” power in recent years. There are a number of ways in which this shift is observable.

First, Australia has been instrumental in encouraging the global adoption of this phrase, “Indo-Pacific”, as a new way of referring to the region. This is partly driven by the desire to maintain US leadership and presence in Australia’s neighbourhood. The US is a Pacific state, so this concept anchors the US in our region in a way that “Asia” does not.

And when people used the term “Asia-Pacific” to talk about the region in the past, this had a primarily economic connotation. This is due to the importance of the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the move towards free-trade agreements between Australia and other countries in the region.

However, the US has become less economically engaged in the region in recent years, with a focus on rebuilding its own industrial base. India, the other major economy in Asia, has also been reluctant to sign up to multilateral, regional free-trade agreements. Neither are parties to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CP-TPP) or the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreements.

As such, the new term “Indo-Pacific” has become more of a security concept centred on the region’s waters. Generally, it is used to incorporate South, Southeast and Northeast Asia, Oceania (Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands) and the United States. By connecting the Indian (“Indo”) and the Pacific Oceans, it has become primarily a maritime strategic concept.

The narratives usually associated with the Indo-Pacific also relate to the need to protect the international rules-based order, and freedom of navigation and overflight for ships and aircraft in the region. This, again, reflects the growing geopolitical anxieties about a rising China, particularly in the disputed South and East China seas and the Taiwan Strait.

Australia does not have territorial or maritime claims in either sea, but we are nonetheless concerned about China’s efforts to undermine the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and what this might mean for the “rules-based order” more generally.

The second way Australia is moving more towards becoming a regional power is in the narrowing of its core defence interests to an “inner ring” focused on the South Pacific and maritime Southeast Asia, and to a lesser extent, an “outer ring” in the broader Indo-Pacific and wider world. These geographical boundaries have consequences for how Australia views its international role.

After nearly two decades of military engagement in the Middle East and Afghanistan, Australia is shifting its focus back on its home region. This reflects not just the limits of our military capabilities, but also new concerns about the changing balance of power in Asia.

Third, Australia is increasingly focusing on a more strategic, narrower form of multilateralism. This, too, has been more centred on our region.

Multilateralism has always been seen as an important part of middle power identity. Australia, for instance, played a key role in setting up institutions like the United Nations.

However, this began to shift under recent Coalition governments. Prime Minister Scott Morrison expressed scepticism about such institutions, criticising them as an “often ill-defined borderless global community” that promoted “negative globalism”.

Under successive Coalition governments, Australia instead became a key player in two smaller groups of nations – the re-branded “Quad” in 2017 (along with Japan, the US and India) and AUKUS in 2021 (with the US and United Kingdom).

Under the Albanese government, global multilateralism was reinstated as an important pillar of foreign policy. But Australia’s investment and involvement in these smaller groups has only deepened.

Both AUKUS and the Quad demonstrate Australia’s changing role as a regional power in the Indo-Pacific. These groups offer Australia an opportunity to shape the regional security agenda by joining forces with other powerful states. They also provide a way of encouraging the US to maintain its presence and leadership in the region and to counterbalance China’s rise.

As part of this, Australia has become a key proponent of what the Biden administration coined “integrated deterrence”.

This is a central pillar of the US’ Indo-Pacific strategy that seeks to mobilise “like-minded” states – especially its regional allies such as Australia, Japan and South Korea – to form a regional coalition against rival states. This strategy reflects a growing awareness the US can’t provide security in Asia alone.

The AUKUS security agreement, including the commitment to develop new nuclear-powered submarines for Australia, is a part of this strategy.

Since the announcement of the submarine plan in 2021, both the procurement plan and the language that American and Australian leaders have been using suggest that Canberra is preparing to play a bigger security role in the region alongside the US.

Time for a new ‘strategic imagination’?

Has Australia’s shift to an Indo-Pacific regional power served it well?

It has allowed the deepening of defence relationships with partners like Japan and India. And through its roles in the Quad and AUKUS, Australia has a seat at the table and is more visible in regional security discussions.

But there are risks to a more assertive regional power stance. Australia could be viewed by its neighbours as too focused on military and not invested enough (or in the right way) in diplomacy or regional development. Australia’s overseas aid contribution, for example, has been declining for three decades.

It is also unclear which other regional states are likely to participate in a US-led coalition if a real conflict with China ever broke out. The Quad and AUKUS groups may be viewed by others as exclusionary or contributing to increasing tensions in the region.

How nuclear-powered submarines will “deter” potential adversaries is also yet to be clearly explained. These submarines could potentially entangle Australia in a regional conflict instead. Being able to clearly articulate and distinguish between Australian and US interests will remain vital for ensuring that future governments don’t “sleepwalk” into war.

Finally, Australia’s advocacy of the “rules-based order” has left it – and the US – exposed to criticisms of hypocrisy and double standards, particularly with Washington’s support for Israel’s war on Gaza.

In our recent book, Girt by Sea: Re-imagining Australian Security, Joanne Wallis and I argue that Australia needs to reconceptualise its role as a regional actor to

…one which can develop a coherent security strategy by working with old and new allies and partners to shape the regional order in ways that ensure its security.

The approach emphasises the need for all parts of our government to work in coordination to protect Australians from the range of complex conventional and unconventional challenges it faces (including climate change).

Australia’s security and its international role should not be viewed through the lens of the “China threat” alone. Doing so is counter-productive, as many states in the region do not share the same perception about China.

Instead, as Wallis and I wrote, Australia needs a “more comprehensive, nuanced and contingent understanding of the range of security opportunities and threats” we face.


This is an edited extract from How Australian Democracy Works, a new collection of essays from The Conversation on all aspects of the country’s political landscape.

Rebecca Strating receives funding from Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

ref. A middle power with ‘great and powerful friends’: Australia’s changing role in the region – https://theconversation.com/a-middle-power-with-great-and-powerful-friends-australias-changing-role-in-the-region-228897

Quantum navigation could transform how we travel. So what is it, and how does it work?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Allison Kealy, Director, Innovative Planet Institute, Swinburne University of Technology

Triff/Shutterstock

Quantum technology is no longer confined to the lab – it’s making its way into our everyday lives. Now, it’s about to transform something even more fundamental: how we navigate the world.

Imagine submarines travelling beneath the ocean, never needing to surface for location updates. Planes flying across continents with unshakeable precision, unaffected by signal disruptions.

Emergency responders could navigate smoke-filled buildings or underground tunnels with flawless accuracy, while autonomous vehicles chart perfect courses through dense urban environments.

These scenarios might sound like science fiction, but they can all be made possible with an emerging approach known as quantum navigation.

This game-changing tech will one day redefine movement, exploration and connectivity in ways we’re only just beginning to imagine. So, what is it?

Satellite navigation is at the heart of many things

Global navigation satellite systems, like GPS, are deeply embedded in modern society. We use them daily for navigation, ordering deliveries and tagging photo locations. But their impact goes far beyond convenience.

Timing signals from satellites in Earth’s orbit authenticate stock market trades and help balance the electricity grid. In agriculture, satellite navigation guides autonomous tractors and helps muster cattle.

Emergency services rely on navigation satellite systems for rapid response, reducing the time it takes to reach those in need.

Despite their benefits, systems like GPS are quite vulnerable. Satellite signals can be jammed or interfered with. This can be due to active warfare, terrorism or for legitimate (or illegitimate) privacy concerns. Maps like GPSJAM show real-time interference hotspots, such as those in the Middle East, areas around Russia and Ukraine, and Myanmar.

The environment of space isn’t constant, either. The Sun regularly ejects giant balls of plasma, causing what we know as solar storms. These emissions slam into Earth’s magnetic field, disrupting satellites and GPS signals. Often these effects are temporary, but they can also cause significant damage, depending on the severity of the storm.

An outage of global navigation satellite systems would be more than an inconvenience – it would disrupt our most critical infrastructure.

Estimates suggest a loss of GPS would cost just the United States economy about US$1 billion per day (A$1.5 billion), causing cascading failures across interconnected systems.

Quantum navigation to the rescue

In some environments, navigation signals from satellites don’t work very well. They don’t penetrate water or underground spaces, for example.

If you’ve ever tried to use Google Maps in a built-up city with skyscrapers, you may have run into issues. Tall buildings cause signal reflections that degrade accuracy, and signals are weakened or completely unavailable inside buildings.

This is where quantum navigation could step in one day.

Quantum science describes the behaviour of particles at scales smaller than an atom. It reveals mind-boggling effects like superposition – particles existing in multiple states simultaneously – and entanglement (when particles are connected through space and time in ways that defy classical understanding).

These effects are fragile and typically collapse under observation, which is why we don’t notice them in everyday life. But the very fragility of quantum processes also lets them work as exquisite sensors.

A sensor is a device that detects changes in the world around it and turns that information into a signal we can measure or use. Think automatic doors that open when we walk near them, or phone screens that respond to our touch.

Quantum sensors are so sensitive because quantum particles react to tiny changes in their environment. Unlike normal sensors, which can miss weak signals, quantum sensors are extremely good at detecting even the smallest changes in things like time, gravity or magnetic fields.

Their sensitivity comes from how easily quantum states change when something in their surroundings shifts, allowing us to measure things with much greater accuracy than before.

This precision is critical for robust navigation systems.

Our team is researching new ways to use quantum sensors to measure Earth’s magnetic field for navigation. By using quantum effects in diamonds, we can detect Earth’s magnetic field in real time and compare the measurements to pre-existing magnetic field maps, providing a resilient alternative to satellite navigation like GPS.

Since magnetic signals are unaffected by jamming and work underwater, they offer a promising backup system.

A steel box bolted to a perforated sheet with the words phasor quantum on it.
A quantum magnetometer used in our research.
Swinburne University/RMIT/Phasor

The future of navigation

The future of navigation will integrate quantum sensors to enhance location accuracy (via Earth’s magnetic and gravitational fields), improve orientation (via quantum gyroscopes), and enable superior timing (through compact atomic clocks and interconnected timekeeping systems).

These technologies promise to complement and, in some cases, provide alternatives to traditional satellite-based navigation.

However, while the potential of quantum navigation is clear, making it a practical reality remains a significant challenge. Researchers and companies worldwide are working to refine these technologies, with major efforts underway in academia, government labs and industry.

Startups and established players are developing prototypes of quantum accelerometers (devices that measure movement) and gyroscopes, but most remain in early testing phases or specialised applications.

Key hurdles include reducing the size and power demands of quantum sensors, improving their stability outside of controlled laboratory settings, and integrating them into existing navigation systems.

Cost is another barrier – today’s quantum devices are expensive and complex, meaning widespread adoption is still years away.

If these challenges can be overcome, quantum navigation could reshape everyday life in subtle but profound ways. While quantum navigation won’t replace GPS overnight, it could become an essential part of the infrastructure that keeps the world moving.

The Conversation

Allison Kealy is affiliated with Quantum Australia as a board member.

Allison Kealy is a research collaborator with RMIT University and Phasor Quantum.

ref. Quantum navigation could transform how we travel. So what is it, and how does it work? – https://theconversation.com/quantum-navigation-could-transform-how-we-travel-so-what-is-it-and-how-does-it-work-250285

Manipulated media: The weapon of the Right

The re-election of Donald Trump is proof that the Right’s most powerful weapon is media manipulation, ensuring the public sphere is not engaged in rational debate, reports the Independent Australia.

COMMENTARY: By Victoria Fielding

I once heard someone say that when the Left and the Right became polarised — when they divorced from each other — the Left got all the institutions of truth including science, education, justice and democratic government.

The Right got the institution of manipulation: the media. This statement hit me for six at the time because it seemed so clearly true.

What was also immediately clear is that there was an obvious reason why the Left sided with the institutions of truth and the Right resorted to manipulation. It is because truth does not suit right-wing arguments.

The existence of climate change does not suit fossil fuel billionaires. Evidence that wealth does not trickle down does not suit the capitalist class. The idea that diversity, equity and inclusion (yes, I put those words in that order on purpose) is better for everyone, rather than a discriminatory, hateful, destructive, divided unequal world is dangerous for the Right to admit.

The Right’s embrace of the media institution also makes sense when you consider that the institutions of truth are difficult to buy, whereas billionaires can easily own manipulative media.

Just ask Elon Musk, who bought Twitter and turned it into a political manipulation machine. Just ask Rupert Murdoch, who is currently engaged in a bitter family war to stop three of his children opposing him and his son Lachlan from using their “news” organisations as a form of political manipulation for right-wing interests.

Right-wingers also know that truthful institutions only have one way of communicating their truths to the public: via the media. Once the media environment is manipulated, we enter a post-truth world.

Experts derided as untrustworthy ‘elitists’
This is the world where billionaire fossil fuel interests undermine climate action. It is where scientists create vaccines to save lives but the manipulated public refuses to take them. Where experts are derided as untrustworthy “elitists”.

And it is where the whole idea of democratic government in the US has been overthrown to install an autocratic billionaire-enriching oligarchy led by an incompetent fool who calls himself the King.

Once you recognise this manipulated media environment, you also understand that there is not — and never has been — such as thing as a rational public debate. Those engaged in the institutions of the Left — in science, education, justice and democratic government — seem mostly unwilling to accept this fact.

Instead, they continue to believe if they just keep telling people the truth and communicating what they see as entirely rational arguments, the public will accept what they have to say.

I think part of the reason that the Left refuses to accept that public debate is not rational and rather, is a manipulated bin fire of misleading information, including mis/disinformation and propaganda, is because they are not equipped to compete in this reality. What do those on the Left do with “post-truth”?

They seem to just want to ignore it and hope it goes away.

A perfect example of this misunderstanding of the post-truth world and the manipulated media environment’s impact on the public is this paper, by political science professors at the Australian National University Ian McAllister and Nicholas Biddle.

Stunningly absolutist claim
Their research sought to understand why polling at the start of the 2023 Indigenous Voice to Parliament Referendum showed widespread public support for the Voice but over the course of the campaign, this support dropped to the point where the Voice was defeated with 60 per cent voting “No” and 40 per cent, “Yes”.

In presenting their study’s findings, the authors make the stunningly absolutist claim that:

‘…the public’s exposure to all forms of mass media – as we have measured it here – had no impact on the result’.

