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Green Party’s Swarbrick calls for urgent NZ action over Israel’s ‘crazy’ Gaza slaughter

Asia Pacific Report

Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick called on New Zealand government MPs today to support her Member’s Bill to sanction Israel over its “crazy slaughter” of Palestinians in Gaza.

Speaking at a large pro-Palestinian solidarity rally in the heart of New Zealand’s largest city Auckland, she said Aotearoa New Zealand could no longer “remain a bystander to the slaughter of innocent people in Gaza”.

In the fifth day since Israel broke the two-month-old ceasefire and refused to begin negotiations on phase two of the truce — which was supposed to lead to a complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from the besieged enclave and an exchange of hostages — health officials reported that the death toll had risen above 630, mostly children and women.

Five children were killed in a major overnight air attack on Gaza City and at least eight members of the family remained trapped under the rubble as Israeli attacks continued in the holy fasting month of Ramadan.

Confirmed casualty figures in Gaza since October 7, 2023, now stand at 49,747 with 113,213 wounded, the Gaza Health Ministry said.

For more than two weeks, Israel has sealed off border crossings and barred food, water and electricity and today it blew up the Turkish-Palestinian Friendship Hospital, the only medical institution in Gaza able to provide cancer treatment.

“The research has said it from libraries, libraries and libraries. And what is it doing in Gaza?” said Swarbrick.

‘Ethnic cleansing . . . on livestream’
“It is ethnic cleansing. It is apartheid. It is genocide. And we have that delivered to us by  livestream to each one of us every single day on our cellphones,” she said.

“That is crazy. It is crazy to wake up every single day to that.”

Swarbrick said Aotearoa New Zealand must act now to sanction Israel for its crimes — “just like we did with Russia for its illegal action in Ukraine.”

She said that with the Green Party, Te Pāti Māori and Labour’s committed support, they now needed just six of the 68 government MPs to “pass my Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill into law”.

“There’s no more time for talk. If we stand for human rights and peace and justice, our Parliament must act,” she said.

“Action for Gaza Now” banner heads a march protesting against Israel’s resumed attacks on the besieged Strip in Auckland today. Image: APR

In September, Aotearoa had joined 123 UN member states to support a resolution calling for sanctions against those responsible for Israel’s “unlawful presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in relation to settler violence”.

“Our government has since done nothing to fulfil that commitment. Our Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill starts that very basic process.

“No party leader or whip can stop a Member of Parliament exercising their democratic right to vote how they know they need to on this Bill,” she said to resounding cheers.

‘No hiding behind party lines’
“There is no more hiding behind party lines. All 123 Members of Parliament are each individually, personally responsible.”

Several Palestinian women spoke of the terror with the new wave of Israeli bombings and of their families’ personal connections with the suffering in Gaza, saying it was vitally important to “hear our stories”. Some spoke of the New Zealand government’s “cowardice” for not speaking out in opposition like many other countries.

About 1000 people took part in the protest in a part of Britomart’s Te Komititanga Square in a section now popularly known as “Palestine Corner”.

Amid a sea of banners and Palestinian flags there were placards declaring “Stop the genocide”, “Jews for tangata whenua from Aotearoa to Palestine”, “Hands off West Bank End the occupation” , “The people united will never be defeated”, “Decolonise your mind, stand with Palestine,” “Genocide — made in USA”, and “Toitū Te Tiriti Free Palestine”.

“Genocide – Made in USA” poster at today’s Palestinian solidarity rally. Image: APR

The ceasefire-breaking Israeli attacks on Gaza have shocked the world and led to three UN General Assembly debates this week on the Middle East.

France, Germany and Britain are among the latest countries to condemn Israel for breaching the ceasefire — describing it as a “dramatic step backwards”, and France has told the UN that it is opposed to any form of annexation by Israel of any Palestinian territory.

Meanwhile, Sultan Barakat, a professor at Hamad Bin Khalifa University in Qatar, told Al Jazeera in an interview that the more atrocities Israel committed in Gaza, the more young Palestinian men and women would join Hamas.

“So it’s not going to disappear any time soon,” he said.

With Israel killing more than 630 people in five days and cutting off all aid to the Strip for weeks, there was no trust on the part of Hamas to restart the ceasefire, Professor Barakat said.

“Jews for tangata whenua from Aotearoa to Palestine” . . . a decolonisation placard at today’s Palestine solidarity rally in Auckland. Image: APR

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Top Pacific diplomats ready for direct talks on Bougainville independence

By Leah Lowonbu, Stefan Armbruster and Harlyne Joku of BenarNews

The Pacific’s peak diplomatic bodies have signalled they are ready to engage with Papua New Guinea’s Autonomous Government of Bougainville as mediation begins on the delayed ratification of its successful 2019 independence referendum.

PNG and Bougainville’s leaders met in the capital Port Moresby this week with a moderator to start negotiations on the implementation of the UN-supervised Bougainville Peace Agreement and referendum.

Ahead of the talks, ABG’s President Ishmael Toroama moved to sideline a key sticking point over PNG parliamentary ratification of the vote, with the announcement last week that Bougainville would unilaterally declare independence on September 1, 2027.

The region’s two leading intergovernmental organisations — Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) — have traditionally deferred to member state PNG on discussion of Bougainville independence as an internal matter.

But as a declaration of nationhood becomes increasingly likely and near, there has been a subtle shift.

“It’s their [PNG’s] prerogative but if this matter were raised formally, even by Bougainville themselves, we can start discussion on that,” PIF Secretary-General Baron Waqa told a press briefing at its headquarters in Fiji on Monday.

“Whatever happens, I think the issue would have to be decided by our leaders later this year,” he said of the annual PIF meeting to be held in Solomon Islands in September.

Marked peace deal
The last time the Pacific’s leaders included discussion of Bougainville in their official communique was in 2004 to mark the disarmament of the island under the peace deal.

Waqa said Bougainville had made no formal approach to PIF — a grouping of 18 Pacific states and territories — but it was closely monitoring developments on what could eventually lead to the creation of a new member state.

PNG Prime Minister James Marape (second from left) and Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama (right) during mediation in the capital Port Moresby this week. Image: Autonomous Government of Bougainville/BenarNews

In 2024, Toroama told BenarNews he would be seeking observer status at the subregional MSG — grouping PNG, Fiji, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and New Caledonia’s FLNKS — as Bougainville’s first diplomatic foray.

No application has been made yet but MSG acting Director-General Ilan Kiloe told BenarNews they were also keeping a close watch.

“Our rules and regulations require that we engage through PNG and we will take our cue from them,” Kiloe said, adding while the MSG respects the sovereignty of its members, “if requested, we will provide assistance” to Bougainville.

“The purpose and reason the MSG was established initially was to advance the collective interests of the Melanesian countries, in particular, to assist those yet to attain independence,” he said. “And to provide support towards their aim of becoming independent countries.”

Map showing Papua New Guinea, its neighboring countries and the Autonomous Region of Bougainville. Map: BenarNews

The 2001 peace agreement ended more than a decade of bloody conflict  known as the Bougainville crisis, that resulted in the deaths of up to 15,000 people, and laid out a roadmap for disarmament and the referendum in 2019.

‘We need support’
Under the agreement, PNG retains responsibility for foreign affairs but allows for the ABG to engage externally for trade and with “regional organisations.”

“We need countries to support us, we need to talk to those countries [ahead of independence],” Toroama told BenarNews last September.

The referendum on independence was supported by 97.7 percent of Bougainvillians and the outcome was due to be ratified by PNG’s Parliament in 2020, but was deferred because of the covid-19 pandemic.

Discussions by the two parties since on whether a simple or two-thirds majority vote by parliamentarians was required has further delayed the process.

Toroama stood firm on the issue of ratification on the first day of discussions moderated by New Zealand’s Sir Jerry Mataparae, saying his people voted for independence and the talks were to define the “new relationship” between two independent states.

Last week, the 15 members of the Bougainville Leaders Independence Consultation Forum issued a statement declaring PNG had no authority to veto the referendum result and recommended September 1, 2027 as the declaration date.

Bougainville Leaders Consultation Forum declaration setting September 1, 2027, as the date for their independence declaration. Image: AGB/BenarNews

“As far as I am concerned, the process of negotiating independence was concluded with the referendum,” Toroama said.

Implementation moderation
“My understanding is that this moderation is about reaching agreement on implementing the referendum result of independence.”

He told Marape “to take ownership and endorse independence in this 11th Parliament.”

PNG’s prime minister responded by praising the 25 years of peace “without a single bullet fired” but warned Bougainville was not ready for independence.

“Economic independence must precede political independence,” Marape said. “The long-term sustainability of Bougainville must be factored into these discussions.”

“About 95 percent of Bougainville’s budget is currently reliant on external support, including funding from the PNG government and international donors.”

Proposals to reopen Rio Tinto’s former Panguna gold and copper mine in Bougainville, that sparked its civil conflict, is a regular feature of debate about its economic future.

Front page of the Post-Courier newspaper after the first day of mediation on Bougainville’s independence this week. Image: Post-Courier/BenarNews

Marape also suggested people may be secretly harbouring weapons in breach of the peace agreement and called on the UN to clarify the outcome of the disarmament process it supervised.

“Headlines have come out that guns remain in Bougainville. United Nations, how come guns remain in Bougainville?” Marape asked on Monday.

“You need to tell me. This is something you know. I thought all guns were removed from Bougainville.”

PNG relies on aid
By comparison, PNG has heavily relied on foreign financial assistance since independence, currently receiving at about US$320 million (1.3 billion kina) a year in budgetary support from Australia, and suffers regular tribal violence and massacres involving firearms including assault rifles.

Bougainville Vice-President Patrick Nisira rejected Marape’s concerns about weapons, the Post-Courier newspaper reported.

“The usage of those guns, there is no evidence of that and if you look at the data on Bougainville where [there are] incidents of guns, it is actually very low,” he said.

Further talks are planned and are due to produce a report for the national Parliament by mid-2025, ahead of elections in Bougainville and PNG’s 50th anniversary celebrations in September.

Republished from BenarNews with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Joint Fiji forces tackle civil strife, flash flood crisis and rebels in exercise

Asia Pacific Report

A joint operation between the Fiji Police Force, Republic of Fiji Military Force (RFMF), Territorial Force Brigade, Fiji Navy and National Fire Authority was staged this week to “modernise” responses to emergencies.

Called “Exercise Genesis”, the joint operation is believed to be the first of its kind in Fiji to “test combat readiness” and preparedness for facing civil unrest, counterinsurgency and humanitarian assistance scenarios.

It took place over three days and was modelled on challenges faced by a “fictitious island grappling with rising unemployment, poverty and crime”.

The exercise was described as based on three models, operated on successive days.

The block 1 scenario tackled internal security, addressing civil unrest, law enforcement challenges and crowd control operations.

Block 2 involved humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and coordinating emergency response efforts with government agencies.

Block 3 on the last day dealt with a “mid-level counterinsurgency”, engaging in stabilising the crisis, and “neutralising” a threat.

Flash flood scenario
On the second day, a “composite” company with the assistance of the Fiji Navy successfully evacuated victims from a scenario-based flash flood at Doroko village (Waila) to Nausori Town.

“The flood victims were given first aid at the village before being evacuated to an evacuation centre in Syria Park,” said the Territorial Brigade’s Facebook page.

“The flood victims were further examined by the medical team at Syria Park.”

Fiji police confront protesters during the Operation Genesis exercise in Fiji this week. Image: RFMF screenshot APR

On the final day, Thursday, Exercise Genesis culminated in a pre-dawn attack by the troops on a “rebel hideout”.

According to the Facebook page, the “hideout” had been discovered following the deployment of a joint tracker team and the K9 unit from the Fiji Corrections Service.

“Through rigorous training and realistic scenarios, the [RFMF Territorial Brigade] continues to refine its combat proficiency, adaptability, and mission effectiveness,” said a brigade statement.

Mock protesters in the Operation Genesis security services exercise in Fiji this week. Image: RFMF screenshot APR

It said that the exercise was “ensuring that [the brigade] remains a versatile and responsive force, capable of safeguarding national security and contributing to regional stability.”

However, a critic said: “Anyone who is serious about reducing crime would offer a real alternative to austerity, poverty and alienation. Invest in young people and communities.”

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Australia’s ‘coercive’ news media rules are the latest targets of US trade ire

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rob Nicholls, Senior Research Associate in Media and Communications, University of Sydney

As the United States recalibrates its trade policies to combat what the Trump administration sees as “unfair” treatment by other countries, two significant industries have complained to US regulators about their treatment in Australia.

The tech industry – particularly Big Tech platforms such as Google and Meta – says it is being “coerced” into handing cash to Australian media companies. And the pharmaceutical industry is upset about low prices and delays in getting new treatments into the Australian market.

Why are we hearing about these complaints now? And what will they mean for Australia?

The US Trade Representative requests a pile-on

In February, the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) invited comments from the public to help it review and identify any unfair trade practices by other countries. The call was made “pursuant to the America First Trade Policy Presidential Memorandum and the Presidential Memorandum on Reciprocal Trade and Tariffs”.

The aim was to use this consultation to investigate potential harm to the US from any non-reciprocal trade arrangements. The consultation was designed to help the USTR recommend appropriate actions to remedy any such practices.

Essentially, it was an invitation to complain about any and all countries, including Australia. All the relevant industry associations have taken up this opportunity with a high degree of enthusiasm.

There have been 766 submissions.

Big Tech has complaints

A tech industry group called the Computer and Communications Industry Association (CCIA) made a submission raising concerns about the digital policies of several countries, including Australia.

The submission emphasised policies with what it calls “extractionary and redistributive characteristics” that force one set of market participants to subsidise the economic activities of another.

The association’s Australian concern focuses on the News Media Bargaining Code. This requires tech companies to pay for news that appears on their platforms.

The CCIA characterises the News Bargaining Code as:

a coercive and discriminatory tax that requires US technology companies to subsidise Australian media companies.

The CCIA argued that the financial burden imposed by the code is substantial. It said that two companies (Google and Meta, although the CCIA does not name them) pay A$250 million annually in deals “coerced through the threat of this law”. It also mentioned the planned “news bargaining incentive”, which aims to encourage platforms to do deals with media companies.

Regulation by default

The CCIA is also concerned about changes in competition law that will lead to platforms being regulated by default. That is, like telecommunications and electricity companies, designated platforms will be assumed to have a substantial degree of market power. (This was a finding made by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission in 2019.)

The industry group argued that Australia’s regulatory regime is modelled on the European Union’s Digital Markets Act (DMA). In fact, Australia is likely to look closely at both the EU and UK regimes.

The CCIA says this default regulation would target specified US companies with discriminatory obligations.

However, any business that is “designated” – regardless of its host country – would have these obligations. The proposed approach does not target or discriminate against US businesses.

It is true the proposed approach will have heavy penalties for breach, and the CCIA complains about these “significant fines”. The CCIA correctly identifies that the regulations would empower the government to impose restrictions on how platforms use customers’ data, and whether they can preference their own products.

The CCIA says it is concerned that these measures, like similar ones in other jurisdictions, disproportionately target US companies. It says they would also impose significant compliance costs, and may serve as a backdoor for industrial policy designed to advantage local competitors. They argue that such rules can require changes to operating procedures and services, and that non-compliance can result in hefty fines.

The submission also addresses Australia’s proposed requirements for US online video providers, such as Netflix, to fund the development and production of Australian content, which could require these providers to allocate 10–20% of their local expenditure to Australian content. It does not note that the same is true for Australian streaming platforms.

Big Pharma also has complaints – and a local ally

Big Pharma, via the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) industry association, has also complained about various countries. Gripes about Australia include low prices under the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) and delays to approval of new treatments.

Medicines Australia – a local organisation that represents pharmaceutical companies – agrees about the delays, citing a PBS review published last year.

Barriers to trade

The critical submissions should come as no surprise. Any industry group that passes up such a golden opportunity to complain on behalf of its members is arguably not doing its job.

In the case of both Big Tech and Big Pharma, Australia was only one of the targets. Yet the potential impacts are high.

The USTR is looking at treating any regulatory barriers faced by US companies as if they were tariffs. At least one Australian industry association is joining the pile-on.

How will the USTR respond? Given the White House’s current approach to trade, there is a significant risk it will recommend retaliatory tariffs on yet more Australian products.

The Conversation

Rob Nicholls receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Australia’s ‘coercive’ news media rules are the latest targets of US trade ire – https://theconversation.com/australias-coercive-news-media-rules-are-the-latest-targets-of-us-trade-ire-252806

What are non-tariff barriers – and why is agriculture so exposed?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alan Renwick, Professor of Agricultural Economics, Lincoln University, New Zealand

Since the return to power of US President Donald Trump, tariffs have barely left the front pages.

While the on-off-on tariff sagas have dominated the headlines, a paper released this week by the government’s Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics and Sciences (ABARES) has highlighted other barriers. These non-tariff measures could actually be having a greater impact in terms of preventing trade.

The report says these non-tariff measures are equivalent to Australian agricultural exporters facing a tariff of 19%.

What are non-tariff measures?

The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) defines a non-tariff barrier as

any kind of “red tape” or policy measure, other than tariffs or tariff-rate quotas, that unjustifiably restricts trade.

ABARES use a broader definition of “non-tariff measures”. This circumvents the tricky problem of trying to ascertain whether a non-tariff measure is justified or unjustified.

Non-tariff measures can be separated into categories, such as sanitary and phytosanitary (food safety and plant/animal health-related), technical barriers to trade (food standards, labelling, and so on) and quantitative restrictions (such as quotas).

It should be emphasised that these measures have a legitimate role to play in our trading systems.

As noted by DFAT, enshrined in the rules of the World Trade Organization is the fact that all nations have the right to set trade rules to ensure the health, safety and wellbeing of their citizens and to protect animal and plant health. Australia makes full use of these measures.

How do they become a barrier to trade?

So when does a measure become a barrier? According to DFAT, this is when they are:

  • unclear or unevenly applied
  • more trade-restrictive than necessary to meet their stated objective, or
  • introduced to provide an unfair advantage to domestic industries.

Both justified and unjustified measures can work to prevent free trade. But the report also shows how non-trade measures can facilitate trade – for example, by providing assurances to customers in one country about the quality and safety of products from another country.

Why agriculture is so exposed

Non-tariff measures are particularly prevalent in agriculture because of the biological nature of food production and the potential risks to human, animal and plant health.

Importing a faulty phone may lead to some losses to consumers. But infected agricultural products could severely disrupt a whole sector or even destroy ecosystems. For example, a large foot-and-mouth disease outbreak in Australia could cost the Australian economy more than A$26 billion over ten years.

However, the existence of so many of these measures in the agricultural and food sectors may also be a political issue. Agricultural lobby groups are powerful in many countries and continually push for protection from imports. In this case, the measures can be viewed as barriers.

Containers on board a ship
The next wave of tariff announcements is coming on April 2.
Bienvenido Velasco/Shutterstock

What did the research say?

The ABARES research highlights that non-tariff measures have proliferated in recent years as overall tariff rates have been declining. It also estimates that these measures have an increasingly negative impact on Australia’s agricultural export volumes.

However, we do have to be careful in interpreting these results.

An increase in justified measures is very different from an increase in unjustified measures.

The ABARES report is not able to distinguish between the two. It may be questioned whether it is fair to include justified measures in a calculation of the headline tariff-equivalent measure.

The report also highlights the costs of the measures, but does not consider the benefits. The example of foot and mouth shows that the benefits of non-tariff measures can be very large.

It cuts both ways

The ABARES report focuses on the impact of these measures on Australian export trade – but questions can also be raised about the use of them by Australia itself.

Australia is in the crosshairs of Trump’s trade war. On April 2 the United States is set to implement a new wave of tariffs under its Fair and Reciprocal Trade Plan. These will target both tariffs and non-tariff measures.




Read more:
The next round in the US trade war has the potential to be more damaging for Australia


Australia’s food security measures relating to beef are being explicitly called out by the US farm lobby. A US beef trade organisation called the Australia-US free trade agreement “by far the most lopsided and unfair trading deal” for its farmers.

According to a press report on Friday, California winemakers have also complained to Trump about an Australian tax on wine sales, calling it “unfair”.

There is no doubt there are significant gains to be had from disentangling genuine measures that protect human, plant and animal health from those that hinder trade purely to protect inefficient domestic producers or favour certain countries over others. Once this is done, work can be undertaken to reduce the unjustified barriers.

However, the difficulty is how to achieve this – especially as what is often seen as justified by an importer may be the seen as the opposite or unjustified by an exporter.

The Conversation

Alan Renwick does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What are non-tariff barriers – and why is agriculture so exposed? – https://theconversation.com/what-are-non-tariff-barriers-and-why-is-agriculture-so-exposed-252739

How will the history-making new Olympics boss shape sports worldwide, and in Australia?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Baka, Honorary Professor, School of Kinesiology, Western University, London, Canada; Adjunct Fellow, Olympic Scholar and Co-Director of the Olympic and Paralympic Research Centre, Institute for Health and Sport, Victoria University

In a surprisingly emphatic result, 41-year-old Kirsty Coventry, Zimbabwe’s Sport Minister, was selected as the new president of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) at its 144th session in Greece.

Coventry is the first woman, the first African, and the youngest person ever to take on the role.

So how did she rise to this position, and what should sports in Australia and globally expect?

Unpacking the votes

Coventry comes well-credentialed as a five-time Olympic swimmer, representing Zimbabwe from 2000 to 2016 and winning seven medals, two of them gold.

An IOC member since 2013, Coventry was initially an athlete-elected member.

She has taken on various IOC roles, including most recently on the Coordination Committee for the Brisbane 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games.

Although Coventry was one of the three favourites, along with Sebastian Coe from the United Kingdom and Juan Antonio Samaranch Jr from Spain (son of the previous IOC President Juan Antonio Samaranch), she won the vote in a landslide on the first ballot, securing 49 votes of the 97.

Having obtained the required 50% majority, no further rounds were held.

So begins a new dawn for the IOC’s now extremely powerful inaugural woman leader, who will face several challenges.

How did she win?

Foremost, Coventry had longstanding president Thomas Bach’s informal endorsement and support.

Bach no doubt had a huge sway over the voting members, many of whom were elected to the IOC during his 12-year reign.

Bach’s appointment as Honorary President for Life from June this year means he will still have a powerful role and be able to mentor and influence Coventry.

A lack of transparent voting for the position means we cannot know who voted for whom. Some will presume the new president garnered the majority of votes from women and African delegates, but such an observation can only be speculative.

With women comprising 43% of IOC members, it is a reasonable assumption this cohort provided a strong support base.

Several candidates proposed quite significant (and in some cases radical) changes, suggesting a vote for Coventry was a nod to keeping the status quo.

Or was it just time to break the hold of male presidents?

The 2024 Paris Olympics were the first games with equal 50-50 men-women participation. The IOC membership has also changed over the past few decades, with growing representation of women. As a result, its long-held reputation as an “old boys’ club” is slowly shifting.

Coventry triumphed despite previous doubts about her domestic political ties, and a limited change agenda that seemed to be mainly a legacy choice for Bach.

In this context, Bach might continue to exert his influence.

Global challenges for the new president

As Olympic Agenda 2020+5 draws to its end, the new president will have the opportunity to set a future-focused strategy.

There are plenty of areas she will need to consider in taking the reins. Here are our top ten:

1. Safeguarding athletes. The provision of safe spaces for sport is an area of global concern as the incidents of athlete harm are brought to light.

2. Environmental, sustainability and global warming issues, such as lack of snow for the winter games, venue rationale, spending on mega events, and lack of bidders for future games.

3. The impact of AI and digital transformation on all aspects of sport, from athlete performance and officiating to governance and management.

