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‘I don’t hold a hose, mate’: Australia’s political history is full of gaffes. Here are some of the best (or worst)

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Bongiorno, Professor of History, ANU College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University

The Oxford English Dictionary defines a gaffe as a “blunder, an instance of clumsy stupidity, a ‘faux pas’.” It evokes a sense of triviality rather than high seriousness. If one’s clumsiness results in the outbreak of war, it would not usually be considered a mere gaffe.

Nor are gaffes ordinarily seen to result from the unworthy impulses of spite or cruelty. No one would call Robodebt a gaffe. It was far worse than that. Gaffes normally imply absentmindedness rather than deliberation.

So, what are the gaffes that have been most significant in Australian political history? What are the blunders that have mattered?

Bungled from the start

The Commonwealth of Australia was founded on a blunder.

The governor-general of the day, Lord Hopetoun, commissioned William Lyne as the first prime minister of Australia. Hopetoun had only recently arrived in Australia, and as there would be no federal election until March 1901, an interim government needed to be formed in the meantime.

Lord Hopetoun made an unfortunate choice for Australia’s first ever prime minister.
State Library of Queensland

Lyne had recently become premier of New South Wales, the most populous of the colonies. To a newcomer unversed in local politics, making him prime minister seemed like a good idea.

But Lyne had been a longstanding opponent of federation of the colonies and was deeply unpopular with those who had worked for years to bring it about. Leading politicians, such as Edmund Barton, refused to serve in his cabinet.

Lyne returned his commission. The episode has been called the Hopetoun Blunder.

Words defying logic

Gaffes, however, often tend to be more about words than actions.

One of the most memorable to have occurred in the Australian parliament was on October 19 1955. Herbert Vere Evatt was leader of the opposition and had overseen – and helped trigger – a split in the Labor Party.

Entangled in that crisis was the defection the previous year of Soviet spies Vladimir and Evdokia Petrov, and Evatt’s clumsy handling of the matter.

Herbert Vere Evatt (right) stretched the limits of credulity.
State Library of New South Wales

Early in a speech delivered to the House of Representatives, Evatt reported he had written to the Soviet foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov, who had assured him the documents Petrov had taken from the Soviet embassy in Canberra had been forged under the “instructions of persons interested in the deterioration of the Soviet-Australian relations and in discrediting their political opponents”. One of the documents in question implicated Evatt’s staffers in passing information to the Soviets.




Read more:
The Petrov affair: how a real-life Cold War defection became a soothing spy story for anxious Australians


It seemed incredible an Australian political leader would write to a Soviet politician in such terms. What did he expect Molotov to say? That the documents delivered by a man who had betrayed the Soviet Union, and which disclosed the existence of Soviet espionage in Australia, were authentic?

Evatt’s speech was greeted with grim faces from those behind him, and raucous laughter from the government benches and Labor defectors. One of those who had split from Labor, Stan Keon, wanted to know if the letter had been addressed “Dear Boss”. Another from the government benches interjected “he’s nuts”.

Most so-called gaffes do not have such serious reverberations. They sound silly and reflect poorly on whoever made them, but the political cycle quickly moves on.

In this case, Evatt’s gaffe mattered. It destroyed what remained of his credibility and prompted some to question not only his judgement but also his sanity.

Following a closely fought election in 1954, it provided an opening for Robert Menzies to call an early election in 1955, which he won in a landslide. It paved the way for another 17 years of Coalition rule.

On cakes and recessions

It is hard to think of any gaffe in recent Australian political history that mattered quite as much.

John Hewson undoubtedly committed a gaffe during the 1993 election campaign in a television interview with Mike Willesee, when he was asked how his proposed Goods and Services Tax would apply to a cake.

Hewson’s answer weaved this way and that – in a manner that complicated rather than simplified. He probably would have lost the election anyway, but it didn’t help.

In other instances, a gaffe subsequently acquires importance because it comes to stand for some larger story about the times or the person who committed it.

Paul Keating’s remark at a 1990 media conference announcing the country had entered a recession was accompanied by the memorable remark “this is the recession Australia had to have”.