A note is then attached to this finding with the caveat:

‘As noted earlier, given the data at hand we are unable to test the possibility that the content of the media being consumed resulted in a reinforcement of existing beliefs and partisanship rather than a conversion.’

This caveat leaves a gaping hole in the finding by failing to account for how media reinforcing existing beliefs is an important media effect – as argued by Neil Gavin here. Since it was not measured, how can they possibly say there was no effect?

Furthermore, the very premise of the author’s sweeping statement that media exposure had no impact on the result of the Referendum is based on two naive assumptions:

  • that voters were rational in their deliberations over the Referendum question; and
  • that the information environment voters were presented with was rational.

Dual assumption of rationality
This dual assumption of rationality – one that the authors interestingly admit is an assumption – is evidenced in their hypothesis which states:

‘Voters who did not follow the campaign in the mass media were more likely to move from a yes to a no vote compared to voters who did follow the campaign in the mass media.’

This hypothesis, the authors explain, is premised on the assumption ‘that those with less information are more likely to opt for the status quo and cast a no vote’, and therefore that less exposure to media would change a vote from “Yes” to “No”. What this hypothesis assumes is that if a voter received more rational information in the media about the Referendum, that information would rationally drive their vote in the “Yes” direction. When their data disproved this hypothesis, the authors used this finding to claim that the media had no effect.

To understand the reality of what happened in the Referendum debate, the word “rational” needs to be taken out of the equation and the word “manipulated” put in.

We know, of course, that the Referendum was awash with manipulative information, which all supported the “No” campaign. For example, my study of News Corp’s Voice coverage — Australia’s largest and most influential news organisation — found that News Corp actively campaigned for the “No” proposition in concert with the “No” campaign, presenting content more like a political campaign than traditional journalism and commentary.

A study by Queensland University of Technology’s Tim Graham analysed how the Voice Referendum was discussed on social media platform, X. Far from a rational debate, Graham identified that the “No” campaign and its supporters engaged in a participatory disinformation propaganda campaign, which became a “truth market” about the Voice.

The ‘truth market’
This “truth market” was described as drawing “Yes” campaigners into a debate about the truth of the Voice, sidetracking them from promoting their own cause.

What such studies showed was that, far from McAllister and Biddle’s assumed rational information environment, the Voice Referendum public debate was awash with manipulation, propaganda, disinformation and fear-mongering.

The “No” campaign that delivered this manipulation perfectly demonstrates how the Right uses media to undermine institutions of truth, to undermine facts and to undermine the rationality of democratic debates.

The completely unfounded assumption that the more information a voter received about the Voice, the more likely they would vote “Yes”, reveals a misunderstanding of the reality of a manipulated public debate environment present across all types of media, from mainstream news to social media.

It also wrongly treats voters like rational deliberative computers by assuming that the more information that goes in, the more they accept that information. This is far from the reality of how mediated communication affects the public.

The reason the influence of media on individuals and collectives is, in reality, so difficult to measure and should never be bluntly described as having total effect or no effect, is that people are not rational when they consume media, and every individual processes information in their own unique and unconscious ways.

One person can watch a manipulated piece of communication and accept it wholeheartedly, others can accept part of it and others reject it outright.

Manipulation unknown
No one piece of information determines how people vote and not every piece of information people consume does either. That’s the point of a manipulated media environment. People who are being manipulated do not know they are being manipulated.

Importantly, when you ask individuals how their media consumption impacted on them, they of course do not know. The decisions people make based on the information they have ephemerally consumed — whether from the media, conversations, or a wide range of other information sources, are incredibly complex and irrational.

Surely the re-election of Donald Trump for a second time, despite all the rational arguments against him, is proof that the manipulated media environment is an incredibly powerful weapon — a weapon the Right, globally, is clearly proficient at wielding.

It is time those on the Left caught up and at least understood the reality they are working in.

Dr Victoria Fielding is an Independent Australia columnist. This article was first published by the Independent Australia and is republished with the author’s permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Cook Islands needs to ‘stand on our own two feet,’ says Brown – wins confidence vote

RNZ Pacific

Prime Minister Mark Brown has survived a motion in the Cook Islands Parliament aimed at ousting his government, the second Pacific Island leader to face a no-confidence vote this week.

In a vote yesterday afternoon (Tuesday, Cook Islands time), the man who has been at the centre of controversy in the past few weeks, defeated the motion by 13 votes to 9. Two government ministers were absent for the vote.

The motion was put forward by the opposition MP Teariki Heather, the leader of the Cook Islands United Party.

Ahead of the vote, Heather acknowledged that Brown had majority support in Parliament.

However, he said he was moving the motion on principle after recent decisions by Brown, including a proposal to create a Cook Islands passport and shunning New Zealand from deals it made with China, which has divided Cook Islanders.

“These are the merits that I am presenting before this House. We have the support of our people and those living outside the country, and so it is my challenge. Where do you stand in this House?” Heather said.

Brown said his country has been so successful in its development in recent years that it graduated to first world status in 2020.

‘Engage on equal footing’
“We need to stand on our own two feet, and we need to engage with our partners on an equal footing,” he said.

“Economic and financial independence must come first before political independence, and that was what I discussed and made clear when I met with the New Zealand prime minister and deputy prime minister in Wellington in November.”

Brown said the issues Cook Islanders faced today were not just about passports and agreements but about Cook Islands expressing its self-determination.

“This is not about consultation. This is about control.”

“We cannot compete with New Zealand. When their one-sided messaging is so compelling that even our opposition members will be swayed.

“We never once talked to the New Zealand government about cutting our ties with New Zealand but the message our people received was that we were cutting our ties with New Zealand.

“We have been discussing the comprehensive partnership with New Zealand for months. But the messaging that got out is that we have not consulted.

‘We are not a child’
“We are a partner in the relationship with New Zealand. We are not a child.”

He said the motion of no confidence had been built on misinformation to the extent that the mover of the motion has stated publicly that he was moving this motion in support of New Zealand.

“The influence of New Zealand in this motion of no confidence should be of concern to all Cook Islands who value . . . who value our country.

“My job is not to fly the New Zealand flag. My job is to fly my own country’s flag.”

Last week, hundreds of Cook Islanders opposing Brown’s political decisions rallied in Avarua, demanding that he step down for damaging the relationship between Aotearoa and Cook Islands.

The Cook Islands is a self-governing state in free association with New Zealand. It is part of the Realm of New Zealand, sharing the same Head of State.

This year, the island marks its 60th year of self-governance.

According to Cook Islands 2021 Census, its population is less than 15,000.

New Zealand remains the largest home to the Cook Islands community, with over 80,000 Cook Islands Māori, while about 28,000 live in Australia.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

DeepSeek is now a global force. But it’s just one player in China’s booming AI industry

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mimi Zou, Professor, School of Private & Commercial Law, UNSW Sydney

Dorason/Shutterstock

When small Chinese artificial intelligence (AI) company DeepSeek released a family of extremely efficient and highly competitive AI models last month, it rocked the global tech community. The release revealed China’s growing technological prowess. It also showcased a distinctly Chinese approach to AI advancement.

This approach is characterised by strategic investment, efficient innovation and careful regulatory oversight. And it’s evident throughout China’s broader AI landscape, of which DeepSeek is just one player.

In fact, the country has a vast ecosystem of AI companies.

They may not be globally recognisable names like other AI companies such as DeepSeek, OpenAI and Anthropic. But each has carved out their own speciality and is contributing to the development of this rapidly evolving technology.

Tech giants and startups

The giants of China’s technology industry include Baidu, Alibaba and Tencent. All these companies are investing heavily in AI development.

Alibaba CEO Eddie Wu earlier this month said the multibillion dollar company plans to “aggressively invest” in its pursuit of developing AI that is equal to, or more advanced than, human intelligence.

The company is already working with Apple to incorporate its existing AI models into Chinese iPhones. (Outside China, iPhones offer similar integration with OpenAI’s ChatGPT.)

But a new generation of smaller, specialised AI companies has also emerged.

For example, Shanghai-listed Cambricon Technologies focuses on AI chip development. Yitu Technology specialises in healthcare and smart city applications.

Megvii Technology and CloudWalk Technology have carved out niches in image recognition and computer vision, while iFLYTEK creates voice recognition technology.

Orange company sign on the facade of a glass building.
Multibillion dollar Chinese tech company Alibaba plans to aggressively invest in AI.
testing/Shutterstock

Innovative paths to success

Despite United States’ chip sanctions and China’s restricted information environment, these Chinese AI companies have found paths to success.

US companies such as OpenAI have trained their large language models on the open internet. But Chinese companies have used vast datasets from domestic platforms such as WeChat, Weibo and Zhihu. They also use government-authorised data sources.

Many Chinese AI companies also embrace open-source development. This means they publish detailed technical papers and release their models for others to build upon. This approach focuses on efficiency and practical application rather than raw computing power.

The result is a distinctly Chinese approach to AI.

Importantly, China’s state support for AI development has also been substantial. Besides the central government, local and provincial governments have provided massive funding through venture funds, subsidies and tax incentives.

China has also established at least 48 data exchanges across different cities in recent years. These are authorised marketplaces where AI companies can purchase massive datasets in a regulated environment.

By 2028, China also plans to establish more than 100 “trusted data spaces”.

These are secure, regulated environments designed to standardise data exchanges across sectors and regions. They will form the foundation of a comprehensive national data market, allowing access to and use of diverse datasets within a controlled framework.

A strong education push

The growth of the AI industry in China is also tied to a strong AI education push.

In 2018, China’s Ministry of Education launched an action plan for accelerating AI innovation in universities.

Publicly available data shows 535 universities have established AI undergraduate majors and some 43 specialised AI schools and research institutes have also been created since 2017. (In comparison, there are at least 14 colleges and universities in the United States offering formal AI undergraduate degrees.)

Together, these institutions are building an AI talent pipeline in China. This is crucial to Beijing’s ambition of becoming a global AI innovation leader by 2030.

China’s AI strategy combines extensive state support with targeted regulation. Rather than imposing blanket controls, regulators have developed a targeted approach to managing AI risks.

The 2023 regulations on generative AI are particularly revealing of Beijing’s approach.

They impose content-related obligations specifically on public-facing generative AI services, such as ensuring all content created and services provided are lawful, uphold core socialist values and respect intellectual property rights. These obligations, however, exclude generative AI used for enterprise, research and development. This allows for some unrestricted innovation.

A hedge-lined entrance to a university campus.
There are 43 specialised AI schools and research institutes in China, including at Renmen University in Beijing.
humphery/Shutterstock

International players

China and the US dominate the global AI landscape. But several significant players are emerging elsewhere.

For example, France’s Mistral AI has raised over €1 billion (A$1.6 billion) to date to build large language models. In comparison, OpenAI raised US$6.6 billion (A$9.4 billion) in a recent funding round, and is in talks to raise a further US$40 billion.

Other European companies are focused on specialised applications, specific industries or regional markets. For example, Germany’s Aleph Alpha offers an AI tool that allows companies to customise third-party models for their own purposes

In the United Kingdom, Graphcore is manufacturing AI chips and Wayve is making autonomous driving AI systems.

Challenging conventional wisdom

DeepSeek’s breakthrough last month demonstrated massive computing infrastructure and multibillion dollar budgets aren’t always necessary for the successful development of AI.

For those invested in the technology’s future, companies that achieve DeepSeek-level efficiencies could significantly influence the trajectory of AI development.

We may see a global landscape where innovative AI companies elsewhere can achieve breakthroughs, while still operating within ecosystems dominated by American and Chinese advantages in talent, data and investment.

The future of AI may not be determined solely by who leads the race. Instead, it may be determined by how different approaches shape the technology’s development.

China’s model offers important lessons for other countries seeking to build their AI capabilities while managing certain risks.

The Conversation

Mimi Zou has previously received funding from the British Academy. She is affiliated with the Asia Society Australia.

ref. DeepSeek is now a global force. But it’s just one player in China’s booming AI industry – https://theconversation.com/deepseek-is-now-a-global-force-but-its-just-one-player-in-chinas-booming-ai-industry-250494

We analysed almost 1,000 social media posts about 5 popular medical tests. Most were utterly misleading

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brooke Nickel, NHMRC Emerging Leader Research Fellow, University of Sydney

C-R-V/Shutterstock

When Kim Kardashian posted on Instagram about having had a full-body MRI, she enthused that the test can be “life saving”, detecting diseases in the earliest stages before symptoms arise.

What Kardashian neglected to say was there’s no evidence this expensive scan can bring benefits for healthy people. She also didn’t mention it can carry harms including unnecessary diagnoses and inappropriate treatments.

With this post in mind, we wanted to explore what influencers are telling us about medical tests.

In a new study published today in JAMA Network Open, we analysed nearly 1,000 Instagram and TikTok posts about five popular medical tests which can all do more harm than good to healthy people, including the full-body MRI scan.

We found the overwhelming majority of these posts were utterly misleading.

5 controversial tests

Before we get into the details of what we found, a bit about the five tests included in our study.

While these tests can be valuable to some, all five carry the risk of overdiagnosis for generally healthy people. Overdiagnosis is the diagnosis of a condition which would have never caused symptoms or problems. Overdiagnosis leads to overtreatment, which can cause unnecessary side effects and stress for the person, and wasted resources for the health system.

As an example, estimates suggest 29,000 cancers a year are overdiagnosed in Australia alone.

Overdiagnosis is a global problem, and it’s driven in part by healthy people having tests like these. Often, they’re promoted under the guise of early screening, as a way to “take control” of your health. But most healthy people simply don’t need them.

These are the five tests we looked at:

The full-body MRI scan claims to test for up to 500 conditions, including cancer. Yet there is no proven benefit of the scan for healthy people, and a real risk of unnecessary treatment from “false alarm” diagnoses.

The “egg timer” test (technically known as the AMH, or anti-mullarian hormone test) is often falsely promoted as a fertility test for healthy women. While it may be beneficial for women within a fertility clinic setting, it cannot reliably predict the chance of a woman conceiving, or menopause starting. However, low results can increase fear and anxiety, and lead to unnecessary and expensive fertility treatments.

Multi-cancer early detection blood tests are being heavily marketed as the “holy grail of cancer detection”, with claims they can screen for more than 50 cancers. In reality, clinical trials are still a long way from finished. There’s no good evidence yet that the benefits will outweigh the harms of unnecessary cancer diagnoses.