4. Bidding processes for future host cities.

5. Transgender athletes and diversity, equity and inclusion considerations.

6. The (Australian-initiated) proposal for the pharmaceutical free-for-all Enhanced Games.

7. Sponsorship changes – longtime sponsors Toyota and Panasonic have dropped out but others have come in, with some from China.

8. Relations with Russia and the United States

9. Athlete advocacy – perhaps giving the athletes more of the financial windfall the Olympics generate.

10. Addition of new sports and culling or dropping existing less popular ones.




Read more:
Cricket? Lacrosse? Netball? The new sports that might make it to the 2032 Brisbane Olympic Games


What about Australia?

Coventry comes from an impressive swimming background, and this could work to Australia’s advantage.

Although she will step down from her role on the Coordination Committee for the Brisbane Olympics and Paralympics to handle other pressing presidential duties, she will no doubt retain a close link to the third Australian Olympic host city.

The Australian Olympic Commission was quick to congratulate her on her ascension to the IOC presidency.

Coventry knows AOC President Ian Chesterman, a fellow IOC member, so we can expect a close, friendly working relationship between them.

With the Brisbane games only seven years away, the new IOC president will certainly have a strong vested interest in Australia and aspects of the Olympic and Paralympic movement in this part of the world.

The Conversation

Tracy Taylor is on the Olympic Studies Centre Grant Award committee.

Richard Baka and Rob Hess do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How will the history-making new Olympics boss shape sports worldwide, and in Australia? – https://theconversation.com/how-will-the-history-making-new-olympics-boss-shape-sports-worldwide-and-in-australia-252623

ACCC finds Australia’s supermarkets are among the world’s most profitable – but doesn’t accuse them of price gouging

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gary Mortimer, Professor of Marketing and Consumer Behaviour, Queensland University of Technology

Daria Nipot/Shutterstock

Australia’s supermarket sector has endured a long, uncomfortable moment in the spotlight. There have been six comprehensive inquiries into its conduct, pricing practices, and specifically claims of “price gouging”, over the past 18 months.

Today, the long-awaited final report from the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) Supermarkets Inquiry has been released, more than 400 pages long.

It finds Australia’s supermarkets are highly profitable by international standards, ranking among the highest in their peer group. But it did not find the supermarkets were price gouging. In fact, it didn’t even mention the phrase.

How we got here

In February 2024, the federal government formally directed the ACCC to investigate the competitiveness of retail prices in Australia’s supermarket sector. It was the first inquiry of its kind since 2008.

The move followed widespread allegations the supermarkets had been price gouging – using the cover of high inflation to jack up prices even higher.

The interim report from the ACCC’s inquiry, released in September, found the supermarket industry was highly concentrated, and reported many suppliers had raised concerns about “being exploited”.




Read more:
‘Concerning’: ACCC interim report on supermarket inquiry tells of supplier woes and ‘oligopolistic’ market


Highly profitable supermarkets

The ACCC’s final report found Australian supermarkets appear highly profitable when compared with their international peers.

ALDI’s, Coles’ and Woolworths’ average earnings before interest and tax margins were noted to be “among the highest of supermarket businesses in relevant comparator countries”.

Average net profit after tax margins were similar to Walmart in the United States, Dutch-Belgian Ahold Delhaise, and Tesco in the United Kingdom, but below Canada’s Loblaw supermarkets.

The inquiry found ALDI acted as a “price constraint” on Coles and Woolworths. But as a low-cost operator, ALDI does not compete with them “head-to-head” on all product offerings.

It found while independent grocers provided a “valuable alternative”, consumers in regional areas were disadvantaged by higher freight costs and higher prices.

ALDI’s, Coles’ and Woolworths’ store networks have expanded since the last inquiry in 2008, leading to greater “geographic overlap” and increased competition between their stores.

Rising grocery prices

The report notes that between late 2022 and early 2023, grocery prices were rising at more than twice the rate of wages. Supply chains took a big hit in the pandemic and its wake.

Since March 2019, food and grocery prices have increased by about 24%, but this is still less than in many other OECD countries.

The report notes input costs for supermarkets have increased dramatically since the pandemic. However, it says the fact supermarkets have also increased certain margins during this time means:

at least some of the grocery price increases have resulted in additional profits for ALDI, Coles and Woolworths.

Supermarkets often did not engage with suppliers “meaningfully” in relation to trading terms. Rebates paid by suppliers were opaque, complex and not well understood.

The report found ALDI had been increasing its prices at a faster annual rate than Coles or Woolworths, particularly between 2022 and 2024.

The ACCC investigated concerns suppliers lacked bargaining power when negotiating with the big supermarkets.
Hypervision Creative/Shutterstock

Was there any evidence of price gouging?

Quite simply, no. And there appears to be no hard evidence of the practice from other inquiries either.

A range of other inquiries into supermarket pricing and conduct at state and federal level have published findings in the past year, many centring on this very question:

The ACTU report refers to price gouging 43 times, but no evidence is offered. Theories and possible economic impacts of price gouging and anti-competitive behaviour are presented.

The Senate Select Committee report mentions “price gouging” at least 50 times, saying on whether price gouging exists in the supermarket sector – “the answer seems to be resounding yes”.

However, a closer analysis again finds no actual evidence. Instead, the committee highlights that Australia’s “concentrated” supermarket sector, “potentially [creates] an environment for anti-competitive practices and price gouging”.

The interim and final reports from the independent review into the Food and Grocery Code of Conduct mention “price gouging” multiple times. However, they don’t offer any evidence, instead referring to claims in the ACTU Report.

Neither the ACCC inquiry’s interim report nor its final report mention “price gouging”.

ACCC recommendations

While the ACCC acknowledges there is no “silver bullet” to address competition issues in the supermarket sector, it offers 20 recommendations.

Making it easier for smaller supermarket competitors to enter and expand in the market was one area of focus. Recommendations include simplifying planning and zoning rules, and encouraging governments of all levels to support community-owned supermarkets in remote areas.

The ACCC also recommends supermarkets be required to publish notifications when “adverse” package size changes occur. This is commonly referred to as “shrinkflation”.

Other notable recommendations include:

  • a requirement to provide an “independent” body weekly data about prices paid to fresh produce suppliers
  • a review of loyalty program practices in three years’ time
  • minimum information requirements for discount price promotions.

The report did not recommend divestiture or breaking up the big supermarkets.

Will Australians see lower grocery prices?

The widely popular narrative of “stamping out price gouging” by dragging supermarket chief executives into public hearings and threatening them with jail time might have inferred such inquiries would lead to lower food prices. In isolation, they have not.

The federal government says it agrees in principle with the recommendations. In its initial response, it has announced $2.9 million will be provided over three years for “targeted education programs” to help suppliers understand their rights.

Gary Mortimer receives funding from the Building Employer Confidence and Inclusion in Disability Grant, AusIndustry Entrepreneurs’ Program, National Clothing Textiles Stewardship Scheme, National Retail Association, Australian Retailers Association.

ref. ACCC finds Australia’s supermarkets are among the world’s most profitable – but doesn’t accuse them of price gouging – https://theconversation.com/accc-finds-australias-supermarkets-are-among-the-worlds-most-profitable-but-doesnt-accuse-them-of-price-gouging-250503

Peer review is meant to prevent scientific misconduct. But it has its own problems

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gail Wilson, Adjunct Associate Professor, Office of the PVC (Academic Innovation), Southern Cross University

Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

In 2023, an academic journal, the Annals of Operations Research, retracted an entire special isssue because the peer review process for it was compromised.

The case brought into sharp focus broader concerns about the peer review process in contemporary science. It showed that a process intended to catch problems with research before publication can itself go wrong.

And when it does, it creates large ripple effects that undermine the integrity of scientific research.

So how is the peer review meant to work? Why does it sometimes fail? And what can be done to improve it?

An evolving process

Peer review as we know it arose in the mid 20th century as the demand for specialised research grew following the end of the second world war. Contrast this with the 18th and 19th centuries, when peer review was undertaken mainly by editors of learned societies and university publishing presses.

Today, peer review is done largely by external peer reviewers who have been asked by a journal’s editor to conduct a review of a manuscript focusing on the quality and value of the research.

They are selected from a pool of reviewers according to their discipline and their areas of expertise. Their task involves ensuring the paper is relevant to the aim and scope of the journal receiving the paper, reviewing the relevant literature, checking methodology, determining the importance of findings, highlighting areas that have been omitted in the paper, and suggesting changes to improve the paper overall.

Traditional forms of peer review occur before a paper is published. Both reviewers and authors remain anonymous.

Different disciplines take a slightly different approach to the review process. In the humanities, for example, double-blind peer review is favoured. This is where two external peer reviewers review the paper and send their reviews to the editor handling that paper. The author then responds to the editor’s and reviewers’ recommendations.

Based on editorial approval, the paper goes forward to publication.

Contrast this approach with open peer review which can occur both before and after the publication of an article. Supporters of this approach state that it promotes transparency and accountability.

Challenges with the current system

The example of the Annals of Operations Research retracting an entire special issue because of problems with the peer review process isn’t isolated. Springer Nature retracted a total of 2,923 papers from their large journal portfolio in 2024, citing research and academic integrity issues.

A year earlier, the Journal of Electronic Imaging also retracted nearly 80 papers following an investigation into peer review fraud.

Actions like this highlight the many challenges to the current peer review system.

For example, heavy academic workloads and institutional pressures on academics to produce more and more publications reduces the time they can spend as external peer reviewers. It also prevents them from agreeing to be a peer reviewer in the first place.

This leads to what is called peer reviewer fatigue, meaning the reviewer simply doesn’t have the capacity to do any more reviews at this time. Any journal editor can attest to this reason being given. Reviewers who produce quality manuscript reviews often also get more requests from journal editors than they are able to respond to, because of the time factor and their workload and institutional commitments mentioned above.

There’s also the potential for manipulation of the peer review process. This can include the issue of a fake peer review – a process by which authors are asked to suggest reviewers and where fake email addresses and fake peer reviews are submitted. There are signs artificial intelligence is exacerbating this problem.

Predatory journals with dubious publishing practices such as charging authors a fee for publishing an article also publish low-quality articles that have not gone through a rigorous peer review process.

In a guest post for the academic integrity website Retraction Watch, educational researcher Richard Phelps blamed journal editors for not reviewing an article’s literature review for accuracy. The post criticised dismissive claims from researchers about the absence of previous research on the topic, and low-quality literature reviews more broadly.

Strengthening the process

There are ways for journal editors to strengthen their journal’s peer review process in relation to the quality of the reviewer pool and the quality of reviews received.

Journals can regularly review their current reviewer pool and broaden that pool by writing directly to authors of recently published papers. They can also make personal approaches to researchers in the field to undertake a review or be added to the reviewer pool list.

Journals can also review their current guidelines for reviewers to ensure there is a consistent set of criteria reviewers can use to rate the paper and explain the reasons for their ratings across key elements of the manuscript.

A “strength-based approach” to review can be encouraged. This is where feedback about the paper’s strengths as well as the gaps in the paper makes the feedback more “developmental” and less focused on what’s wrong with the paper.

From my experience as a journal editor, authors also find it helpful to receive the reviewers’ comments together with an overall summary from the editor highlighting the key issues raised by the reviewers.

The Conversation

Gail Wilson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Peer review is meant to prevent scientific misconduct. But it has its own problems – https://theconversation.com/peer-review-is-meant-to-prevent-scientific-misconduct-but-it-has-its-own-problems-248015

Why do I grieve my childhood home so much now we’ve sold it? And what can I do about it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Breen, Professor of Psychology, Curtin University

Photo by Daria Kruchkova/Pexels

Grief can hit us in powerful and unanticipated ways. You might expect to grieve a person, a pet or even a former version of yourself – but many people are surprised by the depth of sad yearning they can feel after selling the childhood home.

In fact, it is normal to grieve a place. And this grief can be especially profound if it coincides with a parent dying or moving into residential aged care, leading to the sale of their house.

Grief is the response to the loss of anything to which we have an emotional connection. A growing body of research is looking at how grief can extend to “non-person” losses such as infertility, loss of religion and, yes, the loss of a former home.

It’s normal to grieve a place you can no longer visit.
Photo by Kelly/Pexels

Why would someone grieve a house?

The childhood home can be an important place for many of us. It literally housed our formative development, family bonds, and core memories. Hopefully, the childhood home is where we learned about safety, security and love.

It was likely surrounded by our neighbourhood, and close to important places such as school, playgrounds and friends’ houses. It is no wonder we grieve it when it’s gone.

It’s normal to grieve things we can’t see and touch but are real and valued. Just as a serious diagnosis might trigger grief for an imagined future for yourself, or an identity you once cherished, loss of a childhood home can hit us harder than we think.

When you sell a once-beloved home, you don’t just lose the physical space. You also lose all of what that space might represent, such as birthday celebrations, Christmas lunches, sleepovers with friends or many happy hours playing in the garden.

The childhood home often is a symbol of family connection and an anchor in the storm of life. Thinking of the home and all it represents can elicit nostalgia. In fact, the word “nostalgia” derives from the Greek words nostos (return) and algos (pain). The word is rooted in the pain we often feel being away from home.

And just as siblings are unique – each with different memories of and connections to their childhood home – their responses to its sale can differ markedly. It is normal if your sister or brother grieves the home in a different way to you – or maybe doesn’t even seem to grieve its loss at all.

Some people share memories and old photos of the home with their siblings.
Photo by Yaroslav Shuraev/Pexels.

A complicated grief

When a childhood home is sold because of the death of parents, the feelings of loss about the home are closely linked. The home being sold can be a type of secondary loss that sits in the periphery to the primary loss of parents.

Grieving the deaths might, at first, take precedence over the loss of the home.

It might only be later that the loss of the home and all it represents becomes apparent. Because the home provides a connection to the deceased person, the loss of the home might add another layer of grief about your parents. Perhaps you find that whenever you recall memories of mum or dad, they seem always to be at the house.

It’s also normal if you feel immense guilt about grieving the home. People might chastise themselves for worrying about “silly things” and not grieving “enough” about the person who died. Guilt about selling the home can also be common.

Not everyone has positive memories of their childhood home. Difficult family dynamics, maltreatment and abuse can complicate the emotional connection to childhood spaces and the grief response to their loss.

In such cases, the loss of the childhood home can elicit grief about the loss of the childhood that could have – and should have – been. The loss of a home that was the site of discord can be even more challenging than for people with more idyllic childhood experiences.

Maybe when you recall memories of a now-deceased parent, they seem always to be at the house.
Photo by RDNE Stock project/Pexels

How can I cope with this loss?

Grief from the loss of a childhood home is real and valid. We should recognise this and be kind to ourselves and others experiencing it. We shouldn’t minimise the loss or make fun of it.

Usually, the loss is anticipated, and this allows you to take photos, furniture or mementos from the home or garden before you leave or sell.

Grief researchers call these “transitional objects”. They may help you maintain a connection to what is lost, while still grieving the place.

Social support while grieving is important. Some people share memories and photos of the home with their siblings, or derive comfort from driving by the home.

Just be prepared for the possibility it will likely change as the new owners adapt it to their needs. You might feel affronted, but hopefully can eventually accept the property now belongs to someone else.

Chat to your doctor if the loss is particularly difficult, and your grief doesn’t change and subside over time. They might be able to recommend a psychologist who specialises in grief.

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

Lauren Breen receives funding from Healthway and has previously received funding from Wellcome Trust, Australian Research Council, Department of Health (Western Australia), Silver Chain, iCare Dust Diseases Board (New South Wales), and Cancer Council (Western Australia). She is on the board of Lionheart Camp for Kids and is a member of Grief Australia and the Australian Psychological Society.

ref. Why do I grieve my childhood home so much now we’ve sold it? And what can I do about it? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-i-grieve-my-childhood-home-so-much-now-weve-sold-it-and-what-can-i-do-about-it-251058

The search for missing plane MH370 is back on. An underwater robotics expert explains what’s involved

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stefan B. Williams, Professor of Marine Robotics, Australian Centre for Robotics, University of Sydney

Armada 7805, similar to the 7806 vessel that will support the new MH370 search. Ocean Infinity

More than 11 years after the disappearance of Malaysia Airlines flight MH370, the Malaysian government has approved a new search for the missing debris of the aircraft.

Malaysia announced the push for a renewed search last year, ten years after the tragedy that claimed the lives of 239 people.

Seabed exploration firm Ocean Infinity, which conducted an unsuccessful search in 2018, prepared a new proposal to which Malaysia’s government agreed in principle in December last year.

Now, the company has returned to the southern Indian Ocean 1,500 kilometres west of Perth – with a suite of new high-tech tools.

A search area the size of Sydney

Ocean Infinity is involved in projects surveying for offshore oil and gas reserves, and for suitable locations for offshore renewable energy projects.

But it has also proved it is capable of locating underwater wreckage in the past. For example, in 2018, the company found a missing Argentinian navy submarine nearly 1,000 metres underwater in the Atlantic Ocean. And last October, it found the wreck of a US Navy ship that had been underwater for 78 years.

The new search area for MH370 is roughly the size of metropolitan Sydney. It was identified in collaboration with experts based on refined analysis of information received after the aircraft disappeared. This information included weather, satellite data and the location of debris attributed to the aircraft which washed up along the coast of Africa and islands in the Indian Ocean.

For this search, Ocean Infinity will be using a new 78 metre offshore support vessel, the Armada 7806. It was built by Norwegian shipbuilder Vard in 2023.

Advanced sonar technology

The Armada 7806 is equipped with a fleet of autonomous underwater vehicles manufactured by the Norwegian firm Kongsberg.

These 6.2m long vehicles are capable of operating independently of the support vessel at depths of up to 6,000m for up to 100 hours at a time. They are equipped with advanced sonar technology, including sidescan, synthetic aperture, multibeam and sub-bottom profiling sonar.

Sonar systems are essential for underwater mapping and object detection surveys. They use acoustic pulses to look for echoes from the seafloor.

Sidescan sonar captures high-resolution images of the seafloor by sending out pulses of sound and detecting objects that reflect the sound pulses back.

Synthetic aperture sonar is a technique for combining the results from multiple “pings” to effectively make the scanner bigger and more powerful, seeing further, and producing more detailed images.

Multibeam sonar, in contrast, maps the seafloor topography by emitting multiple sonar beams in a fan-shaped pattern below the platform.

Finally, sub-bottom profiling sonar operates at lower frequencies and penetrates the seabed to reveal underlying geological structures. This is useful for archaeological studies, sediment analysis and identifying buried objects.

Together, these sonar technologies provide complementary data for underwater exploration, search and recovery, and geological assessments.

Camera systems and lights on the vehicles may be used to confirm potential targets. Once a target of interest is detected using sonar, the vehicles would be programmed with missions designed to operate significantly closer to the seafloor. This would allow them to capture imagery of the search area with which to identify the targets.

Such a search would only be conducted once a target of interest is identified, as the area covered by each image is significantly smaller than that covered by sonar, therefore requiring much denser survey tracks.

Significant advancements in robotics

Since its previous search in 2018, Ocean Infinity has made significant advancements in its marine robotics and data analytics capabilities. It has demonstrated its capacity to simultaneously deploy multiple vehicles at depths of up to 6,000m.

This significantly increases the coverage area, as each vehicle covers its own patch of seafloor. This will allow for a more efficient and comprehensive survey of the designated search zone.

The data being collected by the vehicles will be downloaded once the vehicles are brought back onboard, and stitched together to provide detailed maps of the search areas.

Difficult conditions, above and below the surface

Conditions in the search region are expected to be difficult. Weather on the surface will likely provide challenges for the support vessel and the crew. Underwater vehicles will have to contend with complex conditions on the seafloor, including steep slopes and rough terrain.

The operation is expected to take up to 18 months. Weather conditions are most likely to be favourable between January and April.

If Ocean Infinity succeeds in finding the wreckage of MH370, the Malaysian government will pay it US$70 million.

The next steps would be trying to retrieve the plane’s black boxes, which would enable investigators to piece together what happened in the final moments before the plane plunged into the ocean. The Armada 7806 is likely to have remotely operated vehicles onboard equipped with cameras and manipulator systems, which may be used to verify the wreck site and in any future salvage operations.

If Ocean Infinity fails, it will receive no payment. And the investigation into the location of the plane will essentially be back to square one.

The Conversation

Stefan B. Williams receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC), Australian Economic Accelerator (AEA) program and the Inkfish Foundation.

ref. The search for missing plane MH370 is back on. An underwater robotics expert explains what’s involved – https://theconversation.com/the-search-for-missing-plane-mh370-is-back-on-an-underwater-robotics-expert-explains-whats-involved-252732

The tobacco lobby claims vaping is displacing youth smoking – a close look at the evidence tells another story

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sam Egger, Senior Biostatistician at the Daffodil Centre, Cancer Council NSW, University of Sydney

Getty Images

E-cigarette companies, including giants such as British American Tobacco, have actively lobbied governments in New Zealand and Australia to weaken existing vape regulations while preventing the introduction of stricter ones.

As part of their argument, they claim that for adolescents in New Zealand, the use of e-cigarettes (vaping) might be “displacing” cigarette smoking. They argue young people are opting for vapes over traditional cigarettes.

Their key piece of evidence for this claim is an influential study published in Lancet Public Health in 2020. It concluded:

The overall decline in smoking over the past 6 years in New Zealand youth suggests that e-cigarettes might be displacing smoking.

However, in our new study published today in Lancet Regional Health-Western Pacific, we used the same data source as the 2020 study and found it does not support that conclusion.

Examining the evidence

We used a statistical approach known as logistic regression to analyse data spanning a 25-year period from 1999 to 2023, including nearly 700,000 high school students aged 14 to 15.

Before analysing the data, we knew New Zealand had made remarkable progress in reducing adolescent smoking rates in recent decades. What we wanted to know, however, is whether this progress had been affected by the emergence and rapid rise of vaping among New Zealand adolescents, beginning in about 2010.

This could potentially include vaping displacing smoking, as argued by e-cigarette companies. If this were the case, we might expect to see adolescent smoking rates decline at an even faster rate after the emergence and subsequent rise of vaping.

Alternatively, impacts might happen through a “gateway effect” where vaping increases the risks of adolescents starting to smoke. This is a theory consistently supported by findings from cohort studies, which follow individuals over time to examine how certain factors affect their health or behavioural outcomes.

Under this scenario, we might still expect to see adolescent smoking rates continuing to decline after the emergence and rise of vaping, but to decline at a slower pace than before the introduction of vapes.

From 1999 to 2023, we saw a large decline in the rates of students aged 14 or 15 “ever smoking”, “smoking regularly” (daily, weekly or monthly) or smoking daily.

However, the rates of decline in “ever smoking” and “smoking regularly” slowed significantly from 2010 onwards, coinciding with the emergence of vaping in New Zealand (see figures below). The rate of decline in daily smoking did not change significantly from 2010 onwards.

In 2023, about 12.6% of 14 and 15-year-olds in New Zealand had “ever smoked” (ranging from just a few puffs to smoking daily). However, if the “ever smoking” rate had continued along its pre-2010 trajectory (before vaping emerged) this figure would have been 6.6%.

Similarly, in 2023, around 3.0% of students were “smoking regularly”, but this rate would have been just 1.8% had it followed its pre-vaping trend.

A graph showing that the rates of decline in ever smoking and smoking regularly slowed significantly from 2010 onwards, coinciding with the emergence of vaping in New Zealand.
The rates of decline in ever smoking and smoking regularly slowed significantly from 2010 onwards, coinciding with the emergence of vaping in New Zealand.
Author provided, CC BY-SA

Some might argue that 2010 is not the optimal year for observing changes in smoking rates related to vaping because vaping was at low levels then. However, we addressed these concerns by testing alternative “change years” from 2008 to 2018. Our findings were consistent across all years.

Others might suggest that changes in cigarette prices between 1999 and 2023 might be driving the observed slowing in the decline of smoking trends. However, even after statistically accounting for price changes, our findings remained the same.