It looked like a gaffe. It smelt like a gaffe. It clung to Keating as a clumsy attempt by an arrogant politician to absolve himself of responsibility for the sad state of the economy.

Yet, in the eyes of many commentators a few years on, it didn’t look quite so bad.

A recession was inevitable following the boom in asset prices of the 1980s. Almost all developed economies had one in the early 1990s.

An effect of the recession is that it brought inflation down to the levels achieved by countries such as the United States and United Kingdom in the early 1980s, which became the foundation for several decades of high economic performance by Australia.

Paul Keating’s ‘recession we had to have’ remark is burnt into the collective consciousness.
IMDB/ABC

I do not share this rosy view: the recession had catastrophic economic and social effects. But the combination of events is a reminder that what might look like a bad gaffe in one context can look rather different in another.

Keating’s 1986 remark in a radio interview with John Laws that unless the country turned around its balance-of-payments problems, it would become a “banana republic”, also looked like a gaffe.

Prime Minister Bob Hawke was deeply unhappy with what Keating had said, but in retrospect, it provided the government with cover for imposing greater economic discipline on the public.

Labor won the 1987 election that followed, just as Keating’s “recession” gaffe turned out to be a milestone on his way to the prime ministership and victory in 1993.

Symptoms of larger problems

More recently, Scott Morrison’s 2019 “I don’t hold a hose, mate” comment during the Black Summer bushfires merely seemed a bit clumsy, and much less of a big deal than his having taken a holiday in Hawaii when so much of the country was on fire. At worst, it reflected a lack of judgement about the seriousness of the situation back in Australia.

In the years that followed, it came to mean more, becoming for critics emblematic of his prime ministership.

His remark that COVID vaccination was “not a race” acted in tandem with the earlier statement.

Together they seemed to epitomise a complacent leader unwilling to lead. Labor made hay with this material as the 2022 election approached.

The search for gaffes can be trivialising. As we enter another election season, we can expect the media to spend at least as much time on the hunt for gaffes as they do on policy substance.

Burned in 2022, Albanese will be swotting up on the Reserve Bank cash rate and the present level of unemployment to the second decimal point in preparation for his own Hard Quiz-style ordeal.

He will probably get them right, too. But that will tell us precisely nothing about whether his government deserves a second term and, if it gets one, whether it will make anything of it.


CORRECTION: A previous version of this story stated Evatt’s speech was subject to laughter from the opposition benches. This was a gaffe from the author. The laughter came from government benches and the copy has been updated to reflect this. The article also corrects Scott Morrison’s quote to the exact wording, from “I don’t hold the hose” to “I don’t hold a hose”.

Frank Bongiorno does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘I don’t hold a hose, mate’: Australia’s political history is full of gaffes. Here are some of the best (or worst) – https://theconversation.com/i-dont-hold-a-hose-mate-australias-political-history-is-full-of-gaffes-here-are-some-of-the-best-or-worst-241919

La Niña back this summer? Not likely – and unofficial declarations are jumping the gun

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew King, Senior Lecturer in Climate Science, ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather, The University of Melbourne

It’s the height of summer and many Australians have already experienced heatwaves, heavy rains and even significant bushfires over the Christmas and New Year period. But could we be in for something different as summer draws to a close?

Lower sea surface water temperatures in the central Pacific Ocean are leading to speculation about a La Niña event starting to form, raising the risk of wet weather. That would be unusual because La Niña events typically start in winter and get going properly in spring, before “decaying” in late summer and autumn.

Given the time of year, it would be hard for a proper La Niña event to get going now. But the Bureau of Meteorology’s outlook does point to a probable wet end to summer over most areas of Australia.

As the climate continues to change, there are challenges in monitoring and predicting El Niño and La Niña events. The best source of information is the Bureau’s outlooks as they encapsulate lots of climate information and don’t just focus on one driver of Australia’s climate.

What is a La Niña event and are we heading into one?

La Niña events are characterised by below-average temperatures in the central and eastern tropical Pacific Ocean and warmer waters in the west nearer to Australia. They often, but not always, bring wetter conditions for eastern and northern Australia. In contrast El Niño events, which are at the opposite end of the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO), usually bring drier weather to most of the continent.