The gut microbiome test of your stool promises “wellness” via early detection of many conditions, from flatulence to depression, again without good evidence of benefit. There’s also concern that test results can lead to wasted resources.

Testosterone testing in healthy men is not supported by any high-quality evidence, with concerns direct-to-consumer advertising leads men to get tested and take testosterone replacement therapy unnecessarily. Use of testosterone replacement therapy carries its own risk of potential harms with the long-term safety in relation to heart disease and mortality still largely unknown.

Woman scrolling on a phone
Multi-cancer early detection blood tests are heavily marketed.
Yuri A/Shutterstock

What we found

Together with an international group of health researchers, we analysed 982 posts pertaining to the above tests from across Instagram and TikTok. The posts we looked at came from influencers and account holders with at least 1,000 followers, some with a few million followers. In total, the creators of the posts we included had close to 200 million followers.

Even discounting the bots, that’s a massive amount of influence (and likely doesn’t reflect their actual reach to non-followers too).

The vast majority of posts were misleading, failing to even mention the possibility of harm arising from taking one of these tests. We found:

  • 87% of posts mentioned test benefits, while only 15% mentioned potential harms

  • only 6% of posts mentioned the risk of overdiagnosis

  • only 6% of posts discussed any scientific evidence, while 34% of posts used personal stories to promote the test

  • 68% of influencers and account holders had financial interests in promoting the test (for example, a partnership, collaboration, sponsorship or selling for their own profit in some way).

Further analysis revealed medical doctors were slightly more balanced in their posts. They were more likely to mention the harms of the test, and less likely to have a strongly promotional tone.

A man on public transport looking at a smartphone.
The vast majority of posts we looked at were misleading.
DimaBerlin/Shutterstock

As all studies do, ours had some limitations. For example, we didn’t analyse comments connected to posts. These may give further insights into the information being provided about these tests, and how social media users perceive them.

Nonetheless, our findings add to the growing body of evidence showing misleading medical information is widespread on social media.

What can we do about it?

Experts have proposed a range of solutions including pre-bunking strategies, which means proactively educating the public about common misinformation techniques.

However, solutions like these often place responsibility on the individual. And with all the information on social media to navigate, that’s a big ask, even for people with adequate health literacy.

What’s urgently needed is stronger regulation to prevent misleading information being created and shared in the first place. This is especially important given social media platforms including Instagram are moving away from fact-checking.

In the meantime, remember that if information about medical tests promoted by influencers sounds too good to be true, it probably is.

The Conversation

Brooke Nickel receives fellowship funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC). She is on the Scientific Committee of the Preventing Overdiagnosis Conference.

Joshua Zadro receives fellowship funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC).

Ray Moynihan has received research funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

ref. We analysed almost 1,000 social media posts about 5 popular medical tests. Most were utterly misleading – https://theconversation.com/we-analysed-almost-1-000-social-media-posts-about-5-popular-medical-tests-most-were-utterly-misleading-247362

Australians can wait at least 258 days for their first psychiatry appointment, our new study shows

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yuting Zhang, Professor of Health Economics, The University of Melbourne

chainarong06/Shutterstock

Anyone who needs to make their first appointment with a psychiatrist may expect a bit of a wait. Our new research shows Australians are waiting an average 77 days for this initial appointment. But some were waiting for at least eight months.

We also showed people are waiting longer and longer for these appointments over the past decade or so, particularly in regional and remote areas. And telehealth has not reduced this city-country disparity.

Our study is the first of its kind to look at the national picture of wait times for a first appointment with a psychiatrist. Here’s why our findings are so concerning.

What we did

We analysed data from the Medicare Benefits Schedule from 2011 to 2022. This allowed us to analyse trends in wait times without accessing individual patients’ medical records.

The particular dataset we used allowed us to look at the time from a GP referral to the first appointment with a private psychiatrist.

A first appointment with a psychiatrist is crucial as it may lead to an official diagnosis if there is not one already, or it may map out future treatment options, including whether medicine or hospital admission is needed. Depending on the situation, treatment may start immediately, then be reviewed at subsequent appointments. However, with a delayed initial appointment, there’s the risk of delayed diagnosis and treatment, and symptoms worsening.

We focused on wait times for initial outpatient appointments with private psychiatrists, and looked at wait times for face-to-face and telehealth attendances separately.

We did not include wait times to see psychiatrists at public hospitals. And we couldn’t see what psychiatry appointments were for, and how urgent it was for a patient to see a psychiatrist at short notice.

What we found

We found wait times for the first psychiatry appointment after a GP referral had increased steadily in the past decade or so, especially since 2020. In 2011, the mean waiting time was 51 days, rising to 77 days by 2022.

Waiting times varied substantially between patients. For example, in 2022, 25% of the wait times for a face-to-face appointment were under ten days. But 95% of wait times were under 258 days. This means the longest wait times were more than 258 days.

For telehealth services in 2022, the equivalent wait times ranged from 11 to 235 days.

Wait times also varied by location. People in regional and remote areas consistently had longer wait times than those living in major cities, for both in-person and telehealth services.

The disparity remained over time, except for in-person services during the early years of the COVID pandemic. This is when rural areas in Australia had fewer lockdowns and less stringent movement restrictions compared to major cities.



Why didn’t telehealth help?

Our study did not look at reasons for increasing wait times. However, longer waits do not appear to be due to increased demand, considering the total number of visits has not gone up. For example, we showed the total number of visits for combined in-person and telehealth first appointments was 108,630 in 2020, 111,718 in 2021, and 104,214 in 2022.

But what about telehealth? This has widely been touted as a boon for regional and remote Australians, as it allows them to access psychiatry services without the time and expense of having to travel long distances.

Telehealth took off in 2020 due to COVID. There were 2,066 total first psychiatry visits between 2011 and 2019, increasing to 12,860 in 2020. But in 2022, there were 27,527.

However, we found the number of telehealth visits offset the number of face-to-face visits, and the total visits remained stable in recent years. As telehealth still takes up psychiatrists’ time, it did not help to reduce wait times.

What are the implications?

The national rise in wait times over the past decade or so is concerning, especially for high-risk patients with severe mental disorders, such as schizophrenia, severe depression and bipolar disorder. Any delays in treatment for these patients could cause substantial harms to them and others in their communities.

Our results also come at a time of increased pressure on mental health services more broadly including:

Now, more than ever, we need to pay continued attention to access and distribution of psychiatric services across Australia.

The Conversation

Yuting Zhang has received funding from the Australian Research Council (future fellowship project ID FT200100630), Department of Veterans’ Affairs, the Victorian Department of Health, and National Health and Medical Research Council. In the past, Professor Zhang has received funding from several US institutes including the US National Institutes of Health, Commonwealth fund, Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, and Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. She has not received funding from for-profit industry including the private health insurance industry.

Ou Yang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Australians can wait at least 258 days for their first psychiatry appointment, our new study shows – https://theconversation.com/australians-can-wait-at-least-258-days-for-their-first-psychiatry-appointment-our-new-study-shows-248012

The atmosphere is getting better at cleaning itself – but that’s not all good news

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hinrich Schaefer, Research Scientist Trace Gases, National Institute of Water and Atmospheric Research (NIWA)

Baring Head station, overlooking Cook Strait, is one of the places where air samples are collected to track greenhouse gases. Author provided, CC BY-SA

Imagine for a moment the atmosphere is a kitchen sink. Wildfires, industry emissions, plants and microbes dump their grimy dishes into it in the form of noxious and planet-heating gases.

The only reason why these gases are not continuously accumulating in the atmosphere and we are not choking in a giant smog cloud is that the atmosphere makes its own detergent: hydroxyl.

The hydroxyl radical (OH) is generated in complex chemical cycles and removes organic gases by reacting with them. This includes the potent greenhouse gas methane – OH removes about 90% of it from the atmosphere.

An important question for climate scientists is whether our ongoing emissions could use up the OH detergent and leave the atmosphere less able to cleanse itself.

While that may seem likely, we also emit compounds like nitrogen oxides (from engines and power plants) that increase OH production. Which of the two processes dominates and whether OH levels are going up or down has been hotly debated.

But as we show in our new study, OH has been increasing and the atmosphere’s self-cleaning ability has been strengthening since 1997.

This finding gets us a step closer to understanding what happens to methane once it enters the atmosphere. While it is good news that the atmosphere’s scrubbing capacity has been increasing, it also suggests that methane emissions are rising faster than scientists and policy makers assumed.

Complex measurements

OH is very challenging to measure directly. It only exists for a second before it reacts again.

Instead, we used the radiocarbon content of carbon monoxide (14CO) as a footprint of OH activity. Only reaction with OH removes 14CO, which makes it a robust tracer and indicates how much OH is in the air.

The 14CO radioactive isotope (which is chemically the same as carbon monoxide but heavier) forms when cosmic rays start a chain of reactions in the atmosphere. We can calculate this production rate accurately and therefore know how much 14CO enters the atmosphere.

For each of the hundreds of data points used in our study, we used air samples collected at two remote stations in New Zealand and Antarctica, respectively, over the past 33 years.

From these samples, we isolated only the carbon monoxide, which we then turned into carbon dioxide and eventually into graphite (pure carbon) to measure how many of the graphite atoms represent the carbon isotope 14C.

Confirmation by modelling

We found a statistically significant decrease in 14CO over the past 25 years. This can only be caused by an increase in OH.

Our computer model that calculates climate and atmospheric chemistry confirms this. The combination of measurements and simulations shows that OH is increasing, but proves it only for the Southern Hemisphere where we have collected samples.

This is interesting because this part of the world is affected by the “grime” gases, including methane, that react with OH but is far from more industrialised regions that emit compounds that generate OH (especially nitrogen oxides).

If we can detect an OH rise in the more pristine southern hemisphere, chances are the increase is global. Indeed, our model shows that OH is likely rising faster in the northern hemisphere.

The simulations also suggest the main factors at play. Higher methane fluxes suppress OH, as expected, and by themselves would cause a downward trend. In contrast, nitrogen oxide emissions, ozone depletion in the stratosphere and global warming favour the formation of new OH, turning the balance to an overall increase.

These findings are a big step in the understanding of atmospheric chemistry. They show that rising OH levels have so far saved us from even faster rising atmospheric methane levels and the associated warming.

Currently, urban and industrial pollution of nitrogen oxides maintains this state. But the danger is that the very necessary efforts to clean up these pollutants could cut the OH supply to the atmospheric kitchen sink. With less detergent and the same input of grime, the dishwater will turn dirty.

The Conversation

Hinrich Schaefer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article.

ref. The atmosphere is getting better at cleaning itself – but that’s not all good news – https://theconversation.com/the-atmosphere-is-getting-better-at-cleaning-itself-but-thats-not-all-good-news-248734

Intense heat changes our biology and can make us age significantly faster: study

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rongbin Xu, Research Fellow in Health and Epigenetics, Monash University

PorporLing/Shutterstock

Heat takes it out of you. After a long, hot day, we feel tired and grumpy.

But sustained periods of heat do more than that – they age us faster. Cumulative heat stress changes our epigenetics – how our cells turn on or off gene switches in response to environmental pressure.

Now, new research from the United States explores the pressing question of how extreme heat affects humans. The findings are concerning. The more days of intense heat a participant endured, the faster they aged. Longer periods of extreme heat accelerated ageing in older people by more than two years.

As the climate heats up, humans will be exposed to more and more heat – and our bodies will respond to these stresses by ageing faster. These findings are especially pertinent to Australia, where heatwaves are expected to become more frequent and intense in a warmer world.

How, exactly, does heat age us?

Ageing is natural. But the rate of ageing varies from human to human. As we go through life, our bodies are affected by stresses and shocks. For instance, if we don’t get enough sleep over a long period, we will age faster.

While heat can directly sicken or kill us, it also has a long tail. Sustained heat stresses our bodies and make them less efficient at doing the many jobs needed to stay alive. This is what we mean when we say it accelerates biological ageing. This deterioration is likely to precede the later development of diseases and disabilities.

What does that look like on a genetic level? You might think your genes don’t change over your life, and this is mostly true (apart from random mutations).

But what does change is how your genes are expressed. That is, while your DNA stays the same, your cells can switch some of its thousands of genes off or on in response to stresses. At any one time, only a fraction of the genes in any cell are turned on – meaning they are busy making proteins.

This is known as epigenetics. The most common and best understood pathway here is called DNA methylation (DNAm). Methylation here refers to a chemical our cells can use to block a DNA sequence from activating and producing proteins with various functions. Cellular changes in DNAm can lead to proteins being produced more or less, which in turn can flow on to affect physiological functions and our health status. This can be both bad or good.

Heat stress can alter the pattern of which genes are turned off or on, which in turn can affect our rate of ageing.

Severe heat stress can be remembered in cells, leading them to change their DNAm patterns over time. In laboratory testing, the effect is pronounced in fish, chickens, guinea pigs and mice.

To date, much research on how heat affects epigenetics has focused on animals and plants. Here, the evidence is clear – even a single episode of extreme heat has been shown to have a long-lasting effect on mice.

But only a couple of studies have been done involving humans, and they have been limited. This is the gap this new research is intended to help fill.

hand holding thermometer, hot day.
Sustained heat changes how our cells express genes – accelerating ageing.
aleks333/Shutterstock

What did the study find?

The study by researchers at the University of Southern California involved almost 3,700 people, with an average age of 68 years.

Heat affects older people more than younger people. Our ability to control our body temperature drops as we age, and we are less resilient to outside stresses and shocks. We also know periods of extreme heat trigger a wave of illness and death, especially among older people.

The study set out to better understand what happens to human bodies at a biological level when they’re exposed to intense heat over the short, medium and longer term.

To do this, the researchers took blood samples and measured epigenetic changes at thousands of sites across the genome, which were used to calculate three clocks measuring biological age, named PcPhenoAge, PCGrimAge and DunedinPACE.

older african-american woman, pensive expression.
Ageing is natural – but the speed at which we age can change.
Bricolage/Shutterstock

Then, they looked at the levels of heat each participant would have been exposed in their geographic areas over the preceding six years, which was 2010–16. They used the US heat index to assess heat, from caution (days up to 32°C), extreme caution (32–39°C) and danger (39–51°C). They used regression modelling to see how much faster people were ageing over the normal rate of ageing.