Where the 2020 study falls short

The conclusion of the 2020 study was based solely on the observation of declining smoking rates from 2014 to 2019, a period when vaping had already become notably present among New Zealand youth.

By not assessing whether smoking trends actually changed, rather than simply declined, the study incorrectly attributed the declines between 2014 and 2019 to vaping. It did not consider whether the declines reflected a continuation, a slowing or an acceleration of pre-existing trends.

In contrast, our analysis over an extended time frame (including before the introduction of vaping in New Zealand) shows the rates of decline for both “ever smoking” and “smoking regularly” slowed significantly from 2010 onwards.

Why does the 2020 study matter?

Correcting the record of the 2020 study is important because it has been used repeatedly to lobby government committees and influence policy decisions.

It was one of the most frequently cited pieces of evidence in submissions to the New Zealand parliament’s health select committee, including by British American Tobacco, regarding a 2020 bill which aimed to regulate the sale and marketing of e-cigarettes.

In its submission to the Australian Parliament’s select committee on tobacco harm reduction, British American Tobacco again referenced the 2020 study as important evidence to argue against the tightening of e-cigarette regulations. In its submissions to both committees, British American Tobacco quoted verbatim the flawed conclusion from the 2020 study.

Our research challenges claims that vaping might be displacing smoking among New Zealand adolescents.

Instead, our findings suggest vaping may be contributing to adolescents taking up smoking. This underlines the need for effective policies that address both vaping and smoking in New Zealand.

Other jurisdictions contemplating laws that allow easy access to vaping products for adults should carefully consider the potential for unintended consequences on young people.

The Conversation

Sam Egger is supported by an Australian government scholarship.

Becky Freeman is an expert advisor to the Cancer Council tobacco issues committee and a member of the Cancer Institute vaping communications advisory panel. She has received relevant competitive grants from the NHMRC, MRFF, NSW Health, the Ian Potter Foundation, VicHealth, and Healthway WA.

Judith McCool receives funding from The University of Auckland.

Lucy Hardie has received funding for e-cigarette-related research from the University of Auckland, Maurice & Phyllis Paykel Trust and the Auckland Medical Research Foundation. She is an advisor for the Health Coalition Aotearoa.

ref. The tobacco lobby claims vaping is displacing youth smoking – a close look at the evidence tells another story – https://theconversation.com/the-tobacco-lobby-claims-vaping-is-displacing-youth-smoking-a-close-look-at-the-evidence-tells-another-story-252283

We combed through old botanical surveys to track how plants on Australia’s islands are changing

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Coleman, Post-doctoral Researcher in Plant Ecology, Macquarie University

Jakub Maculewicz/Shutterstock

More than 8,000 continental islands sit just off the coast of Australia, many of them uninhabited and unspoiled. For thousands of species, these patches of habitat offer refuge from the threats they face on the mainland.

Coastal islands are also a valuable resource for ecologists studying how communities of plants colonise new habitats and change over time.

Now, we have created a new publicly available database known as A-Islands, which draws on decades of plant surveys (where botanists visit a particular location and record the plants found there).

This unique collection of surveys draws on data about more than 6,500 plant species from over 850 islands. Some vast islands stretched for kilometres, while others were as small as a tiny apartment.

Our new research, published in the Journal of Vegetation Science, provides new insights into how Australia’s coastal islands have changed over time, and can help with plant monitoring and conservation efforts as the climate warms.

Bowen Island sits off the coast of Australia.
Coastal islands are a valuable resource for ecologists.
Julian Schrader

Scaling steep cliffs, jumping from helicopters

We built A-Islands by painstakingly digitising plant surveys from old books and records, and speaking with botanists and organisations all over Australia.

A-Islands is made up of 1,350 island botanical surveys dating back to the 1940s, from over 135 different sources. We are still adding more.

The stories of how the data was collected were fascinating. In some cases, people camped on islands for weeks, making sure they’d recorded every living organism they could.

Some scaled steep cliffs from small boats or even jumped from helicopters to access remote islands, and record the plants they found there.

Australia’s islands punch above their weight

As we collated the surveys, we realised Australia’s coastal islands were punching above their weight for species diversity.

Despite making up less than 1% of Australia’s land area, at least 25% of Australia’s plant species inhabit these coastal islands.

These islands’ climates are almost as diverse, spanning coral atolls in tropical north Queensland to the cold and windswept rocky isles off the southern tip of Tasmania.

While some species of plants have colonised hundreds of Australian islands, most inhabit just a few isles.

These plant communities are the backbone of island ecosystems and provide havens for many endangered animals.

Langford Island near Hayman Island sits off the coast of Australia.
Australia’s coastal islands punch above their weight for species diversity.
Juergen_Wallstabe/Shutterstock

A rare resource for scientists

Many of the islands featured in A-Islands have been surveyed more than once over the last 100 years.

Most data in the ecological sciences tends to provide a snapshot in time of the species that might be at a location.

In contrast, A-Islands can tell us how the plant communities have changed over decades.

This is surprisingly rare in ecological studies but essential if scientists are to predict vegetation changes in the future as the climate changes.

A new idea

Many people think of plant communities as static and unchanging.

However, A-Islands shows that on these small coastal islands, mainland species are migrating to the island, persisting for a time, and then going extinct and being replaced by other species.

This concept of species constantly changing at a particular location is called species turnover. In theory, the types of species in an island community will change over time but the number of species remains, on average, the same over the long term.

The data in A-Islands not only confirms this has happened at an unprecedented number of archipelagos, but also suggests a new idea: some types of species “turnover” faster than others.

Species like grasses and small herbs tend to come and go from islands more frequently than longer lived taller species.

Islands can be climate refuges

Data sets such as A-Islands will become even more essential as the climate changes. Islands are at the forefront of biodiversity loss, and over half of the known global plant extinctions have occurred on islands.

Uncovering these underlying trends in species community change will be crucial for predicting how plant communities everywhere respond to climate change over the coming centuries.

The Future of Ecological Research – Interview with Prof Dr Mark Westoby from Macquarie University.

These islands will be important climate refuges, buffered from the hottest temperatures by the surrounding ocean and protected from mainland pressures. They will be vital plant habitats in the future.

The A-Islands dataset forms a crucial baseline for defining what species have inhabited our pristine island environments over time.

It can also help scientists work out where to prioritise surveys they’ll need to do as the climate changes.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. We combed through old botanical surveys to track how plants on Australia’s islands are changing – https://theconversation.com/we-combed-through-old-botanical-surveys-to-track-how-plants-on-australias-islands-are-changing-243934

US might not cut pledged Pacific aid, says NZ foreign minister

By Alex Willemyns for Radio Free Asia

The Trump administration might let hundreds of millions of dollars in aid pledged to Pacific island nations during former President Joe Biden’s time in office stand, says New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters.

The Biden administration pledged about $1 billion in aid to the Pacific to help counter China’s influence in the strategic region.

However, Trump last month froze all disbursements of aid by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), for 90 days pending a “review” of all aid spending under his “America First” policy.

Peters told reporters on Monday after meetings with Trump’s USAID acting head, Peter Marocco, and his national security adviser, Mike Waltz, “more confident” about the prospects of the aid being left alone than he was before.

Peters said he had a “very frank and open discussion” with American officials about how important the aid was for the Pacific, and insisted that they “get our point of view in terms of how essential it is”.

NZ Foreign Minister Winson Peters . . . . “We are looking ahead with more confidence than when we arrived.” Image: TVNZ 1News screenshot RNZ

“In our business, it’s wise to find out the results before you open your mouth, but we are looking ahead with more confidence than when we arrived,” Peters said, pushing back against claims that the Trump administration would be “pulling back” from the Pacific region.

“We don’t know that yet. Let’s find out in April, when that full review is done on USAID,” he said. “But we came away more confident than some of the alarmists might have been before we arrived.”

Frenzied diplomatic battle
The Biden administration sought to rapidly expand US engagement with the small island nations of the Pacific after the Solomon Islands signed a controversial security pact with China three years ago.

The deal by the Solomon Islands sparked a frenzied diplomatic battle between Washington and Beijing for influence in the strategic region.

Biden subsequently hosted Pacific island leaders at back-to-back summits in Washington in September 2022 and 2023, the first two of their kind. He pledged hundreds of millions of dollars at both meets, appearing to tilt the region back toward Washington.

The first summit included announcements of some $800 billion in aid for the Pacific, while the second added about $200 billion.

But the region has since been rocked by the Trump administration’s decision to freeze all aid pending its ongoing review. The concerns have not been helped by a claim from Elon Musk, who Trump tasked with cutting government waste, that USAID would be shut down.

“You’ve got to basically get rid of the whole thing. It’s beyond repair. We’re shutting it down,” Musk said in a February 3 livestreamed video.

However, the New Zealand foreign minister, who also met with Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Tuesday, said he held out hope that Washington would not turn back on its fight for influence in the Pacific.

“The first Trump administration turned more powerfully towards the Pacific . . .  than any previous administration,” he said, “and now they’ve got Trump back again, and we hope for the same into the future.”

Radio Free Asia is an online news service affiliated with BenarNews. Republished from BenarNews with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Peter Dutton wants American anti-mafia laws to take on the CFMEU. Could they work in Australia?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Sergi, Professor in Criminology, University of Essex

In June 1988, the Reagan administration launched the most important United States labour case of the past half century.

The government alleged the Italian-American mafia – La Cosa Nostra – had effectively taken over the nation’s largest and most influential private sector union, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT).

A civil suit began under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) in a bid to prosecute officials and wrest control of the union from the country’s most powerful criminal syndicate.

Fast forward to Australia in March 2025. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton is floating RICO-style organised crime powers against the militant construction union, the CFMEU.

‘Modern day mafia’

The proposal follows new allegations of corruption and misconduct, including violence against women, and union-linked crime infiltration of Victorian government projects. The revelations suggest previous political and police efforts to clean up the CFMEU have failed.

Dutton is drawing a direct parallel between the modern-day CFMEU and the mafia- dominated Teamsters of the 1980s.

This is the biggest corruption scandal in Australian history. The CFMEU is a modern-day mafia operation. The culture of criminality and corruption is so entrenched, and it will never change, especially under the weak and incompetent Albanese Labor government.

Dutton says if he is elected prime minister at the coming election, he will introduce national racketeering laws to tackle the alleged union corruption. Notably, he makes specific reference to the US “anti-mafia laws”.

US ‘takedown’ laws

Is Dutton on the right track? Could anti-racketeering laws work in Australia?

They might, but it is critical we clarify some of the confusion around them, starting with the “mafia” reference.

Although it is correct to say the RICO Act was passed in 1970 with a specific target in mind, the families of the Italian-American La Cosa Nostra, the act itself does not mention the mafia.

The Coalition is drawing inspiration from the US racketeering laws which were introduced to tackle the mafia infiltration of the Teamsters union.
Mark Van Scyoc/Shutterstock

In practice, RICO adds the concept of “criminal enterprise” to a prosecution. It requires proof of a “pattern” of racketeering activity and its relationship to an enterprise, in addition to proving the individual crimes alleged. This made RICO particularly apt to tackle the involvement of mafia-type organised crime in labour racketeering.

Crucially, RICO can be applied both to organised crime groups (associations-in-fact) and other organisations, including lawful ones (associations-by-law). This made it possible to stretch the applicability of RICO well beyond its intended use, with mixed results.

Italy passed similar anti-mafia laws in 1982. The Italian legislation is specific about the behaviours of mafia-type associations including intimidation and corruption.

CFMEU in the dock

Anti-mafia legislation could work in Australia, but not if it’s just a direct transfer of the US RICO laws. Dutton needs to shift his focus and define similar, but Australia-specific, laws.

Again, Italian and American legislation focus on criminal behaviour by enterprise.

By contrast, the existing proscribed association laws in Australia focus on identity of organised criminals, including “bikie” gangs, or on individual participation in organised crime activities, such as drug trafficking.

The different focus takes us back to the CFMEU. Here, the problem is not just the union. All the alleged racketeering in recent years also involved certain building companies, as well as various gangsters and bikies. Union bosses seemed to act like gangsters and the actual gangsters morphed into industrial relations “consultants” employed by major companies.

When well-known gangland figures, like Mick Gatto provide mediation and protection services to an industry through intimidation, and the industry normalises kickbacks, then we are in a racketeering and mafia scenario.

Australian racketeering laws

As has already been noted, there are practical problems passing a new racketeering law.

Both the Italian and US regimes required a complete overhaul of criminal procedures and allocation of resources.

The Australian legal landscape for combating organised crime is complicated by its federal structure. This means there are nine jurisdictions with significant diversity in criminal laws.

However, a new federal offence could be imagined within the legislative powers of the Commonwealth’s section 51. It would aim at protecting trade, commerce, and even external affairs. It could strengthen the capability of federal agencies to investigate corruption and organised crime.

But any new federal offence must define the concept of criminal enterprise. This would be an association that engages in a pattern of behaviours, such as drug trafficking, extortion, money laundering, and corruption.

Beyond the union case, the new offence would also apply to the Australian ‘ndrangheta, the mafia organisation that operates transnationally across Europe, North America and in this country.

A federal offence targeting the behaviours of criminal enterprises goes beyond the actions of individuals. But such a response to both organised crime and corruption in Australia should be in line with existing Commonwealth frameworks.

Directly importing American laws is not an option for Dutton. However, there are ways to draft RICO-styled laws that could still work in Australia and clean up the CFMEU, once and for all.

Anna Sergi receives funding from the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust

ref. Peter Dutton wants American anti-mafia laws to take on the CFMEU. Could they work in Australia? – https://theconversation.com/peter-dutton-wants-american-anti-mafia-laws-to-take-on-the-cfmeu-could-they-work-in-australia-252643

What’s the difference between baking powder and baking soda? It’s subtle, but significant

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Kilah, Senior Lecturer in Chemistry, University of Tasmania

Karynf/Shutterstock

There is something special about sharing baked goods with family, friends and colleagues. But I’ll never forget the disappointment of serving my colleagues rhubarb muffins that had failed to rise. They were dense, rubbery and an embarrassment to the reputation of chemists as good cooks (#ChemistsWhoCook feeds on social media are full of delicious food).

The cause of my failure was an imbalance between the acidity of rhubarb and the chemical raising agents I used in baking.

Both baking powder and baking soda can play a role in giving baked goods their bubble-filled texture and taste. They are sold side-by-side in the supermarket, and have similar uses. But what’s the difference between them and how can we use those differences to our advantage?

What’s in the box?

A quick look at the packaging shows the difference between the two products.

Baking soda contains one ingredient: sodium hydrogen carbonate, also known as sodium bicarbonate or simply bicarb. Baking soda is well known for its uses in cleaning, cooking and deodorising.

Baking powder is typically a mixture of three ingredients: baking soda, an acid, and a starch derived from corn, rice or wheat. The starch makes it easier to measure the powder and also prevents the acid and base from reacting prematurely in the pantry. Baking powder is used exclusively for cooking.

The common ingredient in both products is the baking soda. This salt can be purified from natural sources, or can be prepared synthetically.

The acid is the key

Baking soda is a base, which means it can chemically react with acids. This fizzy reaction produces bubbles of carbon dioxide, water and a mix of new salts. Baking soda can also release carbon dioxide gas when it is heated at temperatures above 80°C.

When you mix baking soda into a cake batter, you will see some initial chemical activation by food acids. This causes bubbles to form and the mixture to rise.

The acids come from other ingredients in the mix, such as yogurt, buttermilk, or the rhubarb in my failed muffins. Too much acid, and the majority of the carbon dioxide will be released at this batter stage.

Once you place the mixture in the hot oven, the high temperature will form further carbon dioxide bubbles. This thermal activation forms a new salt, sodium carbonate, which can give a residual taste and “soapy” mouthfeel if there’s too much of it left in the final product.

A person in a kitchen mixing ingredients for a batter.
Baking soda produces bubbles when mixed with acid, and when exposed to a high temperature in the oven.
SergeyKlopotov/Shutterstock

Mixing baking powder into a cake batter will also result in chemical activation to form bubbles. The baking soda in the mixture will react with the acid included in the baking powder mix, as well as any acidic ingredients in the batter.

The type of acid included in the baking powder can subtly change the way the baking powder behaves. The more soluble the acid in the batter, the faster the carbon dioxide will form bubbles.

Recipes that ask for both baking powder and baking soda are likely looking to do two things: neutralise an abundance of food acid from another ingredient, and provide time-delayed, temperature-activated rising.

Baking soda can also increase the surface browning of food by enhancing the Maillard reaction. This class of reactions results in delicious chemical transformations in roasted coffee, seared steaks, baked bread and more.

Meanwhile an excess of baking soda can change the appearance of foods, for example turning blueberry anthocyanins green in muffins or pancakes.

A tray of scones rising in a hot oven.
Too much sodium carbonate left over during baking can contribute to a ‘soapy’ mouthfeel – a real risk for scones, for example.
Zain Abba/Pexels

Can I substitute baking powder and baking soda?

Baking (like chemistry) is a precise science. It’s best not to substitute baking soda for baking powder or vice-versa: they have subtly different chemical effects.

If you really need a substitution, the general rule is that you need three times the baking powder for the equivalent quantity of baking soda (so, if the recipe asks for a teaspoon of baking soda, you’d add three teaspoons of baking powder).

But it’s not a precise conversion: it doesn’t take into account the key role of acid that’s already in the baking powder. This could affect the final acid-base balance in your recipe.

You can compensate by adding an acid such as cream of tartar or citric acid. But it can be difficult to get the relative quantities of acid and base correct. These acids are also likely to promote immediate release of carbon dioxide, with less left to activate in the oven – potentially leading to a dense bake.

You definitely shouldn’t substitute baking powder for baking soda when cleaning. The acid in the baking powder will neutralise any cleaning activity of the sodium bicarbonate, while the starch may leave a sticky, streaky mess.

It’s best to keep both baking powder and baking soda in your pantry for their distinct uses. Be sure to share whatever delicious treats you bake with others, as well as sharing your new knowledge of the bubbly chemistry contained within.

The Conversation

Nathan Kilah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What’s the difference between baking powder and baking soda? It’s subtle, but significant – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-baking-powder-and-baking-soda-its-subtle-but-significant-251050

Antarctic bases are hotbeds of stress and violence. Space stations could face the same challenges

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rebecca Kaiser, PhD Candidate, School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania

The South African National Antarctic Expedition research base, SANAE IV, at Vesleskarvet, Queen Maud Land, Antarctica.
Dr Ross Hofmeyr/Wikimedia, CC BY-SA

Earlier this week, reports emerged that a scientist at South Africa’s SANAE IV Antarctic research base had accused a colleague of physical assault.

We research Antarctic governance and crime in isolated, confined and extreme environments such as Antarctic and space stations. Rebecca specifically investigates how station cultures evolve in isolation and what factors significantly influence conflict – and what can be done to improve safety in these environments.

What happened on SANAE IV?

SANAE IV is located on the edge of a steep cliff in Vesleskarvet in east Antarctica. The alleged assault stemmed from a dispute over a task the team leader wanted the team to do. In an email published by the South African Sunday Times, the alleged victim said the alleged attacker had also:

threatened to kill [name withheld], creating an environment of fear and intimidation. I remain deeply concerned about my own safety, constantly wondering if I might become the next victim.

Psychologists are now in touch with the research team. They aren’t due to leave the extremely isolated and remote base until December.

This latest incident fits within a broader pattern of crime and misconduct in Antarctica. Research stations on the icy continent are often portrayed as hubs of scientific cooperation. But history has shown they can also become pressure cookers of psychological strain and violence.

Multiple cases of misconduct

There have been multiple cases of misconduct in Antarctica over the years.

In 1959, a scientist at Russia’s Vostok Station allegedly attacked his colleague with an ice axe after losing a game of chess. In 2018, another Russian research station became the site of a stabbing. The alleged cause? Spoiled book endings.

In 1984, the leader of Argentina’s Almirante Brown Station set fire to the facility after being ordered to stay through the winter. This resulted in the station’s evacuation.

The 2000 death of an astrophysicist at the Amundsen-Scott South Pole Station was a suspected murder.

And recent investigations into sexual harassment at multiple Antarctic stations highlight ongoing safety concerns.

Drivers of conflict

Research suggests several psychological and social factors contribute to conflict in remote locations such as Antarctica. These include prolonged isolation, extreme environmental conditions, and the necessity of constant close contact.

In combination, these factors can amplify even minor frustrations. And over time, the lack of external social support, the monotony of daily routines, and the psychological weight of confinement can lead to heightened emotional responses and conflict.

Without structured outlets for stress relief and effective de-escalation mechanisms (such as gyms, libraries, or quiet spaces where mediation between people can happen), tensions can reach breaking points.

Power dynamics also play a crucial role. With limited external oversight, leadership structures and informal hierarchies take on an outsized influence. Those in positions of authority have significant control over how disputes are resolved. This has the potential to exacerbate tensions rather than reducing them.

The process for reporting and responding to incidents in these kinds of environments also remains inconsistent. There’s a lack of policing, and traditional justice systems are also largely absent. Many stations rely on administrative action and internal conflict resolution mechanisms, rather than legal enforcement.

But these mechanisms can be biased or inadequate. In turn, this can leave victims of harassment or violence with few options. It can also lead to more conflict.




Read more:
Antarctic stations are plagued by sexual harassment – it’s time for things to change


From Antarctica to space

As Antarctica and space become more accessible for research and commercial ventures, proactive approaches to crime and conflict prevention in these remote and extreme environments is vital.

The psychological and social challenges observed in Antarctic stations provide a valuable model for understanding potential conflicts in long-duration space missions. Lessons learned from incidents in Antarctica can inform astronaut selection, training, and onboard conflict resolution strategies.

A key area requiring refinement is psychological screening for personnel.

Current screening methods may not fully account for how individuals will react to the social shift that takes place in a remote environment. This includes the altering of attitudes, personal priorities and tolerances.

More advanced stress tolerance assessments and social adaptability training could improve candidate selection. It could also reduce the likelihood of conflicts escalating to violence.

It’s also vital that we gain a better understanding of the unique conflict dynamics that evolve in these equally unique environments.

Research can help. So too can thorough investigations of incidents, such as the one that allegedly occurred at SANAE IV.

This knowledge can be used to recognise early signs of potential conflicts. It can also be integrated into case study-based training modules for expeditioners prior to their deployment. These training modules should include role-playing scenarios, crisis intervention techniques, and integrating the lived experiences of past expeditioners.

This would better equip personnel to navigate interpersonal challenges.

Going to extremes

The recent alleged events at SANAE IV are indicative of a broader pattern of human behaviour in extreme environments.

If we are to successfully expand scientific exploration and habitation in these settings, we must acknowledge the realities of human conflict and develop strategies to ensure the safety and wellbeing of those who live and work in these challenging conditions.

Studying crime and conflict in environments such as Antarctica is not just about understanding the past. It’s about safeguarding the future of exploration – whether on Earth’s harshest frontier or in the depths of space.

The Conversation

Hanne E F Nielsen receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Dutch Research Council.

Rebecca Kaiser does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Antarctic bases are hotbeds of stress and violence. Space stations could face the same challenges – https://theconversation.com/antarctic-bases-are-hotbeds-of-stress-and-violence-space-stations-could-face-the-same-challenges-252720

Every generation thinks they had it the toughest, but for Gen Z, they’re probably right

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Flinders University

Every generation thinks they had it tough, but evidence suggests young Australians today might have a case for saying they’ve drawn the short straw.

Compared with young adults two or three decades ago, today’s 18–35-year-olds may earn more, but they also grapple with soaring living costs, rising education expenses, precarious employment and mounting debt.

Shifts in the economy and labour market have restructured young adulthood, creating new barriers to financial security and delaying milestones such as home ownership, partnership and parenthood.

How does this compare to what life was like for young Australians at the turn of the century?