Infographic explaining La Niña, showing the accumulation of warm water, cloud and rainfall north of Australia
La Niña: Trade winds strengthen, increasing the temperature of the warm water north of Australia. Cloudiness and rainfall north of Australia are enhanced, typically leading to above average winter–spring rainfall for eastern and central parts of the country, and a wetter start to the northern wet season.
Bureau of Meteorology, CC BY

If a La Niña is on the horizon, many of us – especially people working in agriculture, emergency management and water resources – are keen to know in advance.

Since early last year, there has been speculation about a La Niña forming. The metrics used to determine if we are in an El Niño or La Niña (or somewhere in between) have been close – but not quite at the La Niña threshold – for much of the time over the past few months.

At the moment, some of the indicators used to track the state of the Pacific are just breaching the thresholds used for a La Niña event. This has led to discussion in some media outlets that we’re heading into a “rare summer La Niña”.

It’s worth noting that a criterion for a La Niña event is sustained cooler-than-normal conditions in the central Pacific, because there is some week-to-week fluctuation in sea surface temperatures. We are not yet close to having the three months of below average temperatures in the central Pacific that would often be required to declare a La Niña event.

Chart of central Pacific sea surface temperatures over time, showing we have just crossed the La Niña threshold but need to stay there before a La Niña event can be declared.
The Niño-3.4 index represents central Pacific sea surface temperatures. It has just crossed the La Niña threshold but would need to stay there for a La Niña to be declared.
Bureau of Meteorology, CC BY

In autumn, the variability in tropical Pacific Ocean temperatures starts to settle down, so it would be very hard for a La Niña to start in January and be maintained through to April. Indeed, we often see blips of warmer or cooler conditions at this time of year.

The Bureau of Meteorology has not declared a La Niña and instead notes that the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) is currently “neutral”“ (neither El Niño nor La Niña), albeit with some indices drifting close to La Niña thresholds. Any unofficial declaration of a La Niña is jumping the gun.

Tracking drivers of climate variability in a warming world

Keeping track of how the drivers of Australia’s climate are evolving is tricky. Climate change makes it even more complicated.

The rapid warming of our oceans means the characteristics of La Niña events may well be changing. Just identifying if we are in a La Niña is trickier than it used to be, so new measures to keep track of ENSO may become more useful.

Also, by warming the planet through our greenhouse gas emissions, we may be changing other aspects of La Niña events and their effects on Australian weather and climate.

At the moment, it’s hard to see any such changes because we don’t have lots of real-world La Niña events to study and detect trends. However, some studies suggest we should expect more strong La Niña events and stronger rainfall responses as we keep warming the planet.

Australia’s complex climate

La Niña is just one of many factors that can affect Australia’s weather.

Ocean temperature and wind patterns in the Indian Ocean, Southern Ocean and tropics all combine to influence our day-to-day weather. While La Niña events are often wetter on average, cooler waters in the Eastern Pacific do not guarantee rainfall and floods.

Our recent study of the unusually wet 2022 in Eastern Australia (the most recent La Niña period), found La Niña can help promote the background conditions needed for heavy rainfall, such as more onshore winds over Eastern Australia.

But it is the chaotic, and sometimes unlucky, behaviour of the day-to-day weather systems such as tropical cyclones, highs, lows and cold fronts that ultimately bring the extreme weather. Therefore, it is foolish to look at climate drivers such as La Niña in isolation to forecast the weather and climate.

This is why the Bureau is moving away from forecasts that focus on individual climate drivers like La Niña and are instead emphasising their long-range forecast, which takes into account all the drivers of Australia’s weather.

This shift in communication of climate information is partly due to an effort to end sensationalist reporting on El Niño and La Niña that can lead to public misunderstanding.

Map showing the chance of exceeding the median rainfall for January to March 2025, illustrating wetter than average conditions.
The next few months are more likely to be wet than dry for most of Australia.
Bureau of Meteorology, CC BY

Unfortunately, a reduction in information on El Niño and La Niña from the Bureau risks a vacuum that may be filled with unofficial climate statements.