The effect of heat was clear in the three biological clocks. Longer term exposure to intense heat increased biological age by 2.48 years over the six year period of the study according to PCPhenoAge, 1.09 years according to PCGrimAge and 0.05 years according to DunedinPACE.

Over the period of the study, the effect was up to 2.48 years faster than normal ageing, where one calendar year equals one biological year of ageing. That is, rather than their bodies ageing the equivalent of six years over a six year period, heat could have aged their bodies up to 8.48 years.

Importantly, the biological clocks differ quite substantially and we don’t yet know why. The authors suggest the PCPhenoAge clock may capture a broader spectrum of biological ageing, covering both short term and longer term heat stress, while the other two may be more sensitive to long term heat exposure.

The way these researchers have conducted their study gives us confidence in their findings – the study sample was large and representative, and the use of the heat index rather than air temperature is an improvement over previous studies. However, the findings don’t account for whether the participants had airconditioning in their homes or spent much time outside.

We need to know more

Perhaps surprisingly, there has been little research done to date on what heat does to human epigenetics.

In 2020, we conducted a systemic review of the science of how environment affects human epigenetics. We found only seven studies, with most focused on the effect of cold rather than heat.

Now we have this new research which sheds light on the extent to which heat ages us.

As we face a warmer future, our epigenetics will change in response. There is still a lot of work to do to see how we can adapt to these changes – or if we even can, in some parts of the world.

The Conversation

Rongbin Xu received funding from VicHealth.

Shuai Li receives funding from NHMRC, Cancer Australia, Victorian Cancer Agency, Cancer Council Victoria and NIH.

ref. Intense heat changes our biology and can make us age significantly faster: study – https://theconversation.com/intense-heat-changes-our-biology-and-can-make-us-age-significantly-faster-study-250784

There’s a new ‘rapid review’ into school bullying. Research shows we need to involve the whole school to stop it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fiona MacDonald, Principal Research Fellow, Institute for Sustainable Industries and Liveable Cities, Victoria University

shutterstock LBeddoe/Shutterstock

About one in four students report being regularly bullied in Australian schools.

Children who are bullied can feel anxious and excluded, stop sleeping and eating well, and lose interest in school. There are serious potential long-term effects, which include anxiety and depression. Being bullied is also a risk factor for suicidal thoughts and behaviours.

Following the 2024 death of Sydney Year 7 student Charlotte O’Brien, the federal government wants to develop a national standard to address bullying in schools.

It has just announced a “rapid review” of bullying in schools, to be done in six months (though not before the federal election). This will look at what schools currently do to address bullying and what they should be doing.

What does the research tell us works when it comes to addressing bullying in schools?

What is bullying?

Bullying is behaviour that is aggressive, intentional, repetitive and unprovoked.

It also involves a power imbalance in favour of the perpetrator.

As well as physical abuse, these behaviours can involve verbal teasing, harassment, damaging property, and antisocial behaviours such as spreading gossip or excluding someone. It can happen in person or online.

A school student in a broad hat looks into the distance.
Bullying can mean a child stops wanting to go to school.
Doria Nippot/Shutterstock



Read more:
5 questions your child’s school should be able to answer about bullying


Initial responses to bullying

Much of the early research response to incidents on school bullying focused on the perpetrator and victim, and what the school should do in response to the bullying incident.

This involved senior teachers such as the principal and school counsellor meeting with the perpetrator and victim and their parents/guardians. Here they would work out strategies to try and make amends and prevent future incidents.

For example, a perpetrator may have had to apologise to the victim and take on additional responsibilities in the school. They may also be warned about suspension or exclusion.

But these responses do not address the complexity of bullying. This includes the reasons why a child might bully another as well as its broader impact. Often other students are also inadvertently involved in or affected by bullying. Seeing someone else being bullied can be upsetting, students may feel angry, sad or concerned they may also be bullied.

The shift to prevention

So more recent research has emphasised the importance of prevention to reduce rates of school bullying. This could include anti-bullying policies, classroom rules and discussions about bullying as well as information for parents.

This relies on what researchers call a “whole school approach”. Instead of bullying being seen as the responsibility of the principal or other senior teachers to deal with a few “at risk” kids, it is the responsibility of all staff, students and parents – and even the broader community.

This means students are educated to understand what is and is not bullying and what to do if they witness it. It also means teachers have clear policies to follow and a clear understanding of “gateway behaviours,” which can escalate into bullying. Parents likewise know what to do if their child is being bullied or the kinds of behaviours that can lead up to it – such as namecalling or eyerolling.

Other measures could include a dedicated staff member to champion anti-bullying measures in the school and partnerships with community members and organisations. This could be junior sporting clubs or even the school crossing guard (who can provide information about antisocial behaviours they observe).

The aim is to create a school culture which is safe and supportive for students, where harmful behaviour is clearly understood and dealt with early if it happens.

A group of students sit on chairs and listen to an adult speak.
A whole school approach sees students invovled in prevention bullying at their school.
Monkey Business Images/ Shutterstock



Read more:
Why do kids bully? And what can parents do about it?


The importance of data

Current research also emphasises the importance of schools regularly collecting, analysing and acting on data about bullying and the school environment. This enables schools to identify changes within the school environment before they escalate to bullying.

Schools already collect data about their students and behaviours, including attendance, playground incidents and their attitudes to school. But many don’t have the time or expertise to analyse it.

Listening to students

Research also shows anti-bullying efforts are more effective when students are involved.

This helps build trust between students, families and school staff, gives students a sense of ownership about solutions. Importantly it also enables young people to share their perspectives about what will work in their lives and classrooms.

This could include schools regularly asking students about bullying and other issues they are having at schools and genuinely considering their suggestions about how to improve both prevention and responses.

The Conversation

Fiona MacDonald received funding from Alannah & Madeline Foundation for this research.

Nina Van Dyke received funding from the Alannah & Madeline Foundation for this research.

ref. There’s a new ‘rapid review’ into school bullying. Research shows we need to involve the whole school to stop it – https://theconversation.com/theres-a-new-rapid-review-into-school-bullying-research-shows-we-need-to-involve-the-whole-school-to-stop-it-250519

Australia could make it easier for consumers to fight back against anti-competitive behaviour. Here’s how

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mel Marquis, Deputy Associate Dean and Senior Lecturer in Law, Monash University

From the supermarket to the petrol pump, many Australians are concerned about the power of large corporations. Are consumers getting a fair deal? Do they have enough choice?

This week, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) is due to hand the government the final report from its inquiry into Australia’s supermarket sector. They have already said the sector is highly concentrated, with just a few sellers controlling prices and exploiting small suppliers.

This advocacy highlights a key source of pressure on wallets. The ACCC is also pursuing consumer law claims against the big supermarkets for creating the “illusion” of discounted prices.

But across the economy, it is unlikely consumer interests are being protected as much as they could be. Further reforms in competition law would help.

In some countries, consumers can band together to sue private companies and demand compensation if they’ve been harmed by anti-competitive behaviour.

Australian consumers can sue companies too – but it can be burdensome, expensive and complicated. In fact, consumer suits seeking damages for such conduct are rare. Australia could make it easier to fight back.

The problem

Treasury will wrap up a major review of competition law in August.

Two areas of reform have rightly been given particular attention: a merger law for the whole economy, and special rules for large digital platforms.

Image of the ACC's website in a a browser window
The ACCC is Australia’s competition regulator and consumer law advocate.
Jarretera/Shutterstock

The merger reform has led to amendments to help the ACCC protect markets and a consultation on regulating platforms which has recently concluded.

Treasury is considering other reforms as well. However, putting consumers in a better position to claim damages for anti-competitive conduct is not on the agenda.

That is unfortunate. Consumers should feel more secure using competition law to demand compensation for anti-competitive harm. As the ACCC has said, the annual damage caused by cartels could amount to hundreds of millions of dollars, a staggering figure.

Even when the ACCC and the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions succeed in bringing cartellists to court to obtain penalties or even criminal sentences, it is a way to punish and deter. It does not make victims whole.

Overseas solutions

Australia lags behind its global counterparts.

In 2005, the European Union launched a debate on this subject. Laws were passed to ensure victims of anti-competitive conduct have a right to full compensation.

Flags of European Union countires outside the European parliament.
The European Union has seen a growth in private competition law actions.
MDart10/Shutterstock

Since then, it appears to have become easier for consumers there to seek damages. From 2014 to 2019, one study showed a fivefold increase in the number of cases lodged in the EU, from 50 up to 239 private claims seeking compensation.

In the United States, private antitrust enforcement thrives due to large class actions, where consumers with a similar grievance come together to take action against corporate defendants.

US antitrust law allows treble damages, which means consumers can in theory receive three times the value of any harm suffered plus the costs of the lawsuit. In reality they recover less than that, but with large classes of claimants, the incentives to pursue claims through litigation and settlements are strong.

The Australian situation

On paper, private enforcement of competition law already exists in Australia. However, incentives appear weaker here.

In the EU and US, class actions are designed to encourage claimants to seek compensation for anti-competitive harm, but the rarity of such claims in Australia suggests the settings aren’t quite right.

An image of a Google building
Google is currently subject to antitrust action in Australia.
JHVEPhoto/Shutterstock

A class action against major banks for allegedly rigging exchange rates, and a recently lodged class action against Google relating to its AdTech operations, are the exceptions, not the rule.

A 2012 article in the UNSW Law Journal said it was “time for an Australian debate”, but little has happened since.

What now? Here are some possible reforms

Various reforms and initiatives could bolster private enforcement in Australia, including:

1. Reviewing evidence rules to allow judges to order the disclosure of documents collected during investigations, provided the public interest is not compromised. If evidence is too hard to access, victims of cartels have no chance of proving their case.

2. Making it easier for a willing defendant to settle out of court. Sometimes, one defendant in a cartel case may be open to settling out of court but the other defendants are not. In such a case, to make it easier for the willing defendant to settle, it could be clarified that the non-settling defendants – if eventually ordered to pay the claimants – cannot then reclaim part of those damages as a “contribution” from the defendant that did settle.

Without this assurance, individual defendants that would otherwise be ready to settle may hesitate for fear of paying more than their share.

3. The ACCC could also more aggressively seek redress for consumers, which would reduce the need for damages actions. So far, the ACCC and the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions have not made enough use of their ability to seek orders granting such compensation in cartel cases.

Competition law is not just about promoting dynamism and productivity growth, and fairer prices and potential wage growth, though these are clearly desirable.

Competition law should also be about securing relief for victims to make them whole, and to boost their trust in markets. Facilitating private rights of action for consumers can help to elevate justice in this area of the law.

The Conversation

Mel Marquis has in the past received research grants funded by the Commonwealth of Australia and administered by the ACCC. He is a member of the Competition and Consumer Committee of the Law Institute of Victoria. The views expressed are personal to the author.

ref. Australia could make it easier for consumers to fight back against anti-competitive behaviour. Here’s how – https://theconversation.com/australia-could-make-it-easier-for-consumers-to-fight-back-against-anti-competitive-behaviour-heres-how-250505

Politicians are podcasting their way onto phone screens, but the impact may be fleeting

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Susan Grantham, Lecturer in Communication, Griffith University

TikTok

Australian podcast listeners have been treated to two appearances by the same guest in the past week: Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

Yesterday, sports comedy team The Grade Cricketer announced a new podcast, The Circus, in which Albanese was the first guest. While Albanese isn’t necessarily known for his love of cricket, he appeared relaxed, laughing and authentic.

It came hot on the heels of his previous podcast appearance, with influencer Abbie Chatfield. Chatfield’s content is often about feminism and social justice: a very different demographic of consumers.

While few voters may listen to a full episode (and many may have never heard of the podcasts or the attached personalities), that doesn’t really matter. The real impact is in the short-form video clips that get repackaged for TikTok and Instagram.

These viral snippets offer politicians a chance to appear authentic, relatable and human: traits that can make or break a modern political campaign, especially one that will likely be decided by Australians under 40.

The politics of podcasting

Podcasting has become a vital component of modern political strategy, offering long-form, intimate conversations that contrast with the often combative nature of traditional media interviews.

As podcast interviews are usually conducted by hosts highly sympathetic to the politician’s cause, they’re rarely as hard-hitting as traditional media. It’s unsurprising politicians would seek them out for that reason alone.

In last year’s US presidential race, both candidates went on popular podcasts to boost their messaging.

In Australia, consider the case of Chatfield’s podcast. Her strong social media presence (more than 580,000 followers on both Instagram and TikTok) ensures any political commentary reaches a vast and engaged audience.

Combine this with further amplification by other influencers such as Holly MacAlpine (who has 100,000 TikTok followers), and the virality of the message becomes significant.

MacAlpine has been trending for a while after her contribution to accusations about Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s private life, further amplifying her political commentary.

Earlier this month, Albanese also appeared on Betoota Talks, the podcast run by the creators of satirical news site The Betoota Advocate. It’s clear Labor is relying on podcasts with strong social media followings to reach younger, digitally engaged audiences.

It’s not just Labor using podcasts and influencers.

Dutton appeared on Diving Deep with Sam Fricker, an Olympian turned influencer. His TikTok boasts two million followers. Airing back in December, it was an early nod from the Liberal Party leader that his election campaigning had commenced.

Hiding the real power

While podcasts offer politicians a platform for extended storytelling, the real political currency comes from the carefully clipped, high-impact moments that make their way to TikTok and Instagram reels.

These videos are bite-sized, making them easier to consume and share. They are emotionally engaging – laughter, passion and frustration all translate well.

It creates a platform for individual leaders to further solidify their political authenticity through sharing the clips.

Crucially, it provides further opportunities for influencers and other social media users to amplify, engage with, and reshape the content, extending its reach and impact across digital networks.

This is important to reach the younger voters who largely make up the user base of TikTok. This election will be the first that Baby Boomer voters are outnumbered by Gen Z and Millenials, so political parties can’t afford to ignore them.

Slow off the blocks?

In 2022, Labor’s digital campaign was widely praised for its effectiveness. From meme-driven content to a strong presence on TikTok, Labor successfully tapped into online culture to engage younger voters and shape the political narrative.

Now, it’s unclear whether that strategy is still being deployed effectively. Yes, individual influencers are propping up Albanese’s image, but is the party itself doing enough to drive a coordinated digital campaign?