Increasing education, decreasing payoffs

University participation has risen, but so has student debt. It’s now far beyond what was intended when HECS was introduced as a supposedly fair, income-contingent loan system.

Indexation has outpaced wages, so much so that today’s 20-somethings carry debts that are more than $10,000 higher in real terms than their counterparts two decades ago.

The Morrison government’s 2021 fee hikes only exacerbated the crisis, with some degrees nearly doubling in cost, leaving students with an even greater debt burden.

A wide shot of a university courtyard with students sitting.
University fees have increased over the past 25 years.
Shutterstock

Yet the financial return on education is increasingly uncertain.

Credential inflation has reshaped the job market, with even low-wage positions now expecting a university degree.

The widespread belief that a degree guarantees better pay is driving more students into higher education, yet there are many graduates saddled with debt and working in roles unrelated to their qualifications.

In 1996, 28.5% of 21–25-year-olds found themselves in mismatched jobs.

By 2019, that figure had climbed to 33% just among 25-year-olds.

Salaries aren’t keeping up. Since 1996, graduate wages have risen by a factor of just 2.5, while student contributions have jumped between 1.7- and 6.2-fold. This leaves today’s graduates with debt that consumes a larger share of their income than ever before.

The dwindling dream of home ownership

Housing affordability has collapsed over the years.

Twenty-five years ago, the average house cost nine years’ worth of the average household income.

Now, it’s about 16.5 years.

In 2001, property prices rose 1.3 times faster than incomes. Since then, they’ve surged at 2.3 times the rate.

This is fuelled partly by tax incentive policies – for example, the Howard government’s 1999 capital gains tax changes – and, more recently, the COVID pandemic.

Soaring prices have deepened the intergenerational housing wealth gap, reducing the home purchase opportunity for young people. While the First Home Owner Grant, introduced in 2000, provides some support, saving for a deposit remains a years-long struggle.

That is, unless parents can help.

For many young Australians, intergenerational wealth is now the key to home ownership. Inheritance is becoming nearly as important as employment.

Since 2002, the total value of wealth transfers has more than doubled in real terms, with larger inheritances expected for younger generations due to rising parental wealth and fewer siblings.

But parental wealth is far more unequally distributed than income – shaped by education and region.

Therefore, inheritocracy is set to deepen economic inequality within today’s youth cohort.

But this isn’t just about the ultra-wealthy passing down mansions. Most inheritances involve an ordinary home or proceeds from its sale.

Housing, once central to middle-class stability, now determines who can build wealth and who will struggle financially for life.

Mounting mental health pressures

Meanwhile, Australians today are borrowing more than ever. Default risk is rising fastest among under-30s as soaring interest rates, rent hikes, and cost-of-living pressures squeeze finances.

It’s then no surprise Gen Z is more concerned about finances than any other generation.

Financial stress is taking a heavy toll on young people’s mental health. Between 2007 and 2022, the prevalence of mental health disorders among young Australians surged by nearly 50%.

The burden of disease from non-fatal conditions – measured in years of healthy life lost – has risen 7% since 2003. This is largely due to mental health disorders and substance abuse, which disproportionately affect young people.

Growing up Indigenous

At the deepest end of these struggles are Indigenous youth, who face far greater challenges than their non-Indigenous peers.

Across nearly every measure – education, employment, health and incarceration – outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people remain significantly worse.

While today’s Indigenous youth have achieved better outcomes compared to previous generations – 39% of Indigenous Australians aged 20+ had completed Year 12 in 2021, up from 19.4% in 2001 – these gains still lag behind non-Indigenous youth.

Systemic barriers, institutional racism and intergenerational trauma continue to limit fair access to opportunities. This compounds inequalities and contributes to higher rates of mental ill-health, stress and suicide among Indigenous youth.

The changing politics of being young

Undoubtedly, a continued period of instability and psychological distress in formative years is also shaping the youngest generation’s political attitudes and behaviours.

With fewer assets to conserve compared to their parents or grandparents, they are more likely to lean more to the left politically, and this won’t change with age.

Yet, they remain engaged, thanks in part to compulsory voting, but are also abandoning party loyalties.




Read more:
I looked at 35 years of data to see how Australians vote. Here’s what it tells us about the next election


Australian Election Study data shows 18–30-year-olds were more interested in politics in 2022 than in 1998 (67% vs 63%). At the same time, they were more likely to change votes during campaigns (43% vs 30%) and less likely to consistently vote for the same party (28% vs 40%).

Their right-wing identification has nearly halved since 1998, with the youth vote increasingly favouring left-wing parties (75% vs 61%).

However, younger Australians’ diverse digital news habits add to their political unpredictability. With 60% of Gen Z relying short-form videos, podcasts, and social media platforms for news in 2024, they are increasingly exposed to fragmented, algorithm-driven content.

This shift, coupled with rising concerns about misinformation, contributes to their volatility as voters.

Overall, young Australians are coming of age in an era where hard work no longer guarantees security. How Australia adapts to this shifting economic and political reality will shape the country’s future for decades to come.


This piece is part of a series on how Australia has changed since the year 2000. You can read other pieces in the series here.

The Conversation

Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Every generation thinks they had it the toughest, but for Gen Z, they’re probably right – https://theconversation.com/every-generation-thinks-they-had-it-the-toughest-but-for-gen-z-theyre-probably-right-249604

This anniversary wasn’t meant to be easy: Malcolm Fraser and the modern Liberal Party

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joshua Black, Visitor, School of History, Australian National University

Fifty years ago, Liberal MPs chose Malcolm Fraser as their leader. Eight months later, he led them into power in extraordinary – some might say reprehensible – circumstances. He governed for seven and a half years, and remains our fourth-longest serving prime minister.

This year marks some awkward anniversaries for the Liberal Party. But this particular one is awkward for multiple reasons. There is the ruthlessness of Fraser’s quest for power, within and beyond the party itself. There is also the ambivalence of the current Liberal generation towards the memory of one of the party’s more electorally successful leaders.

After Fraser’s time in power, he and his party embarked on very different journeys that still shape our politics today.

How Fraser became leader

Australian politics was pretty febrile in March 1975. The Whitlam government, narrowly re-elected in 1974, was increasingly unpopular. Inflation ran at 17.7% in the 12 months to March, and unemployment was at a post-war high of nearly 5%.

Billy Snedden, Liberal leader from December 1972, was poorly placed to capitalise on these conditions. He had surprised many in 1974 with his strategy to block the government’s budget in the Senate and force an early election.

But having run a tight race, Snedden lost credibility with his post-election claim that he was “not defeated” but merely “did not win enough seats to form a government”. He won a leadership spill in November 1974 but not convincingly enough to prevent another one later on.

Billy Snedden (left), pictured here with Andrew Peacock, was unable to capitalise on the weaknesses of the Whitlam Labor government.
Wikicommons

A series of “unfortunate public gaffes” and unclear policy statements (on public health insurance among other things) left him vulnerable.

Fraser, who in 1971 sternly (and famously) warned that “life wasn’t meant to be easy”, was the obvious alternative. He was a well-known frontbencher and a former senior minister. His role in the downfall of Liberal prime minister John Gorton meant he had many enemies. But as the Governor-General explained to Queen Elizabeth II in one of his confidential letters, Fraser had “a reputation of being strong, intelligent, aggressive and tough-minded”.

Fraser studiously befriended new MPs whose loyalties were malleable, and used his portfolio (after the 1974 election, this was industrial relations) to win friends among his other colleagues.

According to one profile, he hired a public relations firm to help him solve his “image problems” and to counteract personal criticisms from his internal rival and fellow Victorian, Andrew Peacock.

Fraser sought to keep a clean image while his supporters, armed with the latest opinion polls, ran a backgrounding campaign described by Liberal MP Jim Forbes as “devious, unscrupulous and utterly contemptible”.

The crunch came in March. On March 14, Peacock, who hoped to flush Fraser out, dramatically called for a special party meeting to vote on the leadership question. At a Victorian Liberal state council meeting in Bendigo that weekend, Fraser and Peacock canvassed their supporters, while Snedden gave a speech blaming his woes on the media and the Labor Party. According to The Age, a group of MPs met in Toorak that night to shore up their own positions for the week ahead.

Under pressure on Monday morning, Snedden announced a party room meeting for Friday to settle the issue. Fraser confirmed his candidacy the next day. During four days of campaigning in which MPs pressured each other and party operatives worried openly about fundraising capacity, Snedden’s chances seemed to improve. Fraser’s supporters grew increasingly nervous and Peacock prepared to stand if Snedden lost the spill motion. The latter need not have bothered. In the end, it was Snedden who stood against Fraser and lost by a margin of ten votes.

In search of strong leaders

The Liberal Party has a special need for strong leaders. Gerard Henderson once diagnosed the party with a “Messiah complex”, while the political psychologist Graham Little argued that strong leaders gave parties a veneer of philosophy that could “whet the edge of political combat”. As Frank Bongiorno has more recently put it, strong leaders are those who provide their followers “structure, order and discipline” as well as “stark moral alternatives”.

The collective psychology of the Liberal Party worked in Fraser’s favour in March 1975. There were philosophical differences between the two candidates – Snedden later told his biographer that these contests were always driven by the “difference between conservatives and liberals” – but the vote really was about the styles of leadership they offered. As first-time MP John Howard recalled in his memoir, Fraser “sounded strong and looked like a winner”.

Fraser played the role forcefully for eight years, easily seeing off a challenge from Peacock in the final year of his government. Howard certainly fit the bill for much of his second stint as leader, and especially from 2001 onward. These men offered their followers a combination of ideological doctrine and hard-edged political pragmatism.

In the 1980s and post-2007, the party amassed an impressive history of leadership spills in their search for a strong leader. The current leader, Peter Dutton, made a spectacular contribution with his first leadership bid in August 2018. He eventually won the prize in 2022, not necessarily because he had the strongest claim to be a strong leader, but largely due to the lack of “viable alternatives”. That has made his position awkward at times, not least following the historic Aston by-election defeat in 2023.

Worlds Apart

Over time, Fraser became a trenchant critic of his former party, which hardly knew what to do with him. He failed in a bid for the party’s federal presidency in the 1990s, and was openly critical of its approach to race, asylum seekers and climate policy under Howard. He resigned his life membership shortly after Tony Abbott was elected leader in December 2009.

When Fraser died in March 2015, Abbott and his treasurer Joe Hockey led the awkward parliamentary tributes celebrating the life of a “genuine liberal”, while immigration minister Peter Dutton sat silently.

Dutton has played a key role in distancing the party from aspects of the Fraser legacy. Fraser abhorred racism, and his embrace of multiculturalism marks him out as different from several of his successors.

In 2016, Dutton controversially said that Fraser’s decision to resettle migrants fleeing civil war in Lebanon had been “a mistake”. He claims to have since apologised, but only to one senior member of the Lebanese community.

Fraser’s approach to Indigenous policy was also streets apart from that of Dutton. In the early 1980s Fraser’s government, on the advice of the National Aboriginal Council, considered a Makarrata commission to begin acknowledging the history of “Aboriginal occupation” and identifying areas for “increased Aboriginal involvement” in decision-making.

In 2024, Dutton ruled out a Makarrata commission, promising instead a more paternalistic approach to Indigenous affairs.

In 2008, Fraser attended the Apology to the Stolen Generations while Dutton, a senior Liberal MP at the time, boycotted it. (He has since apologised for this.) During the 2023 referendum on an Indigenous Voice to Parliament, Fraser’s former ministers for Aboriginal affairs supported the “yes” campaign. Dutton was its chief opponent.

When he died, Fraser was reported to be working on a platform for a new political party that would advocate for a Republic, a treaty with First Nations people, “a more independent foreign policy and a post-carbon economy”. In his book Independents’ Day, journalist Brook Turner suggests that some of the individuals who spoke with Fraser then are now at the forefront of the campaigns supporting community independent candidates.

This year, Dutton hopes to win back some of those seats from these independent MPs. The coming contest may indicate that the memory of Fraser’s version of liberalism still has a place in Australia’s politics.

The Conversation

Dr Joshua Black is a former Palace Letters Fellow at the Whitlam Institute within Western Sydney University, and a member of the University of Melbourne’s Malcolm Fraser Reference Group.

ref. This anniversary wasn’t meant to be easy: Malcolm Fraser and the modern Liberal Party – https://theconversation.com/this-anniversary-wasnt-meant-to-be-easy-malcolm-fraser-and-the-modern-liberal-party-250752

We found a new wasp! Students are discovering insect species through citizen science

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andy G Howe, Research Fellow (Entomology), University of the Sunshine Coast

Andy Howe, CC BY

Playgrounds can host a variety of natural wonders – and, of course, kids! Now some students are not just learning about insects and spiders at school — they are putting them on the map and even discovering and naming new species.

Studies indicate insect populations are declining, and species are going extinct every week in Australia. But scientists have only described about a third of Australia’s estimated total of insect species.

This means around 150,000 of our insect species do not have formal scientific names. We know little about where they are and what they do in ecosystems — vital information for stopping biodiversity loss.

So, our team developed the citizen science project Insect Investigators.

We took scientists to 50 regional schools across three states to learn about insects and other arthropods such as spiders. Students of all ages got to survey insect diversity, search for new species, and engage with entomologists and taxonomists throughout the school year.

Students helped name new species, including several species of parasitoid wasp.

Some of the scientific names include Apanteles darthvaderi (Back Plains State School students thought the wasp had gone to the “dark side” because of the way the wasp “sucks the life out of caterpillars”), Mirax supremus (named after the pinnacle science class at Beerwah State High School), and Coccygidium mellosiheroine, which means “honey-coloured hero” (named by students collaborating from several Queensland schools, who considered the wasp a hero as it attacks a crop pest).

Our latest paper on the project is now published. We learned hands-on citizen science increased students’ interests in insects, nature and science.

Close-up photograph of new species of wasp
Apanteles darthvaderi – the wasp that’s gone to the dark side.
Katherine Oestmann & Olivia Portmann, CC BY

How many insects?

Around 1,800 students and more than 70 teachers collected insects in or near their schools.

Teachers sent samples to the project team, which sorted and sent a selection of specimens to be DNA barcoded. This method involves sequencing a small section of the genome to tell different species apart.

The specimens were then sent to experts around Australia, who are working to describe any new species collected.

The students collected more than 12,000 insect specimens, including 5,465 different species – many of which are probably not described.

It will take years to identify all the species and work out how many are new to science, but we already know 3,000 had not been recorded in the Barcode of Life DNA database (BOLD).

Seven children in green and yellow school uniforms stand outside in front of an insect trap.
Queensland Mount Molloy students and their Malaise trap.
Andy Howe, CC BY

Good for insects, good for learning

Getting to know insects as part of this citizen science project was great for kids’ active learning and developing an appreciation of the natural world.

Students said they felt more interested in insects, nature and science, and it inspired them to spend more time outdoors.

“I learnt there are many insect and plant species… that I haven’t seen before and how in different ecosystems you can find different insects,” said a student from South Australia.

When students are engaged, it’s no surprise teachers enjoy their jobs more too — and this is exactly what we found. The more enthusiastic the students were about nature and science experiences through the project, the more interested the teachers were in teaching these topics.

One teacher reported “students gained an understanding of the work of scientists, how to participate in research, protocols to follow, and gained a huge interest in insects!”

Insect Investigators won the 2024 Eureka Prize for Innovation in Citizen Science (Australian Museum)

What did students get out of it?

After the insect survey was completed, we asked 118 students and 22 teachers in nine of the schools about what they experienced, and how they see insects and nature now.

Students said the chance to find a new species, as well as discovering and catching insects they had not seen before, were highlights of Insect Investigators.

Experiencing a hands-on learning style, outside in nature, was also mentioned as a benefit of the program.

Many students said they now wanted to spend more time outdoors, act and encourage others to protect nature, and pay more attention to insect conservation and science classes. This implies the experience and discovery associated with hands-on citizen science has motivated greater engagement with nature and science.

Two children in school uniforms hold up a specimen jar with an insect inside.
Queensland Cameron Downs kids show off an insect they found.
Andy Howe, CC BY

The potential of school-based citizen science

Insect surveys offer an accessible way for students to actively learn about science and nature. Insects are virtually everywhere and by photographing them, students can observe natural insect behaviour – without the need to collect them.

The iNaturalist App and Atlas of Living Australia facilitate citizen scientists to explore nature around them. We’ve also created resources for teachers who want to introduce lessons on insects into their school homepage.

It’s never too early to develop science literacy skills and give children the chance to develop their curiosity, critical thinking and problem solving.

Connecting schools and scientists is a great way to engage young learners and foster connections to nature. It has the added bonus of inventorying our natural world which is vital to conserving Australia’s biodiversity.

The Conversation

Andy G Howe receives funding from the Australian Government, Queensland Government and Forest & Wood Products Australia. Since 2019, he is active with CSIRO Stem Professionals in Schools.

Erinn Fagan-Jeffries receives funding from the Australian Government and Queensland Government. She sits on scientific advisory committees for Invertebrates Australia and Earthwatch.

Patrick O’Connor receives funding from the Australian Research Council, State and Commonwealth Government Agencies and he is a board director of the Nature Conservation Society of SA, a committee member of the Restoration Decade Alliance and a councilor of the Biodiversity Council.

Trang Nguyen receives funding from the End Food Waste Cooperative Research Centre and the Australian Government.

ref. We found a new wasp! Students are discovering insect species through citizen science – https://theconversation.com/we-found-a-new-wasp-students-are-discovering-insect-species-through-citizen-science-244960

The viability of some charities could rest on how they’re taxed – we should be cautious about changing the rules

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Juliet Chevalier-Watts, Associate Professor, Law School, University of Waikato

Ground Picture/Shutterstock

There have long been calls for New Zealand’s charity-linked businesses to lose their tax exemption status. Under the current rules, companies such as Sanitarium, which is wholly owned by the Seventh-day Adventist church pay no income tax.

This could all change very soon.

Inland Revenue recently opened consultation on rule changes that would include taxing business income unrelated to a charity’s charitable purpose. The consultation period runs until the end of this month.

But overhauling the tax rules could undermine the sustainability of some charities, making it harder for them to continue their work.

Our ongoing research looks into the economic contribution of the sector and, in particular, focuses on religious charities. The total value of the services provided by these charities in 2018 alone was NZ$6.1 billion – the equivalent of around 3% of annual government expenditure.

Other studies have shown the substantial contributions charities make to education, sports, the arts, the environment and other activities that don’t get enough support from the government.

Making a profit

There are more than 29,000 registered charities in New Zealand. To register as one, an entity must meet strict legal criteria entrenched in the Charities Act 2005.

Charities have to fall within one of four legally-recognised charitable purposes: relief of poverty, advancement of education, advancement of religion, and any other purposes beneficial to the community.

The government recognises the high bar charities have to meet by giving some tax exemptions. This allows the charities to focus on providing benefits to communities rather than having to divert funds to the government. The exemptions are on both passive income (stocks, for example) as well as business income.

But the issue is not as simple as certain criticisms might imply.

Charities need to sustain themselves over time – particularly as donations fluctuate. Untaxed profits from charity-linked businesses allow them to do this, and changing the rules could undermine future cash flow for these groups.

This argument should not be overstated. Removing the exemption won’t completely wipe out a charity’s profits. But it takes a portion of income that would then need to be covered by an increase in donations.

The Inland Revenue discussion paper also only offers examples of businesses in the primary industry (farming, for example) and manufacturing sectors. But it is silent about the financial and services sectors. It appears charities’ income from interest or financial assets will still be exempt.

This is not necessarily a bad thing.

Holding assets such as a portfolio of stocks or bonds can improve charities’ ability to plan for the long term. But the tax rules should remain consistent between financial assets and non-financial assets, such as a farm or business.

Weet-Bix boxes on a supermarket shelf
The Sanitarium Health and Wellbeing Company, the manufacturer of Weet-Bix, Marmite and other well known grocery items, is wholly owned by the Seventh-Day Adventist Church and doesn’t pay income tax.
Adam Constanza/Shutterstock

Will the gains be worth the cost?

To better balance the contribution of charities to wider society with efforts to mak tax rules fair, there are a few points the government needs to consider.

  • Firstly, society benefits from having a wide variety of charities. Allowing them to build a stable financial base allows them to grow and continue to do their work.

  • There will always be gaps in what the government is able to provide. It’s arguably more efficient to address unmet need with charities than by leaving it to individuals to find donations themselves.

  • Charities should be able to structure themselves in ways that make them less dependent on donations.

  • The government needs to also consider what it would cost to overhaul the current tax rules when it comes to charities. Administrative costs for everyone could end up being greater than the revenue gained.

  • Finally, the impact of the proposed changes would extend beyond religious organisations to include gaming trusts, universities and asset-holding charities that provide significant funding for sports, arts, cultural and welfare organisations.

Having public consultation on Inland Revenue’s proposed changes is a good start, but it is just that.

More needs to be done to understand the implications for communities should tax changes occur – and what could be lost if charities are substantially less sustainable. So, if the government delivers a plan, let’s read and evaluate the small print.


The authors thank Steven Moe, Partner at Parryfield Lawyers, for his significant help and mahi in contributing to this article.


The Conversation

Juliet Chevalier-Watts receives funding from The Wilberforce Foundation and the InterChurch Bureau.

Over four decades I have served as a volunteer and trustee for a range of development, educational, health and religious charities.

ref. The viability of some charities could rest on how they’re taxed – we should be cautious about changing the rules – https://theconversation.com/the-viability-of-some-charities-could-rest-on-how-theyre-taxed-we-should-be-cautious-about-changing-the-rules-251137

Vengeful ghost cat, divorce lizard, phantom horse: the animals that haunted Ancient Rome and Greece

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rebecca Willis, PhD Candidate, Classics and Ancient History, University of Newcastle

djkett/Shutterstock

You wake up at night sensing a weight on your legs that you thought was your pet dog – only to remember they died years ago. Or perhaps you know someone who swears they can still hear their childhood cat moving around the house, scratching at the door at night.

Tales of ghost animals in our modern world are often framed as a comfort; the beloved pet returning to visit. But this has not always been the case.

In ancient Greece and Rome, you might assume that the close relations between humans and animals would result in many tales of animal ghosts, but this is not the case. In fact, such stories are actually incredibly rare.

And the handful of examples that do exist depict the ghostly animals not as friendly visitors but as mere tools for humans – often to do evil.

1. Revenge of the ghost cat

One such example comes from the Greek Magical Papyri, a document from Graeco-Roman Egypt that’s written mostly in ancient Greek.

This handbook of spells and magic rituals was used by professional magicians dating from the second century BCE to the fifth century CE.

It includes a spell that allows a practitioner of magic to use a ghost cat to get revenge on their enemy.

This spell, listed in the document as “PGM III 1-164” does not have a specific goal but is described as suitable for:

every ritual purpose: a charm to restrain charioteers in a race, a charm for sending dreams, a binding love charm, and a charm to cause separation and enmity.

A translation note observes that all of these are forms of malicious magic.

A spooky cat shaded in red looks down the camera at the viewer.
In this spell, the ghost cat is a mere tool of a nefarious human.
Evgrafova Svetlana/Shutterstock

The focus of this spell is the ritual drowning of a cat. While holding the cat’s body underwater, the magician recites an incantation and calls to the “cat-faced god[ess]” to inform them of the mistreatment that their sacred animal is suffering.

However, the magician boldly lies to the god, claiming that it is their chosen human target who is responsible for the killing.

The enterprising magician then offers a solution to this affront, asking the god to allow the cat to return as a ghost to serve them as a daimon (a supernatural being with mystical powers).

With the god’s support the magician was then free to curse or bind their chosen victim, suitably reframing the action as the cat’s own revenge against its presumed murderer.

2. The divorce lizard

Our second example also comes from the Greek Magical Papyri (listed as “PGM LXI. 39-71”).