The Bureau’s long-range forecasts are the best source of information for Australians wishing to know what weather and climate conditions the next few months may bring.

The Conversation

Andrew King receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather and the National Environmental Science Program.

Kimberley Reid receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather.

ref. La Niña back this summer? Not likely – and unofficial declarations are jumping the gun – https://theconversation.com/la-nina-back-this-summer-not-likely-and-unofficial-declarations-are-jumping-the-gun-246778

Young Israelis ‘don’t want peace’, warns former Israeli top diplomat

Israelis were frustrated that captives remained in Gaza and surprised that, in recent weeks, Israeli military activity there had intensified, Liel said.

‘Surprised’ over military intensity
“Generally speaking, Israelis are quite surprised that the intensity of the military activity is growing. I think the general feeling here was a month or two ago that [the war] will fade away and slow down, but it is not,” he said.

Two Israeli soldiers were killed and six wounded yesterday in further battles with the Palestinian resistance in northern Gaza.

Netanyahu, meanwhile, still faced the problems of looking like he had no victory in the war, and that any prisoner exchange with Hamas could topple him, he added.

“Any exchange will involve the release of many prisoners we have in our jails, and might — and probably will — topple his government,” Liel said.

“So he’s trying to manoeuvre and trying to find the point in time in which we will not be seeing the Hamas people and their supporters dancing in Gaza when they get the prisoners back and describing the result as a victory.”

Brazil court order over Israeli soldier
Francesca Albanese, the UN’s special rapporteur on Palestine, hailed a decision by a court in Brazil to order a probe against a visiting Israeli soldier, saying legal actions against Israelis suspected of crimes in Gaza were “necessary and overdue”.

The remarks on X came in response to the Belgium-based Hind Rajab Foundation (HRF) announcing that a Brazilian court had acted on a complaint it had filed against Israeli solider Yuval Vagdani and ordered the country’s police to launch an investigation.

Israeli media later reported that Vagdani had fled the South American country.

The Hind Rajab Foundation was established to breaking the cycle of Israeli impunity and honouring the memory of Hind Rajab and all those who have perished in the Gaza genocide.

Hind Rajab was a five-year-old girl murdered by Israeli soldiers on 29 January 2024 in a car in which six family members were also killed, and two would-be paramedic rescuers were also slaughtered. She died with 335 bullet wounds in her body.

“Apartheid Israel will go to great lengths to shield its soldiers since a conviction abroad for crimes against Palestinians is a precedent it cannot afford,” Albanese wrote on X.

“Yet, justice is unstoppable,” she said.

Israeli plans to help accused soldiers
The Israeli newspaper Haaretz reports Israel’s government was preparing to assist soldiers who may face arrest for participating in war crimes in Gaza when they travel abroad.

So far, more than 50 complaints have been filed against Israeli soldiers in South Africa, Sri Lanka, Belgium, France and Brazil.

Meanwhile, the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) ban on Al Jazeera is part of a broader attempt to silence criticism of its security operation in the Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank, say activists and analysts.

The ban came almost a month after the PA launched a crackdown on a coalition of armed groups that call themselves the Jenin Brigades, reports Al Jazeera.

The groups are affiliated with Palestinian factions such as Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and even Fatah, the party that controls the PA.

Since early December, the PA has besieged the Jenin camp and cut off water and electricity to most of its residents in an ostensible attempt to restore “law and order” across the West Bank.

An Israeli apartheid placard at last Saturday’s Auckland solidarity for Gaza health professionals . . . the crime against humanity includes the “intent to maintain domination of one racial group over another”. Image: APR

indiscriminate Jenin tactics
However, its indiscriminate tactics in Jenin coincide with a wider attack on free speech, activists and human rights groups told Al Jazeera.

Critics have claimed that the PA crackdown due to pressure by the Israeli authorities which have also imposed recent bans on Al Jazeera.

The PA originated with the Oslo Accords between Palestinian and Israeli leaders in 1993. It mandated that the PA recognise Israel and eliminate Palestinian armed groups in exchange for an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel by 1999.

Israel, however, has used the last 30 years block statehood