Consider Dutton’s decision to join TikTok. It was a move that, while seemingly contradictory to the Coalition’s prior stance on banning the platform, signals an understanding that TikTok is an unavoidable political battleground.

The Liberal Party has upped its TikTok game. Its videos often outperform Labor’s.

The videos that are posted on Albanese’s TikTok, which he first posted to in December, are often poorly received.

Labor seems to be relying on influencer support and positive branding by association rather than running its own robust, digital-first strategy.

Where to from here?

What’s clear is that political campaigning is no longer just about ads, speeches, and debates. It’s about engagement on the platforms where voters actually spend their time. If parties don’t take control of their narratives in these spaces, others will do it for them.

The crossover of podcasting and short-form video is redefining political engagement. Politicians who appear on the right platforms are tapping into a new form of authenticity that resonates online.

But unless those appearances are part of a structured, strategic approach, they remain fleeting moments rather than sustained influence.

Susan Grantham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Politicians are podcasting their way onto phone screens, but the impact may be fleeting – https://theconversation.com/politicians-are-podcasting-their-way-onto-phone-screens-but-the-impact-may-be-fleeting-250793

‘One of the best films I’ve seen’: new Australian prison film Inside is an astonishing debut

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ari Mattes, Lecturer in Communications and Media, University of Notre Dame Australia

Bonsai Films

Every so often a film comes along that’s so good that, as we sit in the dark in the cinema, our whole being seems to become charged with electricity and we find ourselves forgetting to breathe. All of our thoughts become anchored to the screen, and the suspension of disbelief comes as close to complete as it ever could be.

Inside, written and directed by first time feature filmmaker Charles Williams (he won the Palme d’Or at Cannes for his 2018 short film, All These Creatures, so he’s not exactly a beginner), is such a film.

To say it’s one of the best Australian films I’ve seen is to qualify it with an unnecessary adjective – it’s one of the best films I’ve seen, period.

A rich tradition of prision dramas

Australian cinema has a rich tradition focusing on gangsters and criminals, from Bruce Beresford’s masterful hardboiled larrikin thriller Money Movers (1978) to more recent examples like Justin Kurzel’s hypnotic Snowtown (2011).

Within this subset there have been some stellar prison films. Everynight, Everynight (1994) still packs a punch, and the opening and closing sections of Chopper (2000), set in prison, are the most compelling parts of the movie.

Inside follows juvenile murderer Mel Blight (Vincent Miller) as he turns 18 and is moved to adult prison while awaiting (but perhaps not really wanting) parole.

Once there, he befriends charismatic career criminal Warren Murfett (Guy Pearce) who takes him under his wing and tries to coerce him into murdering fellow inmate Mark Shepard (Cosmo Jarvis), a child murderer with a contract recently taken out on him by the family of his victim.

Mel can get close enough to Shepard to do the hit – he befriends Shepard while sharing a cell with him, and starts playing keyboard in accompaniment of Shepard’s bizarre born-again sermons – but whether or not he will do so generates much of the tension of the film.

Measured intensity

Williams spent six years working on the film, and it shows.

Every element is meticulously realised, from the litany of striking, monstrous faces of the extras in the prison (who seem so authentic, one assumes Williams used real convicts) to the perverse but wholly believable actions of Murfett’s estranged son Adrian (Toby Wallace), when Murfett visits him for a day trip.

(Let’s just say it’s no sentimental reunion: there’s nothing Shawshank Redemption about Inside.)

The performances match the measured intensity of the rest of the film.
Bonsai Films

The film is so good as a whole that it’s perhaps unfair to single out any element, but the score by Chiara Costanza is particularly mesmerising. It captures – in a low-key fashion – the mix of controlled fear and narcissistic bravado that constitutes life inside for these characters.

The performances match the measured intensity of the rest of the film.

Jarvis is astonishingly good as Mark Shepherd. He emanates a kind of calm, restrained power at all times, as though his body is primed for shocking violence at any moment, yet devoid of frenetic energy. He’s so good, it’s hard to believe this British actor isn’t an Australian.

Cosmo Jarvis is astonishingly good as Mark Shepherd.
Bonsai Films

Fellow countryman Wallace is similarly brilliant, endowing his small role as Murfett’s son with a memorable combination of arrogance and nastiness.

Miller as Mel, in his first feature film, possesses a quality of stillness difficult for a young actor to achieve. All that nervous energy has to go somewhere, and it usually goes into bigger and louder.

Pearce is also fine, though as a seasoned screen veteran of this kind of role, one senses he could do it in his sleep.

Stunningly simple

Inside’s stunningly simple narrative sustains profound analyses of and reflections on the human character and condition.

This is one example of the classical Hollywood narrative structure being done with precision and purpose, with form and content seamlessly operating together in the unfolding of the drama.

There are no self-conscious winks at the viewer, no homages to genre, and no attempts to be clever. Watching the film is a decidedly intense experience – it contains one of the most viscerally shocking scenes I’ve seen – but at the same time this is underscored in places by an extremely subtle, wry sense of humour, like when Murfett and Mel bond over (the now defunct) Fantales lollies.

The film refuses to give the viewer an easy moral position. There are no pat explanations of characters’ motivations and actions, no attempts at psychologically or morally explaining away the ambiguities and tensions of this world to appease the stomach of the viewer.

The film refuses to give the viewer an easy moral position.
Bonsai Films

This sets it apart from the vast majority of commercial films made these days. Though it represents the actions of the characters within a context (which is both personal and sociological), there’s no nifty three-minute speech at the end about how crime begets crime, or how we should treat prisoners more humanely.

Simply put, Inside is a brilliant film. Williams poetically charges a fairly conventional Aussie prison narrative with profound existential questions in a way that never feels overbearing or heavy-handed. He proves himself, here, a formidable writer-director.

I can’t wait to see the next film he makes. If the critical acclaim certain to follow Inside is indicative, it should be in fewer than six years.

Ari Mattes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘One of the best films I’ve seen’: new Australian prison film Inside is an astonishing debut – https://theconversation.com/one-of-the-best-films-ive-seen-new-australian-prison-film-inside-is-an-astonishing-debut-247206

Jewish Council slams Australian universities’ ‘dangerous, politicised’ antisemitism definition

Asia Pacific Report

An independent Jewish body has condemned the move by Australia’s 39 universities to endorse a “dangerous and politicised” definition of antisemitism which threatens academic freedom.

The Jewish Council of Australia, a diverse coalition of Jewish academics, lawyers, writers and teachers, said in a statement that the move would have a “chilling effect” on legitimate criticism of Israel, and risked institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.

The council also criticised the fact that the universities had done so “without meaningful consultation” with Palestinian groups or diverse Jewish groups which were critical of Israel.

The definition was developed by the Group of Eight (Go8) universities and adopted by Universities Australia.

“By categorising Palestinian political expression as inherently antisemitic, it will be unworkable and unenforceable, and stifle critical political debate, which is at the heart of any democratic society,” the Jewish Council of Australia said.

“The definition dangerously conflates Jewish identities with support for the state of Israel and the political ideology of Zionism.”

The council statement said that it highlighted two key concerns:

Mischaracterisation of criticism of Israel
The definition states: “Criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel’s actions.”

The definition’s inclusion of “calls for the elimination of the State of Israel” would mean, for instance, that calls for a single binational democratic state, where Palestinians and Israelis had equal rights, could be labelled antisemitic.

Moreover, the wording around “harmful tropes” was dangerously vague, failing to distinguish between tropes about Jewish people, which were antisemitic, and criticism of the state of Israel, which was not, the statement said.

Misrepresentation of Zionism as core to Jewish identity
The definition states that for most Jewish people “Zionism is a core part of their Jewish identity”.

The council said it was deeply concerned that by adopting this definition, universities would be taking and promoting a view that a national political ideology was a core part of Judaism.

“This is not only inaccurate, but is also dangerous,” said the statement.

“Zionism is a political ideology of Jewish nationalism, not an intrinsic part of Jewish identity.

“There is a long history of Jewish opposition to Zionism, from the beginning of its emergence in the late-19th century, to the present day. Many, if not the majority, of people who hold Zionist views today are not Jewish.”

In contrast to Zionism and the state of Israel, said the council, Jewish identities traced back more than 3000 years and spanned different cultures and traditions.

Jewish identities were a rightly protected category under all racial discrimination laws, whereas political ideologies such as Zionism and support for Israel were not, the council said.

Growing numbers of dissenting Jews
“While many Jewish people identify as Zionist, many do not. There are a growing number of Jewish people worldwide, including in Australia, who disagree with the actions of the state of Israel and do not support Zionism.

“Australian polling in this area is not definitive, but some polls suggest that 30 percent of Australian Jews do not identify as Zionists.

“A recent Canadian poll found half of Canadian Jews do not identify as Zionist. In the United States, more and more Jewish people are turning away from Zionist beliefs and support for the state of Israel.”

Sarah Schwartz, a human rights lawyer and the Jewish Council of Australia’s executive officer, said: “It degrades the very real fight against antisemitism for it to be weaponised to silence legitimate criticism of the Israeli state and Palestinian political expressions.

“It also risks fomenting division between communities and institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.”

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

View from The Hill: the mud flies, but will the voters take much notice?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

In these scrappy days before the prime minister announces the election date, the mud and the personal insults are flying, despite the politicians knowing voters hate this sort of thing.

On Wednesday morning TV, shadow finance minister Jane Hume, usually reasonably restrained with her language, called Employment Minister Murray Watt “king grub” of the “grubbiest people you will ever come across” – a reference to Labor’s pursuit of Peter Dutton’s past share trading. As Watt remarked, “That’s quite an accusation”.

Hume was later on the warpath in a Senate estimates hearing, where Treasury Secretary Steven Kennedy fended off an opposition attack suggesting, in essence, that Treasurer Jim Chalmers had sought to make Treasury his political pawn.

Dutton spent most of his Wednesday news conference pushing back on attacks on his integrity relating to his purchase of bank shares during the global financial crisis, and dealing with questions about his acquisition of an extensive property portfolio over decades.

What the opposition dubs Labor’s “dirt unit” apparently drove the share story. The core of it is that Dutton bought bank shares just before the Rudd government announced its guarantee to ensure the financial security of the banks.

Labor demanded to know whether Dutton had insider knowledge of the imminent guarantee through a Rudd government briefing of the opposition. Dutton, who declared the share purchase, says he had no information other than what was in the public domain.

The story about Dutton’s property portfolio – which he has unloaded, no doubt as part of preparations in pursuit of the prime ministership – ran in Nine media. The report said

Peter Dutton has made $30 million of property transactions across 26 pieces of real estate over 35 years, making him one of the country’s wealthiest-ever contenders for prime minister.

Dutton was late with declaring on the parliamentary register some of the transactions.

Nine says the story didn’t come from a Labor “dirt unit”, but it was grist for an embattled government.

Dirt digging, mud throwing, and exploitation of the politics of envy are recurring features of election campaigns. Whether they’ll have much resonance this time is doubtful.

The share story, going back the best part of a couple of decades, doesn’t sound like a smoking gun. We’ve heard about Dutton’s property buying before. We know he has plenty of money. Not as much, of course, as earlier PMs Malcolm Turnbull and Kevin Rudd.

Dutton, working on the assumption these stories will be brief wonders, kept his cool.

He hasn’t provided more details about the bank shares, relying on a general response that everything had been above board. On his property purchases, he made it clear he’s proud of his climb up the aspirational ladder since he was a “butcher’s boy” in those days when he had a job in a butcher’s shop.

For Dutton, the mud is all in a day’s work. The attack on Kennedy is in a rather different category.

In the run-up to an election, Treasury often finds itself in a awkward position, as a government seeks to use it, while an opposition objects. This time, Chalmers employed it to discredit the opposition’s policy to give a tax break to small businesses for taking their workers or clients to a meal.

Treasury doesn’t cost opposition policies. So the government asked it to cost a theoretical policy that was similar to that of the Coalition. Perhaps unsurprisingly, Treasury came up with a much bigger cost than the opposition said was produced by the Parliamentary Budget Office.

Kennedy insisted to the Senate hearing, “we do not act politically”.

“I have behaved no differently with this government, nor have I observed the department’s behaving any differently,” he said. “I understand how the circumstances might lead you to question that, but all I can do is assure you that that has not been the case.”

If Dutton became prime minister, would Kennedy’s position be at risk?

It shouldn’t be. Kennedy, appointed by the Coalition, served the previous Liberal government very well and was a key figure in its ambitious economic response to the COVID pandemic. That response kept many people in jobs and the economy out of recession.

While Kennedy was taking the flak in estimates, Chalmers had been in Washington making Australia’s case for an exemption of the Trump aluminium and steel tariffs.

Chalmers’s visit was timely and carefully managed. The treasurer said before he left Australia he wouldn’t obtain an outcome on tariffs – it was about making Australia’s case. So when there was not an outcome, it was not a disappointment. “My task here in DC wasn’t to try and conclude that discussion, it was to try and inform it,” Chalmers told a news conference after his talks.

Chalmers spent time with US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett. He said the discussion was “wider-ranging than just steel and aluminium”. Bessent also was a speaker at the superannuation summit held at the Australian embassy (a coup for ambassador Kevin Rudd as well as Chalmers).

In his 2023 Monthly essay, Chalmers argued for the super funds to invest more widely in Australia, notably in social housing.

At the embassy conference, Chalmers was able to look to a much wider horizon for the funds.

The current value of Australian super fund investments in the US is around $400 billion – due to reach $1 trillion over the next decade. So, Australia’s superannuation sector has the size, scale and presence to play a big role in driving new American industries and creating jobs.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. View from The Hill: the mud flies, but will the voters take much notice? – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-the-mud-flies-but-will-the-voters-take-much-notice-250897

New report skewers Coalition’s contentious nuclear plan – and reignites Australia’s energy debate

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Quiggin, Professor, School of Economics, The University of Queensland

Debate over the future of Australia’s energy system has erupted again after a federal parliamentary inquiry delivered a report into the deployment of nuclear power in Australia.

The report casts doubt on the Coalition’s plan to build seven nuclear reactors on former coal sites across Australia should it win government. The reactors would be Commonwealth-owned and built.