Like many erotic spells of antiquity, this spell was designed to attract a chosen target to the magician.

However, some targets were easier to attract than others.

This text offers a ritual solution to would-be magicians whose chosen victim was already married. By harnessing the power of another ghostly animal daimon, this ritual aims to destroy the marriage.

The text begins by instructing the magician to find a spotted lizard “from the place where bodies are mummified”, kill it with hot coals and make it into a ghostly daimon.

A lizard is displayed in silhouette against a mottled green-grey background
Take one lizard ‘from the place where bodies are mummified’…
Cheshir.002/Shutterstock

While the lizard is dying, the magician recites an incantation. This spell aims to destroy the couple’s relationship by making them hate each other.

Later, hiding outside the couple’s home with the lizard’s ashes, the magician calls upon the newly dead lizard to return as a ghost daimon and force the target to abandon her marital home using its supernatural powers.

Once complete, the target would become especially vulnerable to an attraction spell.

3. The ghostly cavalry

The final example comes from a document known as Descriptions of Greece, written by Greek traveller and geographer Pausanias in the second century CE.

The author recounts a local tale about a haunted field where the Battle of Marathon took place in 490 BCE.

Here, Pausanias claims, the sounds of “horses neighing and men fighting” can be heard every night as the ghosts of fallen Greek and Persian soldiers continue to do battle.

Interestingly, Pausanias is careful to warn his readers that those who deliberately seek out these ghosts will suffer their wrath. Thankfully, though, anyone that stumbles upon them by accident will remain safe.

Unlike the first two examples, these ghost horses are not facilitated by magic or divine power. So, why were they believed to return as ghosts when other horses did not? Just as the ghosts of infantry men retained their swords and shields so they could continue to battle each night, the horses remained an essential tool for the ghosts of the cavalrymen.

A ghostly horse and its ancient rider are displayed white against a black background.
The sound of ‘horses neighing and men fighting’ can be heard at one battlefield, Greek traveller Pausanias reports.
knight of silence/Shutterstock

Animals with a ghostly purpose

These examples provide a fascinating window into the perception of animals in antiquity.

It is well evidenced that the Greeks and Romans adored their pets, and in everyday life animals were given many different roles in society.

However, after death these roles are drastically narrowed. In ancient times, animals seem only to return as ghosts in situations where they exist as tools for human use.

It remains to be seen what afterlife the ancients believed would be experienced by animals without a ghostly purpose.

The Conversation

Rebecca Willis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Vengeful ghost cat, divorce lizard, phantom horse: the animals that haunted Ancient Rome and Greece – https://theconversation.com/vengeful-ghost-cat-divorce-lizard-phantom-horse-the-animals-that-haunted-ancient-rome-and-greece-249482

Australia’s PBS means consumers pay less for expensive medicines. Here’s how this system works

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bonny Parkinson, Associate Professor, Macquarie University Centre for the Health Economy, Macquarie University

The United States pharmaceutical lobby has complained to US President Donald Trump that Australia’s Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) is damaging their profits and has urged Trump to put tariffs on pharmaceutical imports from Australia.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese defended the scheme, saying Australia’s pharmaceutical subsidy scheme was “not up for negotiation”. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton said he would also protect the PBS, which was the “envy of the world”.

But what exactly is the PBS, and why does it matter?

How did the PBS start?

In the early 1900s, Australians had to pay for medicines out-of-pocket. Some could get free or cheap medicines at public hospitals or through Friendly Society Dispensaries, but otherwise access was restricted to those who could afford to pay.

At the time, few effective medicines were available. But the development of insulin and penicillin in the 1920s made access to medicines much more important.

The Constitution gave the federal government limited powers in the provision of health and welfare, which were largely the responsibility of the states. After World War II, the federal government wanted to expand these powers but it encountered several constitutional roadblocks.

A rare successful referendum in 1946 changed that, enabling the National Health Act 1953 to pass. This established the PBS as we know it today.

How does the PBS work in practice?

The PBS covers the cost of medicines prescribed by doctors. Most are dispensed at community pharmacies (such as treatments for heart disease, the pill and antibiotics), but some more expensive ones are available at public hospitals or specialist treatment centres (such as chemotherapies and IVF medicines).

In 2023–24 there were 930 different medicines and 5,164 brands listed on the PBS, costing the government $17.7 billion.

The government negotiates the price of each medicine with the pharmaceutical company. Pharmacies then buy these medicines from wholesalers or companies.

When a patient fills a prescription at a pharmacy, they pay a co-payment. The government pays the difference between the agreed price and the co-payment to the pharmacy – costs that may amount to hundreds of thousands of dollars.

There are two co-payments: one for concession card holders ($7.70) and one for the general consumer ($31.60). When a patient hits the annual spending limit (safety net threshold), the co-payment falls to $0 for concession patients and $7.70 for the general consumer.

Overall, patients contribute 8.4% to the total cost of the PBS, while the government pays the rest.

How are medicine prices set?

The PBS is split into two categories:

– F1: new, patent-protected medicines with no competition

– F2: medicines with multiple brands, including generics.

F1 medicines

To be listed on the PBS, a new medicine goes through the following process:

  1. It’s evaluated for safety, efficacy and quality.

  2. A panel of experts (including doctors, pharmacists, epidemiologists, health economists, health consumer advocates and a pharmaceutical industry representative) recommends which medicines should be listed on the PBS, based on effectiveness, safety, cost-effectiveness and the total cost on the budget of the medicine versus alternative treatments.

  3. If the panel recommends a medicine, the price and details of the listing may be further negotiated with the government. (If the panel rejects a medicine, companies may revise their application and re-submit.)

  4. Finally, the health minister, and subsequently the Cabinet, formally approves or rejects the panel’s recommendation. If approved, the medicine is listed on the PBS.

F2 medicines

Generic medicine companies may apply to list another brand on the PBS after a medicine loses patent protection. When this happens, the medicine moves from F1 to F2. Immediately, it incurs a mandatory price discount.

Generic medicine companies may offer pharmacists discounts on the PBS list price (for example, ten for the price of nine). Pharmacists then encourage patients to switch to the cheaper medicine.

Companies must disclose these discounts to the government, resulting in further price reductions.

Is the PBS system unique?

Australia is not special. Many countries use similar assessments to determine whether governments should subsidise new medicines, including the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) in the United Kingdom, Canada’s Drug Agency, and Pharmac in New Zealand.

Small differences exist, including whether the list of medicines is a positive (and they’re subsidised) or negative (meaning they’re not subsidised), whether the lists are established at the central level (such as the PBS in Australia) or local level (such as by province in Canada) or a mixture, and how co-payments are set.

Pharmacists takes box of shelf
Generic medicine companies in Australia may offer pharmacists discounts on their products.
National Cancer Institute/Unsplash

The biggest outlier is the US. Similar to its health system, the medicines system is a complex and decentralised mix of public and private organisations, including government agencies, independent organisations, health-care providers and payers such as health insurers.

What are the benefits of the PBS?

The PBS ensures all Australian patients have access to highly effective medicines. This contributes to a high life expectancy, while keeping health-care costs low relative to other developed countries.

This has been achieved by keeping prices down for both F1 and F2 medicines. By doing so, it creates room in the government budget to fund other new medicines.

Without the PBS, either taxes or co-payments would have to increase, or fewer medicines funded.

Other benefits include having a level playing field for all medicines, while maintaining flexibility to fund highly effective medicines for patients with unmet needs.

What are the drawbacks of the PBS system?

No system is without its drawbacks and risks. The PBS’s drawbacks include:

  • limited patient involvement in the process
  • the high frequency of re-submissions and delays to PBS listing
  • companies being unwilling to submit off-patent medicines for PBS listing due to high costs and low rewards
  • the ongoing lack of high-quality clinical evidence about medicines to treat rare diseases and certain patient populations, such as children.

Another issue is medicine shortages. When PBS-listed brands aren’t available due to supply chain issues, other non-PBS listed brands may be available at full cost to the patient. Increased medicine costs can discourage patients from filling necessary prescriptions, which can have longer-term impacts on health and health expenditure.

Finally, companies have argued Australia’s small market size plus low PBS prices can make it financially unviable to bring new medicines to Australia.

The PBS is a crucial part of Australia’s health system, making essential medicines affordable, while keeping costs down. Like any system, it has its challenges and there is ongoing debate about whether and how the system should change.




Read more:
Will the US trade war push up the price of medicines in Australia? Will there be drug shortages?


The Conversation

Bonny Parkinson receives funding from the Australian government to conduct evaluations of medicines to be listed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. She also supervises students funded by PhD scholarships (received by the student, not Bonny Parkinson), including the Macquarie University Research Excellence Scholarship and Macquarie University Australian Pharmaceutical Scholarship, with support from six pharmaceutical companies: Amgen Australia, Janssen Australia, MSD Australia, Pfizer Australia, Roche Australia, and Abbvie Australia.

ref. Australia’s PBS means consumers pay less for expensive medicines. Here’s how this system works – https://theconversation.com/australias-pbs-means-consumers-pay-less-for-expensive-medicines-heres-how-this-system-works-252736

PNG and Bougainville to hold more talks on independence issue

By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

The parties involved in talks aimed at resolving an impasse over Bougainville’s push for independence are planning to meet several more times before a deadline in June.

The leaders of Papua New Guinea and Bougainville have been meeting all week in Port Moresby, with former New Zealand Governor-General Sir Jerry Mateparae serving as moderator.

The question before them hinges on the conditions for tabling the results of the 2019 Bougainville referendum in the PNG Parliament, in which there was overwhelming support for independence.

PNG wants an absolute majority of MPs to agree to the tabling, while Bougainville says it should be a simple majority.

Bougainville says changes to the PNG Constitution would come later, and that is when an absolute majority is appropriate.

Bougainville’s President Ishmael Toroama has suggested a solution could be reached outside of Parliament, but PNG Prime Minister James Marape has questioned the readiness of Bougainville to run itself, given there are still guns in the community and the local economy is miniscule.

Sources at the talks say that, with the parties having now stated their positions, several more meetings are planned where decisions will be reached on the way forward.

Burnham key to civil war end
One of those meetings is expected to take place at Burnham, New Zealand.

It was preliminary talks at Burnham in 1997 that led to the end of the bloody 10-year-long civil war in Bougainville.

Sir Jerry Mataparae . . . serving as moderator in the Bougainville future talks. Image: RNZ Pacific

Bougainville is holding elections in September, and the writs are being issued in June, hence the desire that the process to determine its political future is in place by then.

Last week, Bougainville leaders declared they wanted independence in place by 1 September 2027.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Will the US trade war push up the price of medicines in Australia? Will there be drug shortages?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anthony Scott, Professor of Health Economics and Director, Centre for Health Economics, Monash Business School, Monash University

Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

Talks of a trade dispute between the United States and Australia over the cost of medicines have no doubt left many Australians scratching their heads.

With all this talk of attacks on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS), and the prospect of a tariff on Australian drugs entering the US, many will be wondering about two key issues.

Does this mean the price of medicines will rise? And could any fall-out from the trade dispute lead to drug shortages?

Let’s see how this could play out domestically.

What is the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme?

The PBS provides Australians with subsidised medicines, keeping out-of-pocket costs low for consumers.

To receive the subsidy from Australian taxpayers all drug companies (not just US ones) must submit evidence to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee (PBAC) which assesses if the drug is cost-effective compared to existing alternatives.

This process ensures Australian taxpayers get value for money for drugs and that the government is not wasting money on drugs that are too costly for the benefits they provide.

With limited resources, the federal government needs to decide which drugs to subsidise.

Our centre has a contract with the federal government to review submissions to the PBAC. Once the PBAC makes its recommendations to list a drug onto the PBS, the federal government then enters into bilateral (one on one) negotiations with each drug company over the price they will charge in Australia.

These price negotiations often involve confidential discounts and rebates, which can also cause delays in listing on the PBS and to people accessing them at the subsidised rate.

Patients pay a fixed co-payment under the PBS regardless of the negotiated price. That’s currently A$31.60 for most PBS medicines, or $7.70 with a concession card. The Australian government picks up the rest of the cost.

Can the US influence the price for consumers?

The US has long argued the PBS does not adequately recognise the value of developing innovative pharmaceutical products, as it focuses on demonstrating drugs provide value for money.

US drug companies have recently labelled the PBS “egregious and discriminatory”. When they negotiate with the Australian government, they want to achieve higher prices they say reflects the cost of developing these drugs in the first place. They know that higher prices increases their profits.

The PBS acts to keep prices low and so benefits consumers. Price negotiations are conducted between the federal government and each drug company separately for each drug. So it is difficult to see how the US government could influence these specific negotiations between a private and often global pharmaceutical company and a sovereign government.

In any case, the price consumers pay is determined by the amount of subsidy from the federal government. Whether the cost of a drug to the Australian government is $50 or $5,000, consumers still play A$31.60 (or $7.70 with a concession card).

It’s also difficult to see how the imposition of tariffs on Australian exports of pharmaceuticals to the US, as has been flagged, could influence the process. That’s unless these issues are caught up in some larger trade or political deal.

Both Labor and the Coalition have come out defending the PBS, saying it would not be a bargaining chip in any trade war.

How about drug tariffs?

Then there’s the potential for tariffs on Australian pharmaceuticals exported to the US. In 2023, Australia exported US$1.06 billion worth to the US, representing 40% of its total pharmaceutical exports of about US$2.6 billion.

If Trump imposes tariffs, this will increase the prices of Australian drugs sold in the US relative to US manufactured drugs. For Australian patented drugs where there are no alternatives, this would hurt US consumers whose only option would be to pay higher prices and consume less. For other drugs, demand for drugs manufactured in the US would increase, supporting its local manufacturing.

The demand for drugs manufactured in Australia would fall (by how much is uncertain), creating incentives for Australian manufacturers to become more efficient. This may mean moving manufacturing overseas in the long term to countries with lower tariffs or to increase marketing efforts in other countries.

But this would not necessarily create new shortages of medicines in Australia. This is because about 90% of the pharmaceuticals we use in Australia are manufactured overseas rather than being manufactured domestically.

What if Australia retaliated with its own tariffs on US imported pharmaceuticals? Some 21% of our imported pharmaceuticals come from the US. Only then might tariffs influence price negotiations for listing on the PBS. This would be a bad idea for Australians’ access to innovative patented drugs. This is because there would be no other alternatives and prices would rise in negotiations, so restrictions would need to be placed on use and access.

Where to now?

It’s difficult to know how these trade negotiations will play out and we’ll likely be hearing more about them in coming weeks.

Overall, though, it is difficult to see how the US can influence the prices that Australians pay for pharmaceuticals, especially with the recent pre-election announcement of further reductions in drug costs for patients to $25.

The Conversation

Anthony Scott is the Director of the Centre for Health Economics, which has a contract with the Department of Health and Aged Care to review evidence submitted by pharmaceutical companies for listing of their products on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS).

Jing Jing Li receives funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care, providing independent evaluations of company submissions to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee (PBAC) for listing on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS).

Peter Ghijben receives funding from the Department of Health and Aged Care to review evidence submitted by pharmaceutical companies for listing of their products on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS).

ref. Will the US trade war push up the price of medicines in Australia? Will there be drug shortages? – https://theconversation.com/will-the-us-trade-war-push-up-the-price-of-medicines-in-australia-will-there-be-drug-shortages-252728

Grattan on Friday: Dutton says he could handle Donald Trump, but can any Australian PM?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

In the Trump age, how the next government, whether Labor or Coalition, will handle foreign affairs, defence and trade is shaping as crucially important.

It’s a weird time when your friends become almost as problematic as your potential enemies, but that’s the situation we face.

As many have observed, Donald Trump’s long shadow hangs over our election, at a time of multiple other uncertainties. Australia, like other countries, has already felt the brunt of the president’s tariffs policy, and the government is bracing for what may be worse to come with the next round of Trump announcements in early April.

So what face would a Peter Dutton government present to the world? And how would he handle Trump?

On Thursday at the Lowy Institute, the opposition leader brought his international policies together. He presented a mix of bipartisanship and differences with the government. Some of the latter weren’t so much fundamental disagreements as claims Labor had failed and the Coalition would be more competent or effective.

The most frustrating part of Dutton’s speech and answers to questions was the same old problem. For crucial details, particularly on defence spending but also on the future of foreign aid under the Coalition, we were told we’d have to wait for announcements that always seem over the horizon.

Dutton says as prime minister he wouldn’t resile from taking on the United States when necessary. With fears about US drug companies spearheading a war on Australia’s Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, he declared, “I will stand up and defend the PBS […] against any attempt to undermine its integrity, including by major pharmaceutical companies”.

In arguing that, in general, he’d be able to deal with Trump, Dutton invoked the previous Coalition government’s success with Trump Mark 1 (though Mark 2 is very different), and the power of AUKUS to anchor relations. His early priority would be to visit Washington.

The question Australians should ask themselves is this: “Who is better placed to manage the US relationship and engage with President Trump?” I believe that […] I will be able to work with the Trump administration Mark 2 to get better outcomes for Australia. I will talk to [Trump] about how our national interests are mutual interests.

But, as he acknowledged, “Australia’s national interests do not always align perfectly with the interests of partners – even of our closest allies”. The way Trump is operating at the moment, it may be that a PM of either stripe will find him impossible on certain issues.

Dutton was once an uncomplicated hawk on China. Now, he is a mix of hawkish and dovish. It’s true things have changed greatly in Australia-China relations in recent times, but another reason for Dutton’s more nuanced position is highlighted by the line in his speech that “Australia has a remarkable Chinese diaspora”. The opposition leader has an eye to the vote of Chinese-Australians.

Dutton now walks a line that is critical of China militarily, but anxious to promote and expand the now-restored trading relationship.

Currently, there are two major, hot conflicts in the world: the Ukraine war and the violence in the Middle East.

On Ukraine, the Coalition and Labor are at one in their backing for President Volodymyr Zelensky, although Dutton criticises aspects of the government’s delivery of support. But they are at odds over Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s willingness to contribute to a peacekeeping force.

“Australia can’t afford the multibillion-dollar sustainment price tag for having troops based in an ill-defined and endless European presence,” Dutton said.

The “multibillion-dollar” price tag was overegged, but many would agree there are sound arguments for not deploying Australian forces on such a venture. On the other hand, if an Albanese government did so, you can bet the commitment would be relatively token.

The big gulf between Labor and Coalition is over the Middle East. This has grown from a marginally different reaction after the October 2023 Hamas attack on Israelis to a major disagreement now.

Dutton claims Labor “has viewed our relationship with Israel through a domestic policy lens and with a view to its political imperatives” – that is, the Muslim vote.

Based on what Dutton says, a change of government would bring a substantial recalibration of Australia’s Middle East policy. One of Dutton’s “first orders of business” would be to call Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to “help rebuild the relationship Labor has trashed”. He added:

Israel will be able to count on our support again in the United Nations. And given UNRWA [the Palestinian relief agency] has employed terrorists from Hamas who participated in the 7 October attacks, the organisation will no longer receive funding from a government I lead.

The Coalition repeatedly says Australia needs to spend more on defence. It has announced $3 billion to reinstate the fourth squadron of F-35 joint strike fighters, but not said the size of the defence envelope it believes is required. Dutton said:

We need to do nothing short of re-thinking defence, re-tooling the ADF, and re-energising our domestic defence industry, and that’s exactly what our government will do.

That sounds like a massive task, and so it’s more than time we saw the plan and cost of it. Would the Coalition be willing to go to around 3% of gross domestic product (GDP) on defence spending, as the Trump administration wants? That would require a lot of sacrifice in other policy areas.

The Australian Financial Review this week reported Coalition sources saying it is weighing up boosting defence spending to at least 2.5% by 2029.

When the Coalition talks up its record in defence, one should also remember the failures, chief among them the delays and chopping and changing in its submarine program. A sub-optimal performance has been bipartisan.

Dutton was questioned on his position on aid to Pacific countries. Should Australia step up given the void left by the US shutting down aid? If a Dutton government did that, would it mean an overall aid increase, or cuts in the aid budget elsewhere?

This was left as another black hole, although he did say the Australian government should make representations to the US for the reinstatement of particular aid programs the US had cut.

I don’t agree with some of the funding that they’ve withdrawn, and I think it is detrimental to the collective interests in the region, and I hope that there can be a discussion between our governments about a sensible pathway forward in that regard.

Good luck with that.

It is hard to avoid the conclusion the overall aid program would be an easy target for the Coalition in the search for savings.

When leaders talk, what they don’t say can be as important as what they do.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grattan on Friday: Dutton says he could handle Donald Trump, but can any Australian PM? – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-dutton-says-he-could-handle-donald-trump-but-can-any-australian-pm-252511

‘Declare your city genocide free’ – lessons from NZ’s nuclear-free movement

COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle

Today I attended a demonstration outside both Aotearoa New Zealand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Israeli Embassy in Wellington.

The day before, the Israelis had blown apart 174 children in Gaza in a surprise attack that announced the next phase of the genocide.

About 174 Wellingtonians turned up to a quickly-called protest: they are the best of us — the best of Wellington.

In 2023, the City made me an Absolutely Positively Wellingtonian for service across a number of fronts (water infrastructure, conservation, coastal resilience, community organising) but nothing I have done compares with the importance of standing up for the victims of US-Israeli violence.

What more can we do?  And then it crossed my mind: “Declare Wellington Genocide Free”.  And if Wellington could, why not other cities?

Wellington started nuclear-free drive
The nuclear-free campaign, led by Wellington back in the 1980s, is a template worth reviving.

Wellington became the first city in New Zealand — and the first capital in the world — to declare itself nuclear free in 1982.  It followed the excellent example of Missoula, Montana, USA, the first city in the world to do so, in 1978.

These were tumultuous times. I vividly remember heading into Wellington harbour on a small yacht, part of a peace flotilla made up of kayakers, yachties and wind surfers that tried to stop the USS Texas from berthing. It won that battle that day but we won the war.

This was the decade which saw the French government’s terrorist bomb attack on a Greenpeace ship in Auckland harbour to intimidate the anti-nuclear movement.

Also, 2025 is the 40th anniversary of the sinking of the Rainbow Warrior and the death of Fernando Pereira. Little Island Press will be reissuing a new edition of my friend David Robie’s book Eyes of Fire later this year. It tells the incredible story of the final voyage of the Rainbow Warrior.

Eyes of Fire: the Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior” . . . a new book on nuclear-free activism on its way. Image: Little Island Press

Standing up to bullies
Labour under David Lange successfully campaigned and won the 1984 elections on a nuclear-free platform which promised to ban nuclear ships from our waters.

This was a time when we had a government that had the backbone to act independently of the US. Yes, we had a grumpy relationship with the Yanks for a while and we were booted out of ANZUS — surely a cause for celebration in contrast to today when our government is little more than a finger puppet for Team Genocide.

In response to bullying from Australia and the US, David Lange said at the time:  “It is the price we are prepared to pay.”

With Wellington in the lead, nuclear-free had moved over the course of a decade from a fringe peace movement to the mainstream and eventually to become government policy.

The New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act 1987 was passed and remains a cornerstone of our foreign policy.

New Zealand took a stand that showed strong opposition to out-of-control militarism, the risks of nuclear war, and strong support for the international movement to step back from nuclear weapons.

It was a powerful statement of our independence as a nation and a rejection of foreign dominance. It also reduced the risk of contamination in case of a nuclear accident aboard a vessel (remember this was the same decade as the Chernobyl nuclear disaster in Ukraine).

The nuclear-free campaign and Palestine
Each of those points have similarities with the Palestinian cause today and should act as inspiration for cities to mobilise and build national solidarity with the Palestinians.

To my knowledge, no city has ever successfully expelled an Israeli Embassy but Wellington could take a powerful first step by doing this, and declare the capital genocide-free.  We need to wake our country — and the Western world — out of the moral torpor it finds itself in; yawning its way through the monstrous crimes being perpetrated by our “friends and allies”.

Shun Israel until it stops genocide
No city should suffer the moral stain of hosting an embassy representing the racist, genocidal state of Israel.

Wellington should lead the country to support South Africa’s case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), end all trade with Israel, and end all intelligence and military cooperation with Israel for the duration of its genocidal onslaught.  Other cities should follow suit.

Declare your city Nuclear and Genocide Free.

Eugene Doyle is a writer based in Wellington. He has written extensively on the Middle East, as well as peace and security issues in the Asia Pacific region. He hosts the public policy platform solidarity.co.nz and is a frequent contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Nuclear free Pacific – back to the future, Earthwise talks to David Robie

Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific.

Pacific Media Watch

Earthwise presenters Lois and Martin Griffiths of Plains FM96.9 radio talk to Dr David Robie, editor of Asia Pacific Report, about heightened global fears of nuclear war as tensions have mounted since US President Donald Trump has returned to power.

Dr Robie reminds us that New Zealanders once actively opposed nuclear testing in the Pacific.

That spirit, that active opposition to nuclear testing, and to nuclear war must be revived.

This is very timely as the Rainbow Warrior 3 is currently visiting the Marshall Islands this month to mark 40 years since the original RW took part in the relocation of Rongelap Islanders who suffered from US nuclear tests in the 1950s.

After that humanitarian mission, the Rainbow Warrior was subsequently bombed by French secret agents in Auckland Harbour on 10 July 1985 shortly before it was due to sail to Moruroa Atoll to protest against nuclear testing.

A new edition of Dr Robie’s book Eyes of Fire The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior will be released this July. The Eyes of Fire microsite is here.

Lois opens up by saying: “I fear that we live in disturbing times. I fear the possibility of nuclear war, I always have.

“I remember the Cuban missiles crisis, a scary time. I remember campaigns for nuclear disarmament. Hopes that the United Nations could lead to a world of peace and justice.

“Yet today one hears from our media, for world leaders . . . ‘No, no no. There will always be tyrants who want to destroy us and our democratic allies . . . more and bigger, deadlier weapons are needed to protect us . . .”

Listen to the programme . . .


Nuclear free Pacific . . . back to the future.    Video/audio: Plains FM96.9

Broadcast: Plains Radio FM96.9

Interviewee: Dr David Robie, deputy chair of the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) and a semiretired professor of Pacific journalism. He founded the Pacific Media Centre.
Interviewers: Lois and Martin Griffiths, Earthwise programme

Date: 14 March 2025 (27min), broadcast March 17.

Youtube: Café Pacific: https://www.youtube.com/@cafepacific2023

https://plainsfm.org.nz/

Café Pacific: https://davidrobie.nz/

This article was first published on Café Pacific.

How can you tell if your child’s daycare is good quality?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Minson, Senior Lecturer in Early Childhood Education, Australian Catholic University

PhotoMavenStock/Shutterstock

This week, we heard claims of shocking abuse and neglect in Australian childcare centres on ABC’s Four Corners program.

While 91% of services met or exceeded the national standards as of February 2025, there have also been reports of centres operating with unqualified staff, abusive practices and nutritionally substandard food.

How can you tell if your child is going to a good quality childcare service?




Read more:
Amid claims of abuse, neglect and poor standards, what is going wrong with childcare in Australia?


What are the standards?

Australian’s childcare regulator – the Australian Children’s Education and Care Quality Authority or ACECQA – oversees national quality standards for early childhood education and care.

Services are assessed and given a rating across seven areas including the staffing, children’s health and safety and the educational program. The ratings note whether services are “exceeding”, “meeting” or “working towards” the national standards. In some cases, they may note “significant improvement [is] required”.

These ratings are public (you can search the national register of services) and are a useful starting point for parents.

However, they may not reflect the current situation in a service. As the Productivity Commission noted, many services assessed as “meeting” the national standards (which
comprise the bulk of the sector) have a gap of more than four years between assessments. Services with lower ratings are reassessed more frequently.

But there are other ways for parents to assess the quality of their child’s early childhood education.




Read more:
We need more than police checks: how parents and educators can keep childcare services safe from abuse


Do educators want to work there?

If early childhood educators want to work at your childcare service, this is a strong sign it is a good quality service.

One of the major issues in the early childhood sector is staff retention. Excessive workloads, not being valued by employers and poor pay are some of the reasons early childhood educators leave their jobs.

This is a huge problem, because high-quality staff are key to providing high-quality education and care, built on strong, stable relationships with children.

If you are considering a service, a key question to ask is how long educators have been working there? How often do they have to replace staff?

If you are already at a service, ask yourself, are there consistent staff at drop off/pick up? Are there familiar relief educators to cover absences? Or is there unexplained high turnover?

As a bottom line, all educators should be warm and caring and get to know every child and their family.

Puzzles and toys lined up at a childcare centre.
Seeing the same educators when you drop off and pick up is a sign the service has a stable, committed workforce.
PhotoMavenStock/Shutterstock

What is the centre itself like?

Some daycare centres market themselves to parents by offering a “barista made” coffee in the morning, yoga classes and designer interiors.

While this might appeal to adult tastes, it is important to think about whether the centre is set up to be suitable and fun for children. For example:

  • is there space to play outside, with natural materials? It is recommended toddlers and preschoolers are physically active for at least three hours per day

  • are there plenty of different play options to appeal to different interests and different children? Or does nothing seem to be organised?

  • are toys and equipment in good condition? Are pencils sharpened and ready to use? Are there puzzle pieces missing?

A young child draws with crayons.
It’s important for children to have different options for play, both inside and outside.
CrispyPork/Shutterstock



Read more:
Real dirt, no fake grass and low traffic – what to look for when choosing a childcare centre


What about the activities and educational program?

In Australia, centres need to provide play-based learning opportunities, which support children’s wellbeing, learning and development.

This is not about teaching children to read and do algebra before they start school. It is about supporting children to have positive play experiences, so the associated learning is fun and leaves children wanting to know (and do) more.

Services should provide children with lots of opportunities to explore in age-appropriate ways. For example, toddlers may have a sandpit with multiple tools and toys. Three- and four-year-olds may work on projects, such as building kites, or go on excursions in their local community.

Educators should be involved in this play. Sometimes they may act as a partner, helping to extend children’s imaginations. Other times, they may support from the sideline, encouraging a child to climb to a higher part of the climbing frame than yesterday.

They should not be telling children what to do all the time. It’s important for children to be given the time and space to test out their theories about how the world works.

Some things to look out for include:

  • is there “cookie cutter” art (where every piece of children’s art looks the same) on the wall? Or are children given the chance to express their creativity?

  • can toys be used in more than one way, in different areas (to encourage children’s agency)? Or are toys required to be kept in certain places?

  • can educators talk about the different things they are doing to stimulate and extend children’s play and interests?

Families should also receive clear, regular communication about their child’s development and progress. If there are issues with behaviour, the centre should provide evidence-based support that respects the rights and dignity of children (rather than punishing or shaming them).

Finally, does your child seem to have fun at childcare? Provided there are no other issues (such as separation anxiety), do they want to go and see their educators and friends? This is a good sign of a quality service that is building children’s sense of belonging.

Need more information?

If you have any concerns or need more information, try talking to your centre director first. Alternatively, you can contact the regulatory authority in your state or territory.

The Conversation

Victoria Minson is the Course Coordinator for the Bachelor of Early Childhood Education (Birth to Five Years) (Accelerated) at Australian Catholic University. The Victorian version of the course has received funding from the Victorian government and Victorian Department of Education

ref. How can you tell if your child’s daycare is good quality? – https://theconversation.com/how-can-you-tell-if-your-childs-daycare-is-good-quality-252613

Adelaide Festival gives a hopeful vision for the future of Australian contemporary dance

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erin Brannigan, Associate Professor Theatre and Performance, UNSW Sydney

Mass Movement. Morgan Sette/Adelaide Festival

I arrived at Stephanie Lake’s premiere of Mass Movement a little late on my first day at Adelaide Festival.

Walking down the hill from King William road towards Elder Park, the Torrens River was lit up in oranges and golds by the setting sun. A river of people came into view, winding from a thin spread on the hillside nearest me to a thick block of settled-in picnicers, back up the opposite hill to the bank of institutional buildings along the river.

In the centre of this river, a stage crowded with performers in black and white waved and flowed: movements that passed along individuals juxtaposed with sharper unison actions, vocalisations and free-for-alls.

I missed the solo performance that opened this outdoor performance, and the procession of dancers winding down onto the stage. But what I saw left an impression of an excellent community activation with many performers of all ages and training backgrounds, and an audience of family, friends and strangers here to see this part-human part-natural spectacle.

A crowd of people watches a crowd of dancers.
Mass Movement featured 1,000 dancers, the most Stephanie Lake has ever worked with.
Morgan Sette/Adelaide Festival

This work sits within Lake’s body of spectacle-scale works that have become a signature for this important new-generation Australian choreographer. With 1,000 performers, the most she has ever worked with, whether bigger is better may be neither here nor there when the emphasis is on spectacle and community.

One Single Action in an Ocean of Everything

Established Melbourne-based choreographer Lucy Guerin’s mastery of the duet, her use of unison and tight spatial delineations, gestural detail and intensely demanding timing are all there in her most recent work, One Single Action in an Ocean of Everything.

Dancers and choreographic collaborators Amber McCartney and Geoffrey Watson are up to the task and perfectly matched. McCartney is compact, precise but playful. Watson is more measured yet somehow looser and more sensual.

The first half of the piece works intricate movements along a diagonal across the stage to downstage right, where a moon-like sphere hangs at head height.

Two dancers embrace.
Lucy Guerin plays with themes of destruction, orthodoxy, disobedience, care and empathy.
Gregory Lorenzutti/Adelaide Festival

The dancers’ trajectory, and often their gaze, are locked on this object. In the upper corner on the floor are mallets. Taken up by the dancers, they become part of a percussive choreography. The spectacle of the dancers making their mark on time within the complex choreography locks us all into a ride that we anticipate will end with a smashed sphere.

Guerin’s experience is evident in how she shapes a work. The opening sections with their tightrope-like structure are physically, temporally and spatially smashed as the material from the sphere flies across the stage.

A broom is introduced by Watson. This precipitates a new relationship between the two dancers. Experiential chaos versus spatial order replaces the teamwork of the first half, as the two become constantly at odds with each other.

Themes of destruction, orthodoxy, disobedience, care and empathy are not hard to draw out of this microcosm. The sound, by CS + Kreme, does great support work with its mechanical complexities, pounding meter and a high synthetic sound like a tap running in the next hotel room. The lighting design by Paul Lim is also a star.

A Quiet Language

A Quiet Language asks a tall order of Daniel Riley and co-director Brianna Kell: to create a performance work that spoke to the 60th anniversary of Australian Dance Theatre (ADT).

Riley, a Wiradjuri man from Western New South Wales, took on the directorship of ADT in 2022 following Garry Stewart’s 20-year plus tenure, with Kell as artistic associate. The introduction of Indigenous leadership for the company is welcome. There is a history of cultural appropriation across many Australian dance artists, from Beth Dean and Rex Reid in the 1950s, to the complex case of Jiri Kylian’s Stamping Ground (1983) later performed by Bangarra Dance Theatre in 2019.

It is well overdue that the rich and deep choreographic practices of our First Nations people are now being represented by leadership in a major dance company outside Bangarra.

In A Quiet Language, the names of artists associated with the company flicker as the years scroll past on the horizontal screens at either end of the space. But the real homage might be in the tone and style of this work.

Tie-dyed costumes by Ailsa Paterson, featuring an occasional headband, speak to the genesis of the company under the direction of Elizabeth Cameron Dalman across 1965–75.

People dance under a blue light.
A Quiet Language is a homage to the choreographic history of ADT.
Morgan Sette/ADT

Dalman is credited as collaborator, and the company spent four weeks of development with this extraordinary artist now in her 90s.

A Quiet Language begins with two female dancers, Yilin Kong and Zoe Wozniak, walking from one bank of audience to the other, directing their bold and curious gaze at us. They are accompanied by composer and musician Adam Page who remains on stage throughout.

Sebastian Geilings, Zachary Lopez and Patrick O’Luanaigh join them with more playful provocations for the audience, making the school group in the bank opposite me squirm.

We have met the dancers first as individuals, and the full cavalcade of ADT’s historical casts rests, virtually, behind the five young artists.

This breaking of the fourth wall speaks to the radical new approach that Dalman’s work represented in the 1960s when contemporary approaches to dance were still emerging locally.

The dancers move into group work that dominates the many phases of the piece, memorably a stormy section representing protest in theatre dance around the world in the 1960s.

This is followed by a dark solo by Wozniak that heaves itself off the floor in tense, cramping movements, resonating with the suffering behind current international headlines.

The dancers are credited with choreographic collaboration and it shows in their commitment to, and comfort within, the movement. This is delivered at an intense and unrelenting pitch throughout, recalling Stewart’s signature high-impact work. But the way the choreography is drawn to the floor – through tenacious connection or a giving-in that slides joyfully across its surface – feels fresh.

The Walking Track

I end my time in Adelaide with Karul Projects’ The Walking Track, presented by Vitalstatistix in Port Adelaide, where six performance pieces were commissioned by local First Nations dance and performance artists.

These are dispersed on site along a walk hosted by Karul Projects’ artistic director, Thomas E.S. Kelly, a Minjungbal, Wiradjuri and Ni-Vanuatu man.

Kelly established Karul Projects alongside Taree Sansbury, a local Kaurna, Narungga and Ngarrindjeri woman, in 2017 in Queensland, making this a rare First Nations dance company existing outside Bangarra Dance Theatre.

A woman puts white pigment on her cheaks.
The Walking Track shows the future of Australian contemporary dance is bright.
Heath Britton/Vitalstatistix

The all-female cast of artists – Adrianne Semmens, Alexis West, Caleena Sansbury, Janelle Egan, Kirsty Williams, Lilla Berry, Mel Koolmatrie and Pearl Berry – offered works-in-development that told stories of family, loss, displacement and environmental destruction.

Their careful framing by Kelly on Country gave assurance that the future of Australian contemporary dance is bright.

Walking with the small audience around Port Adelaide, I kept an eye out for the dolphins Kelly informed us were just below the surface and imagined the local Kaurna people who had gathered on the banks there before being moved on. I could feel a slowly turning tide that will, no doubt, inspire fresh creative and critical gains for Australian contemporary dance.

The Conversation

Erin Brannigan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Adelaide Festival gives a hopeful vision for the future of Australian contemporary dance – https://theconversation.com/adelaide-festival-gives-a-hopeful-vision-for-the-future-of-australian-contemporary-dance-252300

Cosmic dark energy may be weakening, astronomers say, raising questions about the fate of the universe

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rossana Ruggeri, Lecturer and ARC DECRA Fellow, Queensland University of Technology

KPNO / NOIRLab / NSF / AURAB / Tafreshi

The universe has been expanding ever since the Big Bang almost 14 billion years ago, and astronomers believe a kind of invisible force called dark energy is making it accelerate faster.

However, new results from the Dark Energy Spectroscopic Instrument (DESI), released today, suggest dark energy may be changing over time.

If the result is confirmed, it may overturn our current theories of cosmology – and have significant consequences for the eventual fate of the universe. In extreme scenarios, evolving dark energy could either accelerate the universe’s expansion to the point of tearing it apart in a “Big Rip” or cause it to collapse inward in a “Big Crunch”.

As a member of the DESI collaboration, which includes more than 900 researchers from 70 institutions worldwide, I have been involved in the analysis and interpretation of the dark energy results.

A new picture of dark energy

First discovered in 1998, dark energy is a kind of essence that seems to permeate space and make the universe expand at an ever-increasing rate. Cosmologists have generally assumed it is constant: it was the same in the past as it will be in the future.

The assumption of constant dark energy is baked into the widely accepted Lambda-CDM model of the universe. In this model, only 5% of the universe is made up of the ordinary matter we can see. Another 25% is invisible dark matter than can only be detected indirectly. And by far the bulk of the universe – a whopping 70% – is dark energy.

DESI’s results are not the only thing that gives us clues about dark energy. We can also look at evidence from a kind of exploding stars called Type Ia supernovae, and the way the path of light is warped as it travels through the universe (so-called weak gravitational lensing).

Measurements of the faint afterglow of the Big Bang (known as the cosmic microwave background) are also important. They do not directly measure dark energy or how it evolves, but they provide clues about the universe’s structure and energy content — helping to test dark energy models when combined with other data.

Oval image in splotches of blue, yellow and green.
The cosmic microwave background – the afterglow of the Big Bang – contains clues about the nature of dark energy.
WMAP / Wikimedia, CC BY-SA

When the new DESI results are combined with all this cosmological data, we see hints that dark energy is more complicated than we thought.

It seems dark energy may have been stronger in the past and is now weakening. This result challenges the foundation of the Lambda-CDM model, and would have profound implications for the future of the universe.

How DESI maps the universe

The DESI project is based at the Kitt Peak National Observatory in Arizona. Its goal is to create the most extensive 3D map of the universe ever made.

To do this, it uses a powerful spectroscope to precisely measure the frequency of light coming from up to 5,000 distant galaxies at once. This lets astronomers determine how far away the galaxies are, and how fast they are moving.

By mapping galaxies, we can detect subtle patterns in their large-scale distribution called baryon acoustic oscillations. These patterns can be used as cosmic rulers to measure the history of the universe’s expansion.

A large telescope with some kind of large black instrument attached to it.
The Dark Energy Spectroscopic Instrument can analysed the frequency of light from up to 5,000 distant galaxies at a time.
Marilyn Sargent / Berkeley Lab

By tracking these patterns over time, DESI can map how the universe’s expansion rate has changed.

DESI is only halfway through a planned five-year survey of the universe, releasing data in batches as it goes.

The new results are based on the second batch of data, which includes measurements from more than 14 million galaxies and brightly glowing galactic cores called quasars. This dataset spans a cosmic time window of 11 billion years — from when the universe was just 2.8 billion years old to the present day.

New data, new challenges

The new DESI results represent a major step forward compared with what we saw in the first batch of data. The amount of data collected has more than doubled, which has improved the accuracy of the measurements and made the findings more reliable.

Results from the first batch of data gave a hint that dark energy might not behave like a simple cosmological constant — but it wasn’t strong enough to draw firm conclusions. Now, the second batch of data has made this evidence stronger.

The strength of the results depends on which other datasets it is combined with, particularly the type of supernova data included. However, no combination of data so far meets the typical “five sigma” statistical threshold physicists use as the marker of a confirmed new discovery.

The fate of the universe

Still, the fact this pattern is becoming clearer with more data suggests that something deeper might be going on. If there is no error in the data or the analysis, this could mean our understanding of dark energy – and perhaps the entire standard model of cosmology – needs to be revised.

If dark energy is changing over time, it could have profound implications for the ultimate fate of the universe.

If dark energy grows stronger over time, the universe could face a “Big Rip” scenario, where galaxies, stars, and even atoms are torn apart by the increasing expansion rate. If dark energy weakens or reverses, the expansion could eventually slow down or even reverse, leading to a “Big Crunch”.

What’s next?

DESI aims to collect data from a total of 40 million galaxies and quasars. The additional data will improve statistical precision and help refine the dark energy model even further.

Future DESI releases and independent cosmological experiments will be crucial in determining whether this represents a fundamental shift in our understanding of the universe.

Future data could confirm whether dark energy is indeed evolving – or whether the current hints are just a statistical anomaly. If dark energy is found to be dynamic, it could require new physics beyond Einstein’s theory of general relativity and open the door to new models of particle physics and quantum gravity.

The Conversation

Rossana Ruggeri is part of the DESI Collaboration. She receives funding from her ARC DECRA grant. She is affiliated with QUT and UQ.

ref. Cosmic dark energy may be weakening, astronomers say, raising questions about the fate of the universe – https://theconversation.com/cosmic-dark-energy-may-be-weakening-astronomers-say-raising-questions-about-the-fate-of-the-universe-252627

Company directors can sit on boards for decades. Are term limits the answer?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natalie Elms, Senior Lecturer, School of Accountancy, Queensland University of Technology

Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

Steering a large company successfully is no mean feat. As companies grow more complex in an increasingly turbulent business environment – so, too, do the responsibilities of their board members.

While they aren’t involved in day-to-day operations, non-executive directors hold the highest decision-making authority within a company. Collectively, the board is responsible for a company’s strategy, compliance and asking tough questions of its management team.

But these roles also often come with significant status, prestige and influence – especially on the boards of publicly listed companies. There is typically no shortage of people willing to fill them, and those already on a company board are often reluctant to leave.

Some directors stay on company boards for a very long time. According to a report in the Australian Financial Review, among the boards of Australia’s 300 largest publicly listed companies, 33 non-executive directors have held their seat for more than 20 years.

Companies can set their own rules on director tenure, as there are currently no specific term limits under Australian Securities Exchange (ASX) guidelines or any other regulations. This can hinder board renewal, a process that’s essential for a company’s health.

Now, the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (APRA), which establishes and enforces standards for the financial services industry, is leading calls for that to change.

According to APRA Chair John Lonsdale, terms should be capped at 10 years for banks, insurance companies and super funds.

Here are the key arguments for and against such a rule – and why some of the broader problems facing corporate Australia may require a more nuanced solution.

A fresh pair of eyes

Asking how long directors should be allowed to sit on a board is a bit like asking how long a piece of string should be.

There are two opposing factors at play.

The first, underpinning APRA’s proposal, is the argument that over time, directors’ ability to think independently is compromised.

The whole rationale for having non-executive (independent) directors is they bring an independent view to a company’s strategic decision-making. Their role is to ask tough but important questions of management.

But long tenures, it’s argued, can also lead to complacency and an acceptance of the status quo.

Shared, overlapping tenures between board members, or with the chief executive or founder can compromise a director’s independence and undermine their ability to challenge and question management.

This week, some of Australia’s largest super funds called on software giant WiseTech Global to appoint “genuinely independent” directors.

A recent review (ordered by WiseTech’s board) found co-founder Richard White had misled the board about some of his personal relationships. But the board took no action against him. Four independent board members, including the chair, resigned in February.




Read more:
Billionaire entrepreneurs can make for bold businesses but often with fewer checks and balances


Wisdom and experience

On the the other hand, the argument in favour of longer tenures highlights the significant knowledge and experience gains that can accumulate over time.

Non-executive directors are part-time and attend infrequent meetings. This can limit their access to the critical information necessary for them to carry out their role. Time served on a board provides directors with valuable inside knowledge.

For companies, the question is whether the knowledge gains provided by long tenures offset the costs of reduced independence.

We’ve been here before

This is not the first time that calls have been made to impose limits on company directors’ length of tenure in Australia.

Back in 2013, the ASX Corporate Governance Council proposed non-executive directors be deemed no longer independent after nine years.

However, this proposal faced strong opposition. It was ultimately watered down, allowing boards to determine whether a director’s tenure has impacted their independence.

Last year, former Commonwealth Bank chairwoman, Catherine Livingstone, reignited the tenure length debate at the Australian Institute of Company Directors’ annual summit, suggesting corporate Australia “normalise terms that are six years or less”.

What does the research say?

To better understand the effects of director tenure on their ability to contribute, my previous research has analysed the contributions and performances of 37 non-executive directors across the financial services industry.

Through boardroom observations, interviews and peer reviews, I found support for each side of the tenure debate.

Directors’ ability to contribute increases over time as they gain confidence and knowledge. It may eventually decline, but this “stale in the saddle” observation was found in directors with excessive tenures of more than 25 years.