The report’s central conclusions – rejected by the Coalition – are relatively unsurprising. It found nuclear power would be far more expensive than the projected path of shifting to mostly renewable energy. And delivering nuclear generation before the mid-2040s will be extremely challenging.

The report also reveals important weaknesses in the Coalition’s defence of its plan to deploy nuclear energy across Australia, if elected. In particular, the idea of cheap, factory-built nuclear reactors is very likely a mirage.



A divisive inquiry

In October last year, a House of Representatives select committee was formed to investigate the deployment of nuclear energy in Australia.

Chaired by Labor MP Dan Repacholi, it has so far involved 19 public hearings and 858 written submissions from nuclear energy companies and experts, government agencies, scientists, Indigenous groups and others. Evidence I gave to a hearing was quoted in the interim report.

The committee’s final report is due by April 30 this year. It tabled an interim report late on Tuesday, focused on the timeframes and costs involved. These issues dominated evidence presented to the inquiry.

The findings of the interim report were endorsed by the committee’s Labor and independent members, but rejected by Coalition members.

What did the report find on cost?

The report said evidence presented so far showed the deployment of nuclear power generation in Australia “is currently not a viable investment of taxpayer money”.

Nuclear energy was shown to be more expensive than the alternatives. These include a power grid consistent with current projections: one dominated by renewable energy and backed up by a combination of battery storage and a limited number of gas peaking plants.

The Coalition has identified seven coal plant sites where it would build nuclear reactors. Some 11 gigawatts of coal capacity is produced on those sites. The committee heard replacing this capacity with nuclear power would meet around 15% of consumer needs in the National Electricity Market, and cost at least A$116 billion.

In contrast, the Australian Energy Market Operator estimates the cost of meeting 100% of the National Electricity Market’s needs – that is, building all required transmission, generation, storage and firming capacity out to 2050 – is about $383 billion.

What about the timing of nuclear?

On the matter of when nuclear energy in Australia would be up and running, the committee found “significant challenges” in achieving this before the mid-2040s.

This is consistent with findings from the CSIRO that nuclear power would take at least 15 years to deploy in Australia. But is it at odds with Coalition claims that the first two plants would be operating by 2035 and 2037 respectively.

The mid-2040s is well beyond the lifetime of Australia’s existing coal-fired power stations. This raises questions about how the Coalition would ensure reliable electricity supplies after coal plants close. It also raises questions over how Australia would meet its global emissions-reduction obligations.

Recent experience in other developed countries suggests the committee’s timeframe estimates are highly conservative.

Take, for example, a 1.6GW reactor at Flamanville, France. The project, originally scheduled to be completed in 2012, was not connected to the grid until 2024. Costs blew out from an original estimate of A$5.5 billion to $22 billion.

The builder, Électricité de France (EDF), was pushed to the edge of bankruptcy. The French government was forced to nationalise the company, reversing an earlier decision to privatise it.

EDF is also building two reactors in the United Kingdom – a project known as Hinkley C. It has also suffered huge cost blowouts.

Recent nuclear reactor projects in the United States have also fallen victim to cost overruns, sending the owner, Westinghouse, bankrupt.

What does the Coalition say?

The committee report included dissenting comments by Coalition members.

As the Coalition rightly points out, global enthusiasm for nuclear power remains steady. The UK, France and the US all signed a declaration in 2023 at the global climate change conference, COP28, pledging to triple nuclear power by 2050.

And in the UK and France, advanced plans are afoot to construct new nuclear reactors at existing sites.

But even there, progress has been glacial. The UK’s Sizewell C project has been in the planning stage since at least 2012. The French projects were announced by President Emmanuel Macron in 2022. None of these projects have yet reached a final investment decision. Delays in Australia would certainly be much longer.

The Coalition also draws a long bow in claiming Australia’s existing research reactor at Lucas Heights, in New South Wales, means we are “already a nuclear nation”.

At least 50 countries, including most developed countries, have research reactors. But very few are contemplating starting a nuclear industry from scratch.

At least one issue seems to have been resolved by the committee’s inquiry. Evidence it received almost unanimously dismissed the idea small modular reactors (SMRs) will arrive in time to be relevant to Australia’s energy transition – if they are ever developed.

The Coalition’s dissenting comments did not attempt to rebut this evidence.

Looking ahead

Undoubtedly, existing nuclear power plants will play a continued role in the global energy transition.

But starting a nuclear power industry from scratch in Australia is a nonsensical idea for many reasons – not least because it is too expensive and will take too long.

In the context of the coming federal election, the nuclear policy is arguably a red herring – one designed to distract voters from a Coalition policy program that slows the transition to renewables and drags out the life of dirty and unreliable coal-fired power.

The Conversation

John Quiggin is a former member of the Climate Change Authority. His submission to the nuclear electricity generation inquiry was cited in the interim report

ref. New report skewers Coalition’s contentious nuclear plan – and reignites Australia’s energy debate – https://theconversation.com/new-report-skewers-coalitions-contentious-nuclear-plan-and-reignites-australias-energy-debate-250912

Politics with Michelle Grattan: Tom Rogers calls for national digital literacy campaign and more civics teaching

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

We see the political parties’ frantic election campaigns, but behind the scenes the Australian Electoral Commisison is working just as hard.

An often overlooked part of Australia’s democracy, the AEC is vital in ensuring our elections are both efficient and fair, a task full of challenges.

We’re joined today by Tom Rogers, recently retired as Electoral Commissioner. As commissioner, Rogers oversaw three federal elections and the Voice referendum. He is now a member of the advisory board of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and provides his expertise on elections globally.

Rogers describes running a modern Australian election as

the largest peacetime logistic exercise in the life of Australia […] it’s so complex administratively to run these events.

It’s a bit like setting up a fortune 500 company in four weeks, running it, then dismantling it a couple of weeks after the event. It is just phenomenally complex. And the amazing thing is that because we’ve got good systems in place, it works pretty well.

The agency goes from, I’ll use very rough figures here, about a thousand people all over Australia during the non-electoral period up to about 105,000 people during that very short period.

There are a lot of calls for truth in advertising laws and some calls for it to be managed by the AEC. Rogers insists the AEC should not be involved,

I was a firm believer that that would be very inappropriate for the AEC. It’s one of those rare things where we were very, very proactive in talking to people about that. And one of the reasons is because I think it would ruin the AEC’s reputation for neutrality. It’s as simple as that.

It will impact on the AEC’s level of trust with the community.[…] given trust is so important, that people trust electoral outcomes, I think it’s incredibly dangerous.

While not wanting to be involved with truth in advertising, Rogers does see the importance in the AEC countering misinformation on Australia’s electoral process,

We’ve established a ‘defending democracy unit’. We ran a national campaign called Stop and Consider to get people to think about the source of information.

But I think the bit that we can do and that’s still missing is we really need a national digital literacy campaign for our citizens. When you correct disinformation about electoral matters, there’s a whole body of research that shows that it’s kind of effective. What is more effective rather than debunking is ‘prebunking’ and what is more effective again, is giving citizens the skills they need to make up their own mind about the accuracy of information.

The Stop and Consider campaign, I might be wrong, but is still the only national campaign focussed on giving citizens skills. We need to run something like that all the time. I think there’s a real need for this in the modern era and that’s what we should be doing.

Rogers also highlights the importance of civics education

It’s critical. The AEC is already doing good work in this space. Up until I left at the end of last year, generally speaking the AEC was getting about 100,000 kids a year through the Electoral Education Centre in Canberra, which is excellent. They are in the process of digitising much of the materials so that that could be spread to schools that are unable to visit Canberra.

I do think we need to do more.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Tom Rogers calls for national digital literacy campaign and more civics teaching – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-tom-rogers-calls-for-national-digital-literacy-campaign-and-more-civics-teaching-250901

Church hymns and social beers: how Australia is reviving the magic of singing together

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wendy Hargreaves, Senior Learning Advisor, University of Southern Queensland

State Library of Victoria

It was 2009. John Farnham walked on stage at the disaster relief concert for the most devastating bushfires in Australian history. He belted out You’re The Voice to 36,000 people at the Sydney Cricket Ground. Then, as he lowered his microphone, 36,000 voices belted it right back.

Farnham knew the real star that day was not himself, but the thousands of everyday Australians singing in solidarity with their hurting nation.

Singing together is electrifying, but can Australians tap into this magic without the tragedy?

We’re all the voice.

The science behind the magic

Group singing has a proven ability to produce positive social bonding and help us tune in to others’ feelings.

That sense of connecting and relating can boost our mental health; particularly crucial given many Australians seriously neglect self-care.

After taking part in a year-long community singing program, Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander adults reported reduced depression, increased resilience and a greater sense of social connection.

Physiologically, research shows group singing can increase the hormone oxytocin which helps us bond with people and feel good. It can decrease cortisol levels to positively modulate our immune system. Making music together may also release endorphins that help our tolerance of pain.

Rewinding on Australian singing

Australia’s identity as a singing nation has never quite matched countries like Wales, “the land of song”. Centuries-old singing traditions are well-suited to huddling indoors in snowy northern hemisphere villages.

Indeed, the tradition of singing Christmas carols was devised as a cure for the European winter blues. Our warmer Australian climate, in contrast, coaxes us outdoors for other activities in wide open spaces.

Hymn singing at Melbourne’s Royal Exhibition Building in 1882.
State Library of Victoria

Australia’s choral tradition grew initially through church music; printed on tiny 12x7cm pages, books from the early 1800s provide a glimpse at the hymns church choirs and congregations once sang.

Music researcher Dianne Gome reports these books were also used for official state occasions and in the home. They were so popular, Australians began to create their own versions.

Singing was part of 19th century Australian life. At home, pianos were treasured for family singalongs and a sign of wealth and culture. Choirs blossomed, such as the The Brisbane Musical Union (now The Queensland Choir) which formed in 1872 with 112 members. Singing was valued, and local journals critiqued technique. Even The Wireless Weekly reported a radio poll “to decide the worst singer” in 1942.

Work songs – morale boosters as workers labour through repetitive tasks – also showed our early singing culture. One Queensland man recently described life as a 14-year-old in a 1930s tram track foundry:

Every night I came home exhausted. It was hard work, but we used to sing […] How many people sing at their work today?

Alongside its presence in churches, work places and social gatherings, singing became a pillar of Australian education.

A book on education history in Victoria reports singing was introduced in the 1850s for “harmonising and refining the mind” and as a “most favourable influence […] on the moral associations of the goldfields”.

While some traditions in schools continue today, claims of a crowded curriculum and de-valuing of the arts have pushed school singing from essential to optional.

There also exists a social pressure on Australian boys to play sport rather than sing in choirs.

Today’s Aussie group singing style

A fair dinkum Aussie singing style is well established in sporting circles.

The 1978 World Cricket Series jingle C’mon Aussie C’mon was so simple and catchy its tune still rings through stadiums today. Likewise, Mike Brady’s Up There Cazaly – inspired by the 1910s footballer whose name was used in World War II battle cries – has been a favourite crowd singalong at AFL Grand Finals for decades.

Footy club theme songs aside, Brisbane Lions fans will be particularly familiar with a modern opportunity for sports singing: goal songs. After every goal at a Lions’ home game, a snippet from a player-chosen track blares across the stands.

Not all of these song selections make successful singalongs, but Charlie Cameron’s choice of Take Me Home Country Roads is a clear favourite. Tellingly, the crowd keeps singing after the music stops.

At the other end of the spectrum of group size and vocal expertise is the small Australian-bred a capella group The Idea of North. Their expert musical arrangements and blended sound perfectly encapsulates collaborative singing with unity, harmony and joy.

For a quirky Australian choral option, a group of men from Mullumbimby formed the “fake” Russian choir, Dustyesky (a wordplay on the famous Russian writer Dostoevsky). They don’t speak the language, yet their energy and passion for singing made them a hit in Russia and brought about an invitation to sing in Moscow.

With millions of internet views, another highly successful Australian response to group singing came from Astrid Jorgensen, creator of Pub Choir. With laughter and a drink, members of the public meet at a licensed venue to learn a song in three-part harmony.

Jorgensen’s tailored musical arrangements of popular songs suit untrained singers, don’t require music reading skills and make singing in harmony with complete strangers easy and fun. Jorgensen found the key to motivating Aussies to sing together is crowds, humour and a social beer.

The Conversation

Wendy Hargreaves does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Church hymns and social beers: how Australia is reviving the magic of singing together – https://theconversation.com/church-hymns-and-social-beers-how-australia-is-reviving-the-magic-of-singing-together-250254

Your super fund is invested in private markets. What are they and why has ASIC raised concerns?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Melatos, Associate Professor of Economics, University of Sydney

If you are a member of a super fund, some of your long-term savings are probably invested in private markets.

Public markets are familiar to most of us – the stock market and government and corporate bond markets. Private markets include unlisted assets such as companies owned by private equity firms, infrastructure investments and private credit markets.

Corporate watchdog the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC), has today released a discussion paper that emphasises the growth in private capital, seemingly at the expense of public markets. While the number of listed companies and the value of initial public offerings has shrunk, private equity and infrastructure funds have boomed.

Should we be worried about this?

Public vs private markets

Public markets tend to be transparent, tightly regulated and liquid. Companies listed on the stock exchange publish their financial accounts, hold annual general meetings and their shares can be readily traded.

In contrast, private markets are lightly regulated. Private capital investments are more opaque, less liquid and, hence, more risky. But they can deliver much higher returns (or losses).

Often, obtaining capital from private sources makes sense. For example, entrepreneurs whose startup firms are short of revenue, profit and tangible assets are unlikely to be able to raise capital in public markets, or from banks. Instead, they turn to private equity firms for funding.

What are the concerns?

In its report, ASIC raises several concerns:

  • the shrinking of Australia’s public equity markets might hurt the economy

  • the rise of private markets may create new or amplified risks

  • the lack of transparency of private markets poses a challenge for investors and regulators.

Public markets play an important role connecting investors with companies seeking capital. The shrinking of public markets, therefore, has important economic implications. Will private markets be able to pick up the slack?

Notwithstanding the growth in private capital markets, they are still small compared to their public counterparts. The total capitalisation of the Australian Stock Exchange (ASX) is $3 trillion. Total private capital funds under management are only $150 billion.

The lack of disclosures in private capital markets might also create more and different risks for financial markets and the economy; risks that regulators may not understand, nor know how to anticipate or effectively mitigate.

The role of Australian super funds

ASIC is concerned about the implications for the superannuation industry of the growth of private capital markets and decline in public markets.

Australia’s superannuation assets now total $4.1 trillion, greater than the value of Australia’s GDP and more than the total value of all companies listed on the ASX. Anything that alters the playing field for Australian super has the potential to create outsized risk (or opportunity) for the Australian economy.

The ASIC report highlights the growing involvement of Australia’s superannuation funds in private markets. Australia’s two largest super funds, Australian Super and Australian Retirement Trust, each have about 20% of their total funds invested in private markets.

The fact is that Australia’s superannuation sector has outgrown Australian public markets. They cannot trade shares on the ASX without moving share prices significantly to their detriment. On the other hand, having super funds, which are highly regulated to protect member savings, investing in unregulated private capital markets is jarring, if not potentially risky.

Having said this, the size of Australia’s super funds means they can set the terms and price at which they invest. This power is most valuable in private deals; less so in public markets where a company’s stock price and its financial accounts are public knowledge.

Increasingly, super funds directly invest in infrastructure projects such as ports and airports rather than buy shares in listed infrastructure firms.

What’s behind the shift in markets?

The ASIC report points the finger at the usual culprits for the shift from public to private capital markets, including the regulatory burden on public companies and the rise of technology companies that prefer to tap private capital.

However, another problem is bedevilling policymakers everywhere: too much capital is chasing too few profitable investment opportunities. Companies have lots of cash on their books and nothing to spend it on.

Increasingly, such companies have resorted to share buybacks (reducing the number of their shares on issue) to reward investors in a tax-effective way. A lot of the shrinkage in public equity is due to share buybacks that in 2022 alone totalled US$1.3 trillion.

Why does all this matter?

The ASIC report is notable for what it does not say; nothing, for example, on its own chequered history of investigative and enforcement action.

The growing importance of opaque private markets matters more if regulators are asleep at the wheel. ASIC’s tendency for weak oversight and sclerotic enforcement can hardly have raised investor confidence in Australia’s public capital markets.

Its oversight of initial public offerings (IPOs) has also been questionable over a long period. How can ASIC be expected to adequately manage complex private capital market risks given its woeful performance managing simpler public market risks?

The apparent decline of public markets has been spooking even sophisticated private financial market players – including, most notably, Jamie Dimon, CEO of JP Morgan. If Dimon is concerned, then ASIC – and all of us – should probably also be concerned.

The Conversation

Mark Melatos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Your super fund is invested in private markets. What are they and why has ASIC raised concerns? – https://theconversation.com/your-super-fund-is-invested-in-private-markets-what-are-they-and-why-has-asic-raised-concerns-250788

J’accuse!… the Jew who accuses his fellow Jews of being antisemites

A rally on the steps of the Victorian Parliament under the banner of Jews for a Free Palestine was arranged for Sunday, February 9. At 11:11pm on the eve of that rally, Mark Leibler —a  lawyer who claims to have a high profile and speak on behalf of Jews by the totally unelected organisation AIJAC — put out a tweet on X (and paid for an advertisement of the same posting) as follows:

COMMENTARY: By Jeffrey Loewenstein

As someone Jewish, the son of Holocaust survivors and members of whose family were murdered by the Nazis, it is hard to know whether to characterise Mark Leibler’s tweet as offensive, appalling, contemptuous, insulting or a disgusting, shameful and grievous introduction of the Holocaust, and those who were murdered by the Nazis, into his tweet — or all of the foregoing!

Leibler’s tweet is most likely a breach of recently passed legislation in Australia, both federally and in various state Parliaments, making hateful words and actions, and doxxing, criminal offences. It will be “interesting” to see how the police deal with the complaint taken up with the police alleging Leibler’s breach of the legislation.

In the end, Leibler’s attempted intimidation of those who might have been thinking of going to the rally failed — miserably!

There are many Jews who abhor what Israel is doing in Gaza (and the West Bank) but feel intimidated by the Leiblers of this world who accuse them of being antisemitic for speaking out against Israel’s actions and not those rusted-on 100 percent supporters of Israel who blindly and uncritically support whatever Israel does, however egregious.

Leibler, and others like him, who label Jews as antisemites because they dare speak out about Israel’s actions, certainly need to be called out.

As a lawyer, Leibler knows that actions have consequences. A group of concerned Jews (this writer included) are in the process of lodging a complaint about Leibler’s tweet with the Commonwealth Human Rights Commission.

Separately from that, this week will see full-page adverts in both the Sydney Morning Herald and The Age — signed by hundreds of Jews — bearing the heading:

“Australia must reject Trump’s call for the removal of Palestinians from Gaza. Jewish Australians say NO to ethnic cleansing.”

Jeffrey Loewenstein, LLB, was a member of the Victorian Bar and a one-time chair of the Anti-Defamation Commission and member of the Jewish Community Council of Victoria. This article was first published by Pearls & Irritations public policy journal and is republished here with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Ignore the ‘ivory tower’ clichés – universities are the innovation partners more Kiwi businesses need

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Omid Aliasghar, Senior Lecturer, Management and International Business, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

NicoElNino/Shutterstock

When it comes to turning research into real-world success, New Zealand has a problem.

Despite the country’s NZ$3.7 billion research and development spending in 2023 – a 17% jump from the previous year — too many New Zealand businesses fail to commercialise innovation.

According to the World Intellectual Property Organization, New Zealand ranks 21st for innovation inputs. This means we’re good at investing in research and development. But we rank 45th in knowledge outputs and 78th in industry diversification. Essentially, we’re spending more but getting less.

So, what’s holding the country back? In a lot of cases, it can boil down to a lack of collaboration with universities.

Universities are typically focused on generating novel or new-to-the world knowledge, with researchers, cutting-edge technology and deep industry connections.

Working with universities can connect businesses to researchers, government agencies, private industry and global networks. Collaboration can also offer businesses credibility. It signals to investors, partners and customers that they are serious about innovation.

Yet many businesses underestimate their value. They assume collaboration is slow, academic or bureaucratic.

Our study – based on a digital survey of 541 firms across a wide range of industries and regions in New Zealand – looked at whether collaborating with universities could help businesses to bring ideas to market, sell intellectual property and develop technology.

We also considered whether there was a difference in working with international universities versus collaborating with local institutions. While identifying details of the individual businesses were kept confidential, here is what we learned.

The case for foreign university partnerships

Our research found partnering with foreign universities allowed New Zealand businesses to tap into global expertise and advanced research. It also provided access to diverse knowledge networks, where businesses could learn from various real-world applications of scientific knowledge.

For example, a New Zealand business specialising in artificial intelligence (AI) can gain game-changing insights by collaborating with top universities in the United States.

The partnerships can provide access to leading AI models, advanced algorithms, and global industry connections. These partnerships can enable the business to stay ahead in an increasingly competitive market.

Additionally, many universities had well-established technology transfer offices. These had experience in helping businesses commercialise research.

In short, foreign university collaborations opened doors to the world’s best knowledge and technology – critical for firms operating in fast-moving industries.

Female technical operator works with display showing neural network in the system control dark room
New Zealand technology businesses have benefited from partnering with universities based in the United States on artificial intelligence projects.
Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

The strength of local university collaborations

We also found local university collaborations had their own advantages, including
an understanding of New Zealand’s specific challenges, from climate change impact on agriculture to AI adoption in small businesses.

This contextual knowledge made their expertise highly relevant for firms aiming to commercialise innovation within New Zealand’s unique market conditions.

Working with local universities also allowed businesses to build strong, personal relationships with researchers, fostering faster and more effective knowledge exchange.

Unlike foreign partnerships, where interactions may be limited to emails and virtual meetings, local collaborations allowed for regular in-person brainstorming, experimentation and problem solving.

Finally, collaborating with New Zealand’s universities gave businesses access to top local talent, helping them recruit skilled graduates familiar with the domestic market and its needs.

A balanced approach

Investing in research and development alone won’t drive innovation for businesses. Without strategic collaboration, firms risk wasting resources on ideas that never reach the market.

Businesses should take a balanced approach. Foreign university collaborations can offer groundbreaking advances, cutting-edge knowledge and global networks. At the same time, local university collaborations offer accessible knowledge, local expertise and stronger working relationships.

By embracing these partnerships, New Zealand businesses can turn research into commercial success, drive national economic growth, and position themselves as global innovation leaders. The question is no longer if firms should collaborate with universities – it’s how quickly they can start.


This research was completed with Annique Un (Northeastern University), Kazuhiro Asakawa (Keio University), Jarrod Haar (Massey University) and Sihong Wu (University of Auckland).


The Conversation

Omid Aliasghar receives funding support for this research provided by Building New Zealand’s Innovation Capacity Spearhead within the Science for Technological Innovation National Science Challenge.

ref. Ignore the ‘ivory tower’ clichés – universities are the innovation partners more Kiwi businesses need – https://theconversation.com/ignore-the-ivory-tower-cliches-universities-are-the-innovation-partners-more-kiwi-businesses-need-249129

Why do we fall for wellness scams? Our cultural biases and myths are often to blame

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jesse Ruse, Clinical Psychologist, PhD Candidate, University of Sydney

Netflix

Netflix’s Apple Cider Vinegar has renewed interest in Belle Gibson’s infamous wellness scam, reminding us how vulnerable we can be to deception. While Gibson’s scheme eventually collapsed, her story highlights how fraudsters can exploit our psychological and cultural biases to lure us into wellness traps.

Part of our culture includes the shared mythologies and symbols that help us make sense of the world. These stories and symbols seem to make our lives more “efficient” by surpassing tedious fact-checking. Over time, these cultural codes become embedded into our psychologies, operating as background biases that shape our decision-making.

By becoming aware of these biases, we can develop a more critical approach to evaluating information presented to us. In doing so, we can protect ourselves from the Belle Gibsons of the world.

A desire for inner bodily purity

One pervasive wellness mythology suggests health can be found in the “pure” state of the body, and that illness occurs when outside contaminants pollute the body.

As anthropologist Mary Douglas notes, we symbolically equate the “inner” with purity and the “outer” with pollution. This leads to efforts to protect ourselves from outside threats. We are disgusted by the idea of the harmful “outside” getting inside and violating the body’s inner sanctum.

Gibson’s cookbook and app promoted a diet that claimed inner health problems (such as cancer) are the result of outside contamination, in this case by “bad” foods.

This symbolism also appears in various diets that advocate for removing certain types of food, such as sugar or gluten, to achieve a state of inner sanctity and, therefore, health.

Similarly, various “clean eating” diets will specifically link certain foods to cleanliness and others to dirtiness. In their most extreme form, these diets constitute orthorexia, a clinical condition defined by an “obsession” with healthy eating.

The allure of ‘ancient wisdom’

Each day we face an overwhelming array of choices, from the products we use to how we construct our identities. As people living in modern, affluent societies we are, as philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre put it, “condemned to be free”.

In this context of choice overload and decision fatigue, ancient wisdom offers a seductive simplicity: a return to simpler times.

In 1953, psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan observed that we possess a nostalgia for an idealised golden age (regardless of whether it ever truly existed). We yearn for a mythical era of simplicity, safety and happiness. This psychological bias for the past manifests as a deep reverence for “ancient wisdom”, seemingly passed down through generations and untainted by modern influence.

This preference can be seen in our instinctive trust in grandparents’ remedies and traditional healing practices, even when scientific evidence doesn’t always support them. Gibson and others co-opt this nostalgia by selling us products that connect us to the past.

Suspicion of industrial-scale production

Our minds are often suspicious of large-scale and complex manufacturing processes, and will often devalue industrially produced products.

This scepticism of scale stems from negative associations with factory work, questionable standards and a history of multinational corporations prioritising profit over people. As a public, we are growing understandably weary of the multinational companies whose influence we can’t seem to escape. Politicians often further this narrative by claiming that globalisation – replacing local cottage industries with industrialised mega-companies – screws the little guys like you and me.

Gibson capitalised on a growing suspicion of the industrial-scale pharmaceutical industry to promote her bespoke “homegrown” wellness products. Locally-made goods often have increased value simply because they are made on a smaller scale, regardless of their quality or materials.

Historically, various groups including the Luddites and the hippie movement have rejected the industrial push. More recently, we saw these dynamics play out in COVID-19 vaccine denial, which partially stems from suspicions of the pharmaceutical companies.

A preference for natural over artificial

Culturally, the concept of the “natural” holds powerful meaning, positioning things found in nature as inherently superior to those manufactured by humans (deemed “artificial”).

This natural/artificial dichotomy establishes a symbolic framework in which natural remedies, raw foods and authenticity represent the “proper” order of things – how life should be. The “appeal to nature” bias persists because it resonates with our collective intuition that modern life has somehow disconnected us from important truths or healthier ways of living.

Research has demonstrated we tend to have a positive association with the concept of the “natural”, which we understand as objects not altered by human intervention. This preference isn’t merely aesthetic. It also reflects our belief in a moral order.

Gibson famously claimed alternative therapies – most notably apple cider vinegar – helped treat her alleged cancer. Similar patterns appear throughout the wellness industry, where influencers and companies market products by emphasising their natural origins and minimal processing.

These claims leverage our psychological bias toward natural remedies, even when the scientific evidence for their efficacy is lacking.

The Conversation

Jesse Ruse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why do we fall for wellness scams? Our cultural biases and myths are often to blame – https://theconversation.com/why-do-we-fall-for-wellness-scams-our-cultural-biases-and-myths-are-often-to-blame-250790

Chinese dating simulator Love and Deepspace now has a period tracker – it signals a shift in mobile gaming

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephanie Harkin, Lecturer, Games, School of Design, RMIT University

Papergames

24/7 companionship. Spend time with him whenever you want.

This is the promise made by Love and Deepspace, a mobile romance game by the Chinese company Papergames.

Some think video games are all guns and cars, but romance games or “dating simulators” are immensely popular, especially among young women.

Love and Deepspace reached 50 million users across more than 170 countries and regions in January. Despite their popularity, dating sims, as they are known for short, usually fly under the radar in discussions about games.

Meanwhile, a recent major update for Love and Deepspace has furrowed some brows by introducing an unusual new feature: a period tracker.

Need help keeping track of tasks?