Meanwhile, ample evidence showed directors with tenures between nine and 17 years were able to offer sustained and valuable contributions. This suggests long tenure doesn’t necessarily hinder directors’ abilities to contribute.

silhouette of a board meeting against city skyline
My research found support for arguments on both sides of the tenure debate.
Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

More than one board seat

A key differentiator between contributing and non-contributing long-serving directors was that they typically held positions on other boards.

This runs counter to a common criticism that some directors can end up being spread too thinly. But it supports research indicating the more time directors spend thinking about their governance duties, the more attention they pay to them.

An effective board is one where all members are contributing well, irrespective of tenure.

A better approach may be to regularly assess the performance of all directors – not just the longer-serving ones – to ensure they have the motivation and required skills and knowledge to fulfil their role.

The Conversation

Natalie Elms does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Company directors can sit on boards for decades. Are term limits the answer? – https://theconversation.com/company-directors-can-sit-on-boards-for-decades-are-term-limits-the-answer-252614

You can catch the ‘nocebo’ effect from family, friends – even social media. But what is it, actually?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cosette Saunders, PhD candidate, Sydney Placebo Lab, University of Sydney

Pixel-Shot/Shutterstock

In 1998, shortly after arriving for work, a Tennessee high-school teacher reported a “gasoline-like smell” and feeling dizzy. Soon after, many students and staff began reporting symptoms of chemical poisoning. Some 38 people had such extreme symptoms they were kept in hospital overnight.

Yet investigators didn’t find any evidence the school had been contaminated.

How could staff and students of this United States high school have had such extreme reactions without being exposed to a toxic agent?

The answer is the “nocebo effect”.

What is the nocebo effect?

Most people have heard of the placebo effect, where a fake treatment can improve someone’s health because they believe it will help them.

The nocebo effect is the opposite. It occurs when someone expects a negative outcome from a harmless treatment or situation, and this triggers worse health.

The staff and students at the Tennessee high school believed they had been exposed to a toxic gas leak and expected symptoms. These negative expectations caused them to feel sick even though there was no gas leak.

How is this relevant today?

When a doctor prescribes you a new medicine, they need to warn about possible side effects, as part of you giving your informed consent.

But knowing the side effects can cause you to expect them, and therefore lead you to experience more side effects.

A large-scale review found nearly 73% of people in drug trials given a placebo and told about possible side-effects reported side effects despite taking no active treatment – an example of the nocebo effect.

Placebo and nocebo effects can also affect the efficacy of real medical treatments.

For example, in one study, participants who were led to expect a powerful painkiller would give them
strong pain relief reported roughly twice as much pain relief compared to those who received the same drug without being told it was a painkiller. However, when participants were led to expect the same painkiller would worsen their pain, they had no pain relief – as if they hadn’t received the drug at all.

Young female patient reading information leaflet, doctor wearing white coat standing behind her
Knowing the side effects can cause you to expect side effects and therefore experience more side effects.
SpeedKingz/Shutterstock

How do nocebo effects develop?

We already know that simply warning people about possible side effects can make them more likely. We also know that past experiences with treatments shape what we expect and experience. If we have experienced pain from a treatment in the past, this can cause us to expect and experience more pain when we receive that treatment again.

Now there’s growing evidence nocebo effects can also be transmitted socially between peers. In other words, we can “catch” them from other people like a cold, except the transmission happens simply by observing others.

Negative expectations can spread from person to person, as shown in one experiment. Observing someone experience more pain in response to a treatment made the observer feel more pain in response to the same treatment when it was their turn, even though the treatment the observer experienced was fake.

Social media amplifies this, carrying personal tales of woe much further than once possible, regardless of the accuracy.

For example, a tweet by singer Nicki Minaj in 2021 claimed “the vaccine” (presumably the COVID vaccine) gave her cousin’s friend swollen testicles and made him “impotent”. This went out to her millions of followers, and generated more than 100,000 likes. It was debunked days later.

One study found that negative stories about COVID vaccine side effects – especially from friends or social media – were linked to stronger expectations of having those same symptoms. These expectations, in turn, predicted the actual side effects people reported after vaccination.

An Australian study found this effect was amplified among individuals who already worried a lot about side effects, felt anxious or stressed, or looked primarily to social media (instead of mainstream sources) for health information.

Man wearing face mask showing arm with vaccine plaster
If you hear about COVID vaccine side effects on social media, you’re more likely to expect side effects and report you have them.
Jo Panuwat D/Shutterstock

The effects can be serious

For individuals, nocebo effects can lead to unnecessary suffering with genuine pain and discomfort. Unpleasant side effects can also contribute to people not continuing their treatment as prescribed or abandoning it altogether.

On a broader public health level, the nocebo effect can make it hard to evaluate the safety of new technologies and public health interventions. For example, health concerns have surfaced around the safety of electromagnetic fields from wireless signals and 5G towers, supposedly causing a range of physical symptoms like headache and insomnia.

In the laboratory, these symptoms have been attributed to nocebo responses rather than properties of the technology itself.

When unfounded negative information takes hold, people suffer genuine health effects, businesses face pushback, and the wider community may grow suspicious of technologies that are generally considered safe based on available evidence.

What can we do about it?

Individuals can reduce their likelihood of experiencing nocebo-driven symptoms by seeking reliable information from credible medical sources or reputable health organisations instead of relying on social media.

But even the way side effect information is communicated contributes to the nocebo effect. So health professionals may be able to help by framing discussions of potential side effects in a more positive way and – when appropriate – emphasising that most patients experience no problems.

Negative expectations can physically hurt us, and thanks to social media, they can spread widely, fast. However, by staying informed, being mindful of our own beliefs, and insisting on thoughtful communication from health professionals and public health campaigns, we can keep the nocebo effect in check.

The Conversation

Ben Colagiuri receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Cosette Saunders does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. You can catch the ‘nocebo’ effect from family, friends – even social media. But what is it, actually? – https://theconversation.com/you-can-catch-the-nocebo-effect-from-family-friends-even-social-media-but-what-is-it-actually-249844

If NZ wants to decarbonise energy, we need to know which renewables deliver the best payback

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alan Brent, Professor and Chair in Sustainable Energy Systems, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Getty Images

A national energy strategy for Aotearoa New Zealand was meant to be ready at the end of last year. As it stands, we’re still waiting for a cohesive, all-encompassing plan to meet the country’s energy demand today and in the future.

One would expect such a plan to first focus on reducing energy demand through improved energy efficiency across all sectors.

The next step should be greater renewable electrification of all sectors. However, questions remain about the cradle-to-grave implications of investments in these renewable resources.

We have conducted life-cycle assessments of several renewable electricity generation technologies, including wind and solar, that the country is investing in now. We found the carbon and energy footprints are quite small and favourably complement our current portfolio of renewable electricity generation assets.

Meeting future demand

The latest assessments provided by the Ministry of Business, Employment and Innovation echo earlier work by the grid operator Transpower. Both indicate that overall demand for electricity could nearly double by 2050.

Many researchers believe these scenarios are an underestimate. One study suggests the power generation capacity will potentially need to increase threefold over this period. Other modelling efforts project current capacity will need to increase 13 times, especially if we want to decarbonise all sectors and export energy carriers such as hydrogen.

This is, of course, because we want all new generation to come from renewable resources, with much lower capacity factors (the percentage of the year they deliver power) associated with their variability.

Additional storage requirements will also be enormous. Following the termination of work on a proposed pumped hydro project, other options need investigating.

Wind turbines at the Te Apiti Wind Farm, New Zealand
Wind and solar are becoming the primary renewable technologies.
Shutterstock/Kyohei Miyazaki

Building renewable generation

The latest World Energy Outlook published by the International Energy Agency (IEA) shows that wind and solar, primarily photovoltaic panels, are quickly taking over as the primary renewable technologies.

This is also true in Aotearoa New Zealand. An updated version of the generation investment survey, commissioned by the Electricity Authority, shows most of the committed and actively pursued projects (to be commissioned by 2030) are solar photovoltaic and onshore wind farms.

Offshore wind projects are on the horizon, too, but have been facing challenges such as proposed seabed mining in the same area and a lack of price stabilisation measures typical in other jurisdictions. New legislation aims to address some of these challenges.

Distributed solar power (small-scale systems to power homes, buildings and communities) has seen near-exponential growth. Our analysis indicates wind (onshore and offshore) and distributed solar will make an almost equal contribution to power generation by 2050, with a slightly larger share by utility-scale solar.

Cradle-to-grave analyses

The main goal is to maintain a stable grid with secure and affordable electricity supply. But there are other sustainability considerations associated with what happens at the end of renewable technologies’ use and where their components come from.

The IEA’s Global Critical Minerals Outlook shows the fast-growing global demand for a suite of materials with complex supply chains. We have also investigated the materials intensity of taking up these technologies in Aotearoa New Zealand, and discussed the greater dependence on those supply chains.

The challenges in securing these metals in a sustainable manner include environmental and social impacts associated with the mining and processing of the materials and the manufacturing of different components that need to be transported for implementation here. There are also operating and maintenance requirements, including the replacement of components, and the dismantling of the assets in a responsible manner.

We have undertaken comprehensive life-cycle assessments, based on international standards, of the recently commissioned onshore Harapaki wind farm, a proposed offshore wind farm in the South Taranaki Bight, a utility-scale solar farm in Waikato and distributed solar photovoltaic systems, with and without batteries, across the country.

The usual metrics are energy inputs and carbon emissions because they describe the efficiency of these technologies. They are considered a first proxy of whether a technology is appropriate for a given context.

Beyond that, we used the following specific metrics, as summarised in the table below:

  • GWP: global warming potential (carbon emissions during a technology’s life cycle per energy unit delivered).

  • CPBT: carbon payback time (how long a technology needs to be operational before its life cycle emissions equal the avoided emissions, either using the grid and its associated emissions or conventional natural gas turbines).

  • CED: cumulative energy demand over the life cycle of a technology.

  • EPBT: energy payback time (how long a technology needs to be operational before the electricity it generates equals the CED).

  • EROI: energy return on investment (the amount of usable energy delivered from an energy source compared to the energy required to extract, process and distribute that source, essentially quantifying the “profit” from energy production).

There is much debate about the minimum energy return on investment that makes an energy source acceptable. A value of more than ten is generally viewed as positive.

A table showing the payback metrics for wind and solar power in Aotearoa New Zealand.
Life cycle assessment metrics of wind and solar power in Aotearoa New Zealand.
Te Herenga Waka Victoria University of Wellington, CC BY-SA

For all technologies we assessed, the overall greenhouse gas emissions are lower than the grid emissions factor. Because of New Zealand’s already low-emissions grid, the carbon payback time is around three to seven years for utility-scale generation. But for small-scale, distributed generation it can be up to 13 years. If the displacement of gas turbines is considered, the payback is halved.

Energy return on investment is above ten for all technologies, but utility-scale generation is better than distributed solar, with values of between 30 and 75.

To put this into perspective, the energy return on investment for hydropower, if operated for 100 years, is reported to be 110. Utility-scale wind and solar being commissioned now have an operational life of 30 years but are typically expected to be refurbished.

This means their energy return on investment is becoming comparable to hydropower.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. If NZ wants to decarbonise energy, we need to know which renewables deliver the best payback – https://theconversation.com/if-nz-wants-to-decarbonise-energy-we-need-to-know-which-renewables-deliver-the-best-payback-251819

Trump is ignoring the power of nationalism at his own peril

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Smith, Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney

US President Donald Trump has exploited American nationalism as effectively as anyone in living memory. What sets him apart is his use of national humiliation as a political emotion. Any presidential candidate can talk their country up, but Trump knows how to talk his country down.

Trump’s consistent message has been that American problems – trade deficits, job losses, illegal immigration, crime and even drug addiction – are the result of deliberate acts by other countries. The really humiliating part is that American politicians let it happen.

Many Americans have welcomed Trump’s message that their country’s problems can be solved by reestablishing international dominance. They see this nationalist approach as an overdue corrective to the “globalist” foreign policies of the post-second world war era.

But people in other countries also have feelings of national pride and aspire to be free from foreign domination. This should be obvious, but so far Trump is ignoring the power of nationalism in other countries even as he harnesses it in his own. This makes his foreign policy job a lot harder.

How Canadians have rallied against Trump

Take the example of Canada.

When Trump was elected to his second term in November 2024, it seemed certain there would soon be a Canadian prime minister who was more aligned with him than Justin Trudeau. Trudeau’s unpopularity had dragged the Liberal Party down, and the populist Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre looked set to win the this year’s election.

As he prepared for a trade war with Canada, Trump could have concentrated his fire on his enemies in the doomed Liberal government. Instead, he spent months insulting Canada’s national identity. He repeatedly said Canada should be the “51st state of the US”, calling Trudeau “governor”.

Trump says ‘Canada was meant to be our 51st state’ in a Fox News interview.

Americans can dismiss Trump’s talk of annexing Canada as a joke, but Canadians can’t. Regardless of whether Trump would ever follow through with attempting an annexation, his language is an attack on Canadian sovereignty. No one with any sense of national pride would tolerate it.

An Angus Reid poll found the number of people saying they had a “deep emotional attachment” to Canada rose from 49% to 59% from December 2024 to February 2025. That emotional attachment is visible in everything from “buy Canadian” campaigns to Canadians booing the US national anthem at hockey games.

The Liberals, under new leader Mark Carney, are also experiencing a remarkable bounce-back in the polls.

Another Angus Reid poll shows that voting intention for the Liberals has surged from 16% in December to 42% now. They are now leading the Conservatives, who have 37% support. Some are now anticipating a snap election could be called in days.

Ontario Premier Doug Ford, who has sometimes been likened to Trump, has also led a ferocious pro-Canadian resistance to American tariffs, getting his own re-election boost.

Trump’s defenders often claim his chaotic bluster is simply a negotiating tactic, a way of spooking others into accepting terms more favourable to him. If so, this tactic is backfiring in Canada.

Trade wars require sacrifices. Citizens must pay more for the sake of protecting their countries’ industries. Canadians seem a lot more willing to make that sacrifice than Americans, who are mostly confused that their friendly neighbour has suddenly been recast as an enemy.

The importance of national identity

Other countries have shown they will not cave easily, either, as Trump puts their national identity at stake.

Demanding to buy another country’s territory, as Trump keeps doing with Greenland, a self-governing territory under Danish control, may be even more insulting than threatening to take it, as he keeps doing with Panama. Each time Greenlanders, Danes and Panamanians refuse Trump, his credibility erodes further.

Trump talks about the territory of other countries in terms of “real estate”, even suggesting the United States should “redevelop” Gaza after evicting the Palestinians.

But sovereign land is not real estate. In a world of nation-states defined by territory, even sparsely inhabited territory has “sacred value”. This is particularly true for peoples seeking statehood on their land.

Sacred values” are things people see as non-negotiable because they are linked to their sense of identity and moral order in the world. Researchers warn that offering money in exchange for sacred values is deeply offensive, and likely to harm, rather than help, negotiations.

There is a reason why governments hardly ever sell their territory to other countries anymore. Empires may have done in this in the past, but not nations. They view their lands, and the people who live on them, as inalienable from the nation.

Trump clearly doesn’t understand this concept. He has shown no empathy for Ukraine, a country whose territory actually has been invaded. He accused Ukrainian President Volodomyr Zelenskyy of wanting to prolong the war so he could “keep the gravy train going”, as if harvesting US aid dollars was the real reason Ukrainians were fighting for their country’s existence.

Trump’s contempt for Ukraine, Canada, Greenland, Gaza, Denmark and Panama has reverberations far beyond these places. It signals that his brand of American nationalism has no place for anyone else’s national aspirations or sovereignty.

This will not promote the deal-making Trump wants because no one trusts an unstable, imperial power to stick to its agreements. It would be painful for many countries to reduce their dependence on the United States, but it would be more painful to give away their national dignity.

The Conversation

David Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Trump is ignoring the power of nationalism at his own peril – https://theconversation.com/trump-is-ignoring-the-power-of-nationalism-at-his-own-peril-252299

More young people are caring for a loved one with dementia. It takes a unique toll

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katya Numbers, Postdoctoral Research Fellow & Lecturer, Centre for Healthy Brain Ageing, UNSW Sydney

Miljan Zivkovic/Shutterstock

Dementia is a growing health problem, affecting more than 55 million people around the world.

In Australia, an estimated 433,300 people are living with dementia. This figure is projected to rise to 812,500 by 2054.

Dementia refers to brain disorders that are not a normal part of ageing. These disorders, including Alzheimer’s disease, cause a decline in cognitive function and changes in mood, memory, thinking and behaviour. Ultimately they affect a person’s ability to carry out everyday tasks.

In Australia, around 75% of people with dementia live at home.

While dementia care at home has traditionally been associated with older spouses or middle-aged children, it seems an increasing number of young adults in their 20s and 30s, and even teenagers, are stepping into this role to care for grandparents, parents or other loved ones.

In Australia, 3 million people (11.9% of the population) are carers. This includes 391,300 under 25 – a sharp rise from 235,300 in 2018.

How many young carers are specifically caring for a loved one with dementia is unclear, and something we need more data on. Young dementia carers remain largely invisible, with minimal recognition or support.

Unique challenges and the burden of responsibility

Unlike older carers, who may have more financial stability and free time, young carers often must balance caregiving with university, early-career pressures, and personal development, including maintaining social relationships, pursuing hobbies, and prioritising mental welling.

In Australia, where 51% of men and 43% of women aged 20–24 still live with their parents, many young carers will have limited experience in managing a household independently.

They’re often thrust into complex responsibilities such as cooking, housework, managing the family budget, coordinating medical appointments and administering medications.

Beyond that, they may need to provide physical care such as lifting or helping their loved one move around, and personal care such as dressing, washing, and helping with toileting.

Woman working on a laptop.
Young carers often must balance caregiving with other responsibilities.
Iris Wang/Unsplash

All this can leave young carers feeling unprepared, overwhelmed and isolated.

While general support groups exist for dementia carers and young carers more broadly, few cater specifically to young adults caring for someone with dementia.

This lack of targeted support is likely to heighten feelings of isolation, as the young person’s friends struggle to relate to the emotional and practical burdens young carers face.

The demanding nature of caregiving, combined with the difficulty of sharing these experiences with peers, means young dementia carers can become disconnected socially.

The psychological toll

These challenges take a profound psychological toll on young carers.

Research shows young carers are 35% more likely to report mental health issues than their non-caregiving peers. These can include depression, anxiety and burnout.

Again, we don’t have data on mental health outcomes among young dementia carers specifically. But in Australia, 75% of dementia carers reported being affected physically or emotionally by their caring role. Some 41% felt weary or lacked energy, and 31% felt worried or depressed.

Also, there are negative stereotypes about ageing – that people turn forgetful, frail, and need constant care. For young carers whose loved ones have dementia, these stereotypes can be reinforced by their experience. This could shape young carers’ perceptions of their own future health and wellbeing and increase anxiety about ageing.

Caregiving may also affect physical health. Research suggests carers often sacrifice healthy habits such as exercise and a balanced diet. What’s more, carers report symptoms including poor sleep, fatigue, headaches and back pain due to the physical demands of caregiving.

Caring for a parent – a role reversal

This emotional burden is particularly acute for those caring for a parent. These young carers are likely to experience the progressive loss of parental support, while simultaneously assuming the demanding role of caregiver.

A significant portion of young dementia carers support parents with young-onset dementia, a form of dementia diagnosed before age 65. These young carers face the shock of a diagnosis that defies typical expectations of ageing.

The burden may be compounded by fears of genetic inheritance. Young onset dementia often has a hereditary component.

This means young carers may have a higher risk of developing the condition themselves – a concern spousal carers don’t have. This fear can fuel health anxiety, alter life planning, and create a pervasive sense of vulnerability.

A woman helping a woman with a walking stick to walk outdoors.
A significant portion of young dementia carers support parents with young-onset dementia.
VisualProduction/Shutterstock

How we can better support young dementia carers

Despite their growing numbers, young dementia carers remain largely overlooked in research, policy and support services. This is partly due to the challenges in engaging this demographic in research, as these young people juggle busy lives balancing caregiving with education and work.

Many young carers also don’t self-identify as carers, hindering their access to support and resources. This could be because of the stigmatising label, or a feeling they’re not doing enough to qualify as a carer. It could even be because of cultural norms which can frame caregiving as a family obligation, rather than a distinct role.

Nonetheless, young dementia carers require targeted support beyond generic caregiving resources.

This support might include specialised peer networks, educational programs, and practical skills training. Tailored programs and resources should ideally be co-designed with young dementia carers to ensure they meet their unique needs and preferences.

With dementia cases in Australia and elsewhere projected to increase, the demand for informal carers – including young adults – will continue to grow.

Without intervention, these young carers risk burnout, social isolation, and long-term health consequences. We must ensure flexible, age-appropriate support for this often invisible group. Investing in young dementia carers is not just a moral imperative – it’s a crucial step toward a sustainable, compassionate care system for the future.

Dementia Australia offers a national helpline, information sessions, and a peer-to-peer connection platform for carers.

The Young Carers Network, run by Carers Australia, offers mental health resources, financial guidance, and respite care information, plus bursaries young carers can apply for to reduce financial pressure.

The Conversation

Katya is a co-founder of Y-Care of Dementia, a support network for Australians in their 20s and 30s who are caring for someone living with dementia.

Serena Sabatini does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. More young people are caring for a loved one with dementia. It takes a unique toll – https://theconversation.com/more-young-people-are-caring-for-a-loved-one-with-dementia-it-takes-a-unique-toll-249361

AI can be a powerful tool for scientists. But it can also fuel research misconduct

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jon Whittle, Director, Data61, CSIRO

Anton Vierietin/Shutterstock

In February this year, Google announced it was launching “a new AI system for scientists”. It said this system was a collaborative tool designed to help scientists “in creating novel hypotheses and research plans”.

It’s too early to tell just how useful this particular tool will be to scientists. But what is clear is that artificial intelligence (AI) more generally is already transforming science.

Last year for example, computer scientists won the Nobel Prize for Chemistry for developing an AI model to predict the shape of every protein known to mankind. Chair of the Nobel Committee, Heiner Linke, described the AI system as the achievement of a “50-year-old dream” that solved a notoriously difficult problem eluding scientists since the 1970s.

But while AI is allowing scientists to make technological breakthroughs that are otherwise decades away or out of reach entirely, there’s also a darker side to the use of AI in science: scientific misconduct is on the rise.

AI makes it easy to fabricate research

Academic papers can be retracted if their data or findings are found to no longer valid. This can happen because of data fabrication, plagiarism or human error.

Paper retractions are increasing exponentially, passing 10,000 in 2023. These retracted papers were cited over 35,000 times.

One study found 8% of Dutch scientists admitted to serious research fraud, double the rate previously reported. Biomedical paper retractions have quadrupled in the past 20 years, the majority due to misconduct.

AI has the potential to make this problem even worse.

For example, the availability and increasing capability of generative AI programs such as ChatGPT makes it easy to fabricate research.

This was clearly demonstrated by two researchers who used AI to generate 288 complete fake academic finance papers predicting stock returns.

While this was an experiment to show what’s possible, it’s not hard to imagine how the technology could be used to generate fictitious clinical trial data, modify gene editing experimental data to conceal adverse results or for other malicious purposes.

Fake references and fabricated data

There are already many reported cases of AI-generated papers passing peer-review and reaching publication – only to be retracted later on the grounds of undisclosed use of AI, some including serious flaws such as fake references and purposely fabricated data.

Some researchers are also using AI to review their peers’ work. Peer review of scientific papers is one of the fundamentals of scientific integrity. But it’s also incredibly time-consuming, with some scientists devoting hundreds of hours a year of unpaid labour. A Stanford-led study found that up to 17% of peer reviews for top AI conferences were written at least in part by AI.

In the extreme case, AI may end up writing research papers, which are then reviewed by another AI.

This risk is worsening the already problematic trend of an exponential increase in scientific publishing, while the average amount of genuinely new and interesting material in each paper has been declining.

AI can also lead to unintentional fabrication of scientific results.

A well-known problem of generative AI systems is when they make up an answer rather than saying they don’t know. This is known as “hallucination”.

We don’t know the extent to which AI hallucinations end up as errors in scientific papers. But a recent study on computer programming found that 52% of AI-generated answers to coding questions contained errors, and human oversight failed to correct them 39% of the time.

AI is allowing scientists to make technological breakthroughs that are otherwise decades away or out of reach entirely. But it also comes with risks.
MikeDotta/Shutterstock

Maximising the benefits, minimising the risks

Despite these worrying developments, we shouldn’t get carried away and discourage or even chastise the use of AI by scientists.

AI offers significant benefits to science. Researchers have used specialised AI models to solve scientific problems for many years. And generative AI models such as ChatGPT offer the promise of general-purpose AI scientific assistants that can carry out a range of tasks, working collaboratively with the scientist.

These AI models can be powerful lab assistants. For example, researchers at CSIRO are already developing AI lab robots that scientists can speak with and instruct like a human assistant to automate repetitive tasks.

A disruptive new technology will always have benefits and drawbacks. The challenge of the science community is to put appropriate policies and guardrails in place to ensure we maximise the benefits and minimise the risks.

AI’s potential to change the world of science and to help science make the world a better place is already proven. We now have a choice.

Do we embrace AI by advocating for and developing an AI code of conduct that enforces ethical and responsible use of AI in science? Or do we take a backseat and let a relatively small number of rogue actors discredit our fields and make us miss the opportunity?

Jon Whittle works at CSIRO which receives R&D funding from a wide range of government and industry clients.

Stefan Harrer works at CSIRO which receives R&D funding from a wide range of government and industry clients. He is affiliated with IEEE, the New York Academy of Sciences and serves as an advisor to Harvard Medical School.

ref. AI can be a powerful tool for scientists. But it can also fuel research misconduct – https://theconversation.com/ai-can-be-a-powerful-tool-for-scientists-but-it-can-also-fuel-research-misconduct-246410

Woodside’s bid to expand a huge gas project is testing both Labor and the Coalition’s environmental credentials

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Melissa Haswell, Professor of Practice (Environmental Wellbeing), Indigenous Strategy and Services, Honorary Professor (Geosciences) at University of Sydney & Professor of Health, Safety and Environment, Queensland University of Technology, University of Sydney

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has indicated a Coalition government would quickly approve a giant gas project off Western Australia which will release billions of tonnes of greenhouse gases until around 2070.

Woodside Energy is leading the joint venture, which would dramatically expand offshore drilling and extend gas production at the North West Shelf project – already Australia’s largest gas-producing venture.

In a statement on Wednesday, Dutton said a Coalition government would “prioritise Western Australian jobs and the delivery of energy security” by directing environment officials to fast-track assessment of the extension, later saying “we will make sure that this approval is arrived at in 30 days”.

Federal Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek is currently considering the proposal. Mining and business interests have been pushing her to make a decision this month.

Dutton’s support for the project is deeply concerning. Evidence suggests extending the project would undermine global efforts to curb carbon emissions and stabilise Earth’s climate. The extension also threatens significant Indigenous sites and pristine coral reef ecosystems. Federal approval of the project puts both natural and heritage assets at risk.

What’s this debate all about?

The North West Shelf project supplies domestic and overseas markets with gas extracted off WA’s north coast.

The project currently comprises offshore extraction facilities and an onshore gas-processing plant at Karratha. Its approval is due to expire in 2030.

Woodside’s proposed extension would allow the project to operate until 2070. It would also permit expanded drilling in new offshore gas fields and construction of a new 900km underwater gas pipeline to Karratha.

In 2022, the WA Environment Protection Authority recommended a 50-year extension for the plant, if Woodside reduced its projected emissions by changing its operations or buying carbon offsets. This paved the way for the state government approval in December last year.

Gas: a major climate culprit

Under the 2015 Paris Agreement, the world is aiming to keep planetary heating to no more than 1.5°C above the pre-industrial average. Greenhouse gas emissions must fall to net zero to achieve the goal. But instead, global emissions are rising.

Greenhouse gases – such as methane, nitrogen oxide and carbon dioxide – are emitted throughout the gas/LNG production process. This includes when gas is extracted, piped, processed, liquefied and shipped. Emissions are also created when the gas is burned for energy or used elsewhere in manufacturing.

Australian emissions increased 0.8% in 2022–23 – and coal and gas burning were the top contributors. However, Australia’s greatest contribution to global emissions occurs when our coal and gas is burned overseas.

The North West Shelf project is already a major emitter of greenhouse gases. The proposed extension would significantly increase the project’s climate damage.

Woodside estimates the expansion will create 4.3 billion tonnes of greenhouse gases over its lifetime. Greenpeace analysis puts the figure much higher, at 6.1 billion tonnes.

Increasing greenhouse gas emissions at this magnitude, when the window to climate stability is fast closing, threatens major damage to Earth’s natural systems, and human health and wellbeing.

Woodside says it will use carbon-capture and storage to reduce emissions from the project. This technology is widely regarded as unproven at scale. Indeed, it has a history of delays and underperformance in similar gas operations in WA.

Woodside proposes to reduce the project’s climate impacts by buying carbon offsets. This involves compensating for a company’s own emissions by paying for cuts to greenhouse gas emissions elsewhere, through activities such as planting trees or generating renewable energy.

However, there are serious doubts over whether carbon offset projects deliver their promised benefits.

Threats to marine life and Indigenous heritage

Damage from the proposal could extend beyond climate harms.

The approval would enable increased drilling in the Browse Basin, including around the pristine Scott Reef. The reef is home to thousands of plant and animal species. Scientists say the project threatens migrating whales and endangered turtles, among other marine life.

Also, the onshore infrastructure is located near the 50,000-year-old Murujuga rock art precinct on the traditional lands of five Aboriginal custodial groups. The site contains more than one million petroglyphs said to depict more than 50,000 years of Australian Indigenous knowledge and spiritual beliefs.

Traditional Owners suffered severe cultural loss in the 1980s when about 5,000 rock art pieces were damaged or removed during construction of Woodside’s gas plant. The Traditional Owners and scientists fear increased acid gas pollution from the proposed expansion will further damage the rock art.

Acting in Australia’s interests

The Albanese government has failed to deliver its promised reform of Australia’s national environment laws. This means nature lacks the strong laws needed to protect it from harmful development.

At federal, state and territory levels, both major parties support expansion of the gas industry. This takes the form of policy inertia, tax breaks and subsidies for the fossil fuel industry.

In the current term of government, Plibersek has green-lit numerous polluting projects. This includes approving several coal mine expansions last year.

What’s more, Australian governments support offshore gas developments in the Tiwi Islands, new onshore shale gas extraction in the Northern Territory and the Kimberley and a new coal seam gas pipeline and wells in Queensland.

Approval of the North West Shelf expansion is not in the best interests of Australia and future generations. No federal government should prioritise short-term economic gain over Earth’s climate and human health.

In the past, Melissa Haswell has received research funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, the National Suicide Prevention Strategy, FACSIA, Red Cross, Australian Health Ministers Advisory Council Priority Driven Research, Queensland Health and Queensland Department of Environment and Science. Melissa Haswell is a member of the Public Health Association Australia, Climate and Health Alliance, Sydney Environment Institute and the International Society for Environmental Epidemiology. She supports the Community Independent movement in the electorate of Dickson.

David Shearman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Woodside’s bid to expand a huge gas project is testing both Labor and the Coalition’s environmental credentials – https://theconversation.com/woodsides-bid-to-expand-a-huge-gas-project-is-testing-both-labor-and-the-coalitions-environmental-credentials-247340

Figs, meat – and not too much sex. A good diet in ancient times was more than what you ate

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Konstantine Panegyres, Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History, The University of Western Australia

The Feast of Acheloüs by Peter Paul Rubens and Jan Brueghel the Elder, ca. 1615 The Metropolitan Museum of Art

In the modern world, we know good nutrition is essential for our health.

Doctors in ancient Greece and Rome knew this too – in fact diet advice was a mainstay of medical practice and health routines. There were extensive and intricate discussions of how to regulate food and drink to stay healthy.

Some of their ideas – such as eating fish and vegetables as a healthy way to lose weight – make sense today. But others may raise eyebrows, such a fig-only diet for Olympic athletes.

So, what did diet and nutrition look like in ancient times? And is there anything we can learn today?

An expansive diet

In modern times, diet refers to food and drink. In ancient times, however, the idea of diet was more expansive.

Our word “diet” comes from the ancient Greek word diaita. This could refer to what we eat and drink, but it could also refer to our lifestyle as a whole – including exercise, sleep, sex and other activities.

When prescribing a diaita, ancient doctors did not just tell patients what to eat and drink. They also advised them on what sorts of other activities they should be doing, like exercising or even going to the theatre.

For instance, in the sixth book of the Epidemics, a medical text written in the late fifth century BC, the author calls for moderation not just in what we eat and drink, but also in exercise, sleep and sex.

Ancient doctors believed balance was important for health.

Extreme dieting

However, not all ancient texts advocate moderation. There are some extreme cases of dieting. For example, the historian Hegesander of Delphi (2nd century BC) wrote:

Anchimolus and Moschus, who were sophistic teachers in Elis, drank nothing but water all their lives and ate nothing but figs, but were no less physically vigorous than anyone else. Their sweat, however, smelled so bad that everyone tried to avoid them in the baths.

Roman fresco of a basket of green and purple figs.
Some ancient athletes swore by a fig-only diet.
Wikimedia Commons

In the seventh century BC, athletic trainers also focused on diet as a way to improve their athletes’ physical condition. Trainers such as Iccus of Tarentum introduced strict diets for their athletes to try and gain a competitive edge.

However, their methods were often questionable, according to today’s standards and our knowledge about nutrition.

For example, the Olympic runner Chionis of Laconia apparently also had a strict diet of figs when he was training for his competitions. He won in his event at the Olympics in 668, 664, 660, and 656BC, a remarkable record. Other athletes, such as Eurymenes of Samos (sixth century BC), opted for a diet entirely comprised of meat.

However, there is no evidence to show these restricted diets would have improved athletic performance – and would not be recommended today.

Side portrait of the physician Galen in red and white.
The physician Galen.
Pierre-Roch Vigneron/Wikimedia Commons

An ancient doctor’s perspective

Greek and Roman doctors could not conduct controlled trials as scientists do today.

Nevertheless, they were keen observers of the effects of certain foods on their patients – and saw with their own eyes that a bad diet is not good for us.

For example, the physician Galen of Pergamum (129-216AD) in his work Hygiene attributes his patients’ ill health to poor diet.

He observed

some who are continuously diseased, not due to the intrinsic constitution of the body, but through a bad regimen, or living an idle life, or working too hard, or being in error regarding the qualities, quantities or times of foods, or practicing some exercise that is harmful, or erring in regard to the amount of sleep, or excessive indulgence in sex, or needlessly tormenting themselves with grief and anxiety. Every year I see very many who are sick through such a cause.

Galen thought hard about how certain foods and drinks affect our health and wrote various books on the subject, such as On the Powers of Foods.

This work contains many anecdotes. For instance, one young man drank the juice of the scammony plant, “to cleanse his system” (presumably as a laxative). However

five hours after the dose no evacuation had taken place, and he complained that his stomach felt compressed, his belly was heavy and swollen, consequently he was pale and anxious.

Galen also recognised different diets affect people in different ways:

some people are harmed and some are benefited by the same things and similarly with opposites. […] I know of some who immediately become sick, if they remain three days without exercise, and others who continue indefinitely without exercise and yet are healthy.

Nutrition and balance

Galen’s advice for overweight or obese patients may sound familiar: a “thinning” diet and a lot of fast running. So, exercise, combined with foods that fill you up but don’t make you gain weight.

According to Galen this meant eating vegetables and fish and avoiding wheat, red meat, fruit and wine.

A lot has changed in the world of diet and nutrition. We now have professional dietiticians and empirical methods to measure the nutritional values of foods.

However in their broader definition of “diet”, ancient doctors identified something that remains as true today: the importance of eating well as part of a healthy lifestyle, one that takes care of body and mind and includes exercise, sleep and pleasure.

The Conversation

Konstantine Panegyres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Figs, meat – and not too much sex. A good diet in ancient times was more than what you ate – https://theconversation.com/figs-meat-and-not-too-much-sex-a-good-diet-in-ancient-times-was-more-than-what-you-ate-249571

Southern elephant seals are adaptable – but they struggle when faced with both rapid climate change and human impacts

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nic Rawlence, Associate Professor in Ancient DNA, University of Otago

Wikimedia Commons/Antoine Lamielle, CC BY-SA

Southern elephant seals (Mirounga leonina) are an iconic species of the Southern Ocean. But with rapid environmental changes in their ocean home, the seals’ population range has been shifting.

Once spread across vast areas of the southern hemisphere, these apex predators are facing challenges from both climate shifts and human activities.

Our new research examines ancient and modern DNA, archaeological records and ecological data.

It reveals how these large marine mammals have adapted – and sometimes failed to adapt – to such pressures since the height of the last Ice Age thousands of years ago.

A dynamic evolutionary history

Today, the largest southern elephant seal populations are found on subantarctic islands, including South Georgia, Macquarie Island and the Falkland Islands. These colonies act as global strongholds for the species.

Yet in the past, until just a few hundred years ago, many smaller populations existed on the Victoria Land Coast in Antarctica and closer to temperate zones, on mainland Australia and New Zealand.

Our study focused on the Australasian lineage of southern elephant seals, drawing on samples from these ancient colonies. By analysing their genetic makeup, we pieced together a timeline of their biological heritage, including population expansions and contractions.

This has crucial implications for understanding the resilience of elephant seals in the face of climate change.

A juvenile Southern elephant seal, Kerguelen Islands.
Subantarctic islands such as the Kerguelen islands remain strongholds for southern elephant seals.
Antoine Lamielle, CC BY-SA

From genetic clues in subfossil and archaeological remains, some thousands of years old, we found evidence of repeated population cycles. Expanding sea ice during cold glacial periods forced the seals northward, only for them to recolonise the Southern Ocean as sea ice retreated during warm interglacials.

This history was particularly dynamic after the height of the last Ice Age 21,000 years ago. The planet started warming then, which led to dramatic ecological shifts.

A mummified southern elephant seal found on the Victoria Land Coast in Antarctica.
A mummified southern elephant seal found on the Victoria Land Coast in Antarctica.
Brenda Hall, CC BY-SA

Elephant seals likely expanded from ice-free refuges in temperate regions such as Tasmania and New Zealand into newly available subantarctic and Antarctic coastlines.

However, this range expansion wasn’t permanent. As the current warm interglacial (the Holocene) progressed, new challenges arose: Indigenous hunting and, later, extensive European industrial sealing.

For Indigenous communities in New Zealand and Australia, elephant seals were a part of their diet.

We know this from seal remains in middens (rubbish dumps) and material culture, including necklaces made from elephant seal teeth which have been found in early Māori archaeological sites.

Archaeological remains from coastal sites in New Zealand and Tasmania indicate significant hunting and reliance on seals by Indigenous populations. Along with human-driven environmental changes, this led to local extinctions.

Impacts of humans and climate change

Genetically, the seals from these ancient Australasian and Antarctic colonies were distinct but related. They formed a unique lineage in the Pacific that included Macquarie Island. This genetic diversity likely resulted from periods of isolation in separate refuges at the height of the last Ice Age.

However, with modern climate shifts and human exploitation, much of this genetic diversity has been lost. The colonies that once thrived on the Victoria Land Coast in Antarctica are now extinct.

Meanwhile, Macquarie Island is home to a significant breeding colony facing its own challenges. Changes in Antarctic sea ice are increasing the distance between breeding grounds on the island and feeding grounds at sea. This has affected the colony’s stability in recent decades.

One of the most striking outcomes of our research is how quickly these large, long-lived animals can respond to environmental pressures. Seals adapted to a shifting climate by expanding their range in response to new habitats and retracting when conditions became unsuitable.

This ability to move and adapt, however, was limited when confronted by the dual pressures of rapid climate change and human exploitation, which reduced their numbers and genetic diversity drastically over a short period.

This graph shows living (solid circles) and extinct (opaque circles) southern elephant seal populations and the extend of sea ice around Antarctica (opaque blue-grey) at the height of the last Ice Age.
This schematic shows living (solid circles) and extinct (opaque circles) southern elephant seal populations and the extent of sea ice around Antarctica (opaque blue-grey) at the height of the last Ice Age.
Berg et al (2025), CC BY-SA

Can the Southern Ocean ecosystem adapt?

As human-driven climate change continues, the Southern Ocean is expected to continue warming. This will cause further habitat loss for species that depend on sea ice and are affected by shifts in the availability of prey.

The elephant seals’ history offers a window into how marine mammals may respond to these changes. But it also serves as a warning: human impacts, coupled with environmental pressures, can lead to swift, sometimes irreversible declines.

Our research underscores the importance of conserving the genetic diversity and habitats of southern elephant seals. These seals are not just a testament to adaptability in a changing world; they are reminders of the vulnerability of even the most resilient species.

Protecting their remaining strongholds and minimising human impacts on their food sources and breeding grounds will be crucial if we hope to avoid further contractions in their population.

The story of the southern elephant seal is one of survival, adaptation and loss. As we face our own climate challenges, we must consider the lessons embedded in their genetic and ecological history.

It’s a reminder that while nature often adapts to change and can weather some ecosystem threats, human-driven impacts can push even the most adaptable species beyond the point of recovery.

The Conversation

Nic Rawlence receives funding from the Marsden Fund.

Mark de Bruyn received funding from a Griffith University New Investigator grant.

Michael Knapp does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Southern elephant seals are adaptable – but they struggle when faced with both rapid climate change and human impacts – https://theconversation.com/southern-elephant-seals-are-adaptable-but-they-struggle-when-faced-with-both-rapid-climate-change-and-human-impacts-251820

Rain gave Australia’s environment a fourth year of reprieve in 2024 – but this masks deepening problems: report

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Albert Van Dijk, Professor, Water and Landscape Dynamics, Fenner School of Environment & Society, Australian National University

Lauren Henderson/Shutterstock

For the fourth year running, the condition of Australia’s environment has been relatively good overall. Our national environment scorecard released today gives 2024 a mark of 7.7 out of 10.

You might wonder how this can be. After all, climate change is intensifying and threatened species are still in decline.

The main reason: good rainfall partly offset the impact of global warming. In many parts of Australia, rainfall, soil water and river flows were well above average, there were fewer large bushfires, and vegetation continued to grow. Overall, conditions were above average in the wetter north and east of Australia, although parts of the south and west were very dry.

But this is no cause for complacency. Australia’s environment remains under intense pressure. Favourable conditions have simply offered a welcome but temporary reprieve. As a nation we must grasp the opportunity now to implement lasting solutions before the next cycle of drought and fire comes around.

figure showing environmental indicators in Australia for 2024.
This snapshot shows the environmental score for a range of indicators in Australia.
Australia’s Environment Report 2024, CC BY-NC-ND

Preparing the national scorecard

For the tenth year running, we have trawled through a huge amount of data from satellites, weather and water measuring stations, and ecological surveys.

We gathered information about climate change, oceans, people, weather, water, soils, plants, fire and biodiversity.

Then we analysed the data and summarised it all in a report that includes an overall score for the environment. This score (between zero and ten) gives a relative measure of how favourable conditions were for nature, agriculture and our way of life over the past year in comparison to all years since 2000. This is the period we have reliable records for.

While it is a national report, conditions vary enormously between regions and so we also prepare regional scorecards. You can download the scorecard for your region at our website.

map of australia's states and territories with figures showing the 2024 environment score for each.
Different jurisdictions had quite different environmental scores in 2024.
Australia’s Environment Report 2024, CC BY-NC-ND

Welcome news, but alarming trends continue

Globally, 2024 was the world’s hottest year on record. It was Australia’s second hottest year, with the record warmest sea surface temperatures. As a result, the Great Barrier Reef experienced its fifth mass bleaching event since 2016, while Ningaloo Reef in Western Australia also experienced bleaching.

Yet bushfire activity was low despite high temperatures, thanks to regular rainfall.

National rainfall was 18% above average, improving soil condition and increasing tree canopy cover.

States such as New South Wales saw notable improvements in environmental conditions, while conditions also improved somewhat in Western Australia. Others experienced declines, particularly South Australia, Victoria, and Tasmania. These regional contrasts were largely driven by rainfall – good rains can hide some underlying environmental degradation trends.

Favourable weather conditions bumped up the nation’s score this year, rather than sustained environmental improvements.

Map of Australia showing the environmental condition score by local government area, with good scores in blue and poor scores in red.
Mapping the environmental condition score to local government areas reveals poor (red) conditions in the west and the south, with good scores (blue) in the east and north. White is neutral.
Australia’s Environment Explorer, CC BY-NC-ND

A temporary respite?

The past four years show Australia’s environment is capable of bouncing back from drought and fire when conditions are right.

But the global climate crisis continues to escalate, and Australia remains highly vulnerable. Rising sea levels, more extreme weather and fire events continue to threaten our environment and livelihoods. The consequences of extreme events can persist for many years, like we have seen for the Black Summer of 2019–20.

To play our part in limiting global warming, Australia needs to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions. Progress is stalling: last year, national emissions fell slightly (0.6%) below 2023 levels but were still higher than in 2022. Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions per person remain among the highest in the world.

Biodiversity loss remains an urgent issue. The national threatened species list grew by 41 species in 2024. While this figure is much lower than the record of 130 species added in 2023, it remains well above the long-term average of 25 species added per year.

More than half of the newly listed or uplisted species were directly affected by the Black Summer fires. Meanwhile, habitat destruction and invasive species continue to put pressure on native ecosystems and species.

The Threatened Species Index captures data from long-term threatened species monitoring. The index is updated annually but with a three-year lag due largely to delays in data processing and sharing. This means the 2024 index includes data up to 2021.

The index revealed the abundance of threatened birds, mammals, plants, and frogs has fallen an average of 58% since 2000.

But there may be some good news. Between 2020 and 2021, the overall index increased slightly (2%) suggesting the decline has stabilised and some recovery is evident across species groups. We’ll need further monitoring to confirm whether this represents a lasting turnaround or a temporary pause in declines.

Line chart showing the overall decline in the Threatened Species Index over time, comparing the relative abundance of mammals, birds, plants, and frogs or all species combined.
This graph shows the relative abundance of different categories of species listed as threatened under the EPBC Act since 2000, as collated by the Threatened Species Index.
Australia’s Environment Report 2024, CC BY-NC-ND

What needs to happen?

The 2024 Australia’s Environment Report offers a cautiously optimistic picture of the present. Without intervention, the future will look a lot worse.

Australia must act decisively to secure our nation’s environmental future. This includes reducing greenhouse gas emissions, introducing stronger land management policies and increasing conservation efforts to maintain and restore our ecosystems.

Without redoubling our efforts, the apparent environmental improvements will not be more than a temporary pause in a long-term downward trend.

The Conversation

Australia’s Environment Report is produced by the ANU Fenner School for Environment & Society and the Terrestrial Ecosystem Research Network (TERN), which is enabled by the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy.

Albert Van Dijk receives or has previously received funding from several government-funded agencies, grant schemes and programs.

Shoshana Rapley is a Research Assistant and PhD candidate at the Australian National University and has received funding from the Ecological Society of Australia and BirdLife Australia.

Tayla Lawrie is a current employee of the Terrestrial Ecosystem Research Network (TERN), funded by the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy.

ref. Rain gave Australia’s environment a fourth year of reprieve in 2024 – but this masks deepening problems: report – https://theconversation.com/rain-gave-australias-environment-a-fourth-year-of-reprieve-in-2024-but-this-masks-deepening-problems-report-252183