Dating sims offer a fantasy of romantic, intimate companionship. Otome games (from the word “maiden” in Japanese) are a sub-genre of dating sims that are catered to women. They offer a suite of boyfriends to choose from – each attentive, caring and, of course, incredibly handsome.

Ideal in every way except being fictional.

Love and Deepspace is a science-fiction otome game that stands out with its unusual blend of combat, magic, dating and gacha (meaning random rewards) microtransactions – which are controversial for their parallels to gambling.

Its latest update introduced a Remind Me feature, where players can ask their virtual boyfriends to remind them of daily tasks and special events, as well as their upcoming period. Players input information about their menstrual cycle and the game then generates its own predictive calendar and notifications.

The player’s in-game boyfriend will offer to pick up some sanitary products or even reach towards the screen and provide an imaginary abdomen massage.

The millions of users drawn to a fantasy about considerate men says a lot about the frustrations women have with modern dating and dating apps.

Women are conscious of the conservative gender roles within otome games, but at the same time find pleasure in their focus on the female gaze and ability to explore their sexual desire privately.

In China, where otome games are especially popular, censorship of explicit content for women has intensified. These games are able to convey sexually suggestive themes that are subtle enough to elude censorship.

Otome games are not new

Otome games have been around for three decades.

Angelique, a game made by an all-women team in 1994, is considered to be the first. It helped set the stage for other boyfriend fantasy media for women as seen in the rising popularity of “boyfriend ASMR” on audio and video platforms today. These are designed to directly address the listener in both sensual and everyday scenarios.

Video games have changed a lot since then, especially as mobile devices have evolved to be more intimate, accompanying us everywhere.

Love and Deepspace is introducing more features including “Quality Time”, which rewards players for working or studying with the game open. The rewards come in the form of an animated man sighing and whispering into the player’s headphones.

Promotional material from Papergames showcasing the Quality Time feature.
‘Feel his deepening breath, rising heartbeat, and the trickle of sweat. He’s working out together with you!’
Love and Deepspace/X

Periods and privacy

Love and Deepspace’s period reminders mirror existing period tracker apps, though they do not incorporate the usual fertility date predictions or ability to log symptoms and sexual activity. That’s probably a good thing.

Period tracker apps have faced scrutiny for mishandling users’ data. Popular period tracker app Flo has faced a lawsuit in the British Columbia Supreme Court in Canada for sharing personal data to third-party tech firms, including Facebook and Google, which use the data for targeted advertising.

Meanwhile, the overturning of Roe v. Wade in the United States has threatened many people’s bodily autonomy and made them concerned about the legal risks of sharing personal biological information.

Love and Deepspace’s privacy policy states any menstruation data is only used for the prediction and reminder features, and that it will not be shared with any third parties without the player’s consent.

The banning of the Chinese-owned platform TikTok in the US was driven by fears of foreign influence and data privacy. Yet our privacy may not be safer with a US company than a Chinese one.

US-owned companies have been just as liable to sell sensitive information to third parties, such as location data to abortion clinics and gay clubs.

Australia’s Privacy Act does not just apply to Australian companies. Papergames could be sanctioned if it breaches its privacy policy.

That said, it is unlikely many users will be familiar with the policy or read future changes made to it. It is best to always practise caution when entering any kind of personal information in platforms, apps or video games.

A potential shift

Period tracking is not a core component in the game. But this new feature signals a potential shift towards more mobile games integrating popular app functions, such as health data.

Instead of a casual time-filler, mobile games like Love and Deepspace are competing for players’ attention over other apps – which is concerning given its controversial gacha random rewards.

It’s also possible the game’s designers are picking up on a widespread desire for men to care more about their partner’s periods.

The Conversation

Stephanie Harkin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Chinese dating simulator Love and Deepspace now has a period tracker – it signals a shift in mobile gaming – https://theconversation.com/chinese-dating-simulator-love-and-deepspace-now-has-a-period-tracker-it-signals-a-shift-in-mobile-gaming-250497

Tibet is one of the most linguistically diverse places in the world. This is in danger of extinction

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gerald Roche, Lecturer in Linguistics, La Trobe University

Three days after he was released from prison in December, a Tibetan village leader named Gonpo Namgyal died. As his body was being prepared for traditional Tibetan funeral rites, marks were found indicating he had been brutally tortured in jail.

His crime? Gonpo Namgyal had been part of a campaign to protect the Tibetan language in China.

Gonpo Namgyal is the victim of a slow-moving conflict that has dragged on for nearly 75 years, since China invaded Tibet in the mid-20th century. Language has been central to that conflict.

Tibetans have worked to protect the Tibetan language and resisted efforts to enforce Mandarin Chinese. Yet, Tibetan children are losing their language through enrolment in state boarding schools where they are being educated nearly exclusively in Mandarin Chinese. Tibetan is typically only taught a few times a week – not enough to sustain the language.

My research, published in a new book in 2024, provides unique insights into the struggle of other minority languages in Tibet that receive far less attention.

My research shows that language politics in Tibet are surprisingly complex and driven by subtle violence, perpetuated not only by Chinese authorities but also other Tibetans. I’ve also found that outsiders’ efforts to help are failing the minority languages at the highest risk of extinction.

Tibetan culture under attack

I lived in Ziling, the largest city on the Tibetan Plateau, from 2005 to 2013, teaching in a university, studying Tibetan and supporting local non-government organisations.

Most of my research since then has focused on language politics in the Rebgong valley on the northeast Tibetan Plateau. From 2014 to 2018, I interviewed dozens of people, spoke informally with many others, and conducted hundreds of household surveys about language use.

I also collected and analysed Tibetan language texts, including government policies, online essays, social media posts and even pop song lyrics.

When I was in Ziling, Tibetans launched a massive protest movement against Chinese rule just before the Beijing Olympics in 2008. These protests led to harsh government crackdowns, including mass arrests, increased surveillance, and restrictions on freedom of movement and expressions of Tibetan identity. This was largely focused on language and religion.

Years of unrest ensued, marked by more demonstrations and individual acts of sacrifice. Since 2009, more than 150 Tibetans have set themselves on fire to protest Chinese rule.

Not just Tibetan under threat

Tibet is a linguistically diverse place. In addition to Tibetan, about 60 other languages are spoken in the region. About 4% of Tibetans (around 250,000 people) speak a minority language.

Government policy forces all Tibetans to learn and use Mandarin Chinese. Those who speak only Tibetan have a harder time finding work and are faced with discrimination and even violence from the dominant Han ethnic group.

Meanwhile, support for Tibetan language education has slowly been whittled away: the government even recently banned students from having private Tibetan lessons or tutors on their school holidays.

Linguistic minorities in Tibet all need to learn and use Mandarin. But many also need to learn Tibetan to communicate with other Tibetans: classmates, teachers, doctors, bureaucrats or bosses.

In Rebgong, where I did my research, the locals speak a language they call Manegacha. Increasingly, this language is being replaced by Tibetan: about a third of all families that speak Manegacha are now teaching Tibetan to their children (who also must learn Mandarin).

The government refuses to provide any opportunities to use and learn minority languages like Manegacha. It also tolerates constant discrimination and violence against Manegacha speakers by other Tibetans.

These assimilationist state policies are causing linguistic diversity across Tibet to collapse. As these minority languages are lost, people’s mental and physical health suffers and their social connections and communal identities are destroyed.

How do Manegacha communities resist and navigate language oppression?

Why does this matter?

Tibetan resistance to Chinese rule dates back to the People’s Liberation Army invasion in the early 1950s.

When the Dalai Lama fled to India in 1959, that resistance movement went global. Governments around the world have continued to support Tibetan self-determination and combat Chinese misinformation about Tibet, such as the US Congress passage of the Resolve Tibet Act in 2024.

Outside efforts to support the Tibetan struggle, however, are failing some of the most vulnerable people: those who speak minority languages.

Manegacha speakers want to maintain their language. They resist the pressure to assimilate whenever they speak Manegacha to each other, post memes online in Manegacha or push back against the discrimination they face from other Tibetans.

However, if Tibetans stop speaking Manegacha and other minority languages, this will contribute to the Chinese government’s efforts to erase Tibetan identity and culture.

Even if the Tibetan language somehow survives in China, the loss of even one of Tibet’s minority languages would be a victory for the Communist Party in the conflict it started 75 years ago.

The Conversation

Gerald Roche has received funding for this research from the Australian Research Council. He is also affiliated with the Linguistic Justice Foundation.

ref. Tibet is one of the most linguistically diverse places in the world. This is in danger of extinction – https://theconversation.com/tibet-is-one-of-the-most-linguistically-diverse-places-in-the-world-this-is-in-danger-of-extinction-246316

Nose-to-tail mining: how making sand from ore could solve a looming crisis

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Franks, Professor and Director – Global Centre for Mineral Security, The University of Queensland

Thanagornsoisep/Shutterstock

Every year, the world consumes around 50 billion tonnes of sand, gravel and crushed stone. The astonishing scale of this demand is hard to comprehend – 12.5 million Olympic sized swimming pools per year – making it the most-used solid material by humans.

Most of us don’t see the sand and gravel all around us. It’s hidden in concrete footpaths and buildings, the glass in our windows and in the microchips that drive our technology.

Demand is set to increase further – even as the extraction of sand and gravel from rivers, lakes, beaches and oceans is triggering an environmental crisis.

Sand does renew naturally, but in many regions, natural sand supplies are being depleted far faster than they can be replenished. Desert sand often has grains too round for use in construction and deserts are usually far from cities, while sand alternatives made by crushing rock are energy- and emissions-intensive.

But there’s a major opportunity here, as we outline in our new research. Every year, the mining industry crushes and discards billions of tonnes of the same minerals as waste during the process of mining metals. By volume, mining waste is the single largest source of waste we make.

There’s nothing magical about sand. It’s made up of particles of weathered rock. Gravel is larger particles. Our research has found companies mining metals can get more out of their ores, by processing the ore to produce sand as well.

This would solve two problems at once: how to avoid mining waste and how to tackle the sand crisis. We dub this “nose-to-tail” mining, following the trend in gastronomy to use every part of an animal.

man with concrete mixer.
Concrete is everywhere – but it requires a great deal of sand and gravel.
MVolodymyr/Shutterstock

The failings of tailings

The metal sulphides, oxides and carbonates which can be turned into iron, copper and other metals are only a small fraction of the huge volumes of ore which have to be processed. Every year, the world produces about 13 billion tonnes of tailings – the ground-up rock left over after valuable metals are extracted – and another 72 billion tonnes of waste rock, which has been blasted but not ground up.

For decades, scientists have dreamed of using tailings as a substitute for natural sand. Tailings are often rich in silicates, the principal component of sand.

But to date, the reality has been disappointing. More than 18,000 research papers have been published on the topic in the last 25 years. But only a handful of mines have found ways to repurpose and sell tailings.

Why? First, tailings rarely meet the strict specifications required for construction materials, such as the size of the particles, the mineral composition and the durability.

Second, they come with a stigma. Tailings often contain hazardous substances liberated during mining. This makes governments and consumers understandably cautious about using mining waste in homes and our built environment.

Neither of these problems is insurmountable. In our research, we propose a new solution: manufacture sand directly from ore.

Converting rock into metal is a complex, multi-step process which differs by type of metal and by type of ore. After crushing, the minerals in the ore are typically separated using flotation, where the metal-containing sulphide minerals attach to tiny bubbles that float up through the slurry of rock and water.

At this stage, leftover ore is normally separated out to be disposed of as waste. But if we continue to process the ore, such as by spinning it in a cyclone, impurities can be removed and the right particle size and shape can be achieved to meet the specifications for sand.

We have dubbed this “ore-sand”, to distinguish it from tailings. It’s not made from waste tailings – it’s a deliberate product of the ore.

iron ore on conveyor belt
Turning ore into metal requires intensive crushing and grinding. These methods could also make sand.
Aussie Family Living/Shutterstock

More from ore

This isn’t just theory. At the iron ore mine Brucutu in Brazil, the mining company Vale is already producing one million tonnes of ore-sand annually. The sand is used in road construction, brickmaking and concrete.

The move came from tragedy. In 2015 and 2019, the dams constructed to store tailings at two of Vale’s iron ore mines collapsed, triggering deadly mudflows. Hundreds of people died – many of them company employees – and the environmental consequences are ongoing.

In response, the company funded researchers (such as our group) to find ways to reduce reliance on tailings dams in favour of better alternatives.

Following our work with Vale we investigated the possibility of making ore-sand from other types of mineral ores, such as copper and gold. We have run successful trials at Newmont’s Cadia copper-gold mine in Australia. Here, using innovative methods we have produced a coarser ore-sand which doesn’t require as much blending with other sand.

Ore-sand processing makes the most sense for mines located close to cities. This is for two reasons: to avoid the risk of tailings dams to people living nearby, and to reduce the transport costs of moving sand long distances.

Our earlier research showed almost half the world’s sand consumption happens within 100 kilometres of a mine which could produce ore-sand as well as metals. Since metal mining already requires intensive crushing and grinding, we found ore-sand can be produced with lower energy consumption and carbon emissions than the extraction of conventional sands.

The challenge of scale

For any new idea or industry, the hardest part is to go from early trials to widespread adoption. It won’t be easy to make ore-sand a reality.

Inertia is one reason. Mining companies have well-established processes. It takes time and work to introduce new methods.

Industry buy-in and collaboration, supportive government policies and market acceptance will be needed. Major sand buyers such as the construction industry need to be able to test and trust the product.

The upside is real, though. Ore-sand offers us a rare chance to tackle two hard environmental problems at once, by slashing the staggering volume of mining waste and reducing the need for potentially dangerous tailings dams, and offering a better alternative to destructive sand extraction.

The Conversation

Daniel Franks would like to acknowledge funding and collaboration support from the Queensland Government, Australian Economic Accelerator, Resources Technology and Critical Minerals Trailblazer, Newcrest Mining, Newmont, Vale, The University of Geneva, The University of Exeter, The Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, and The University of Queensland. Daniel Franks is the recipient of an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (FT240100383) funded by the Australian Government.

ref. Nose-to-tail mining: how making sand from ore could solve a looming crisis – https://theconversation.com/nose-to-tail-mining-how-making-sand-from-ore-could-solve-a-looming-crisis-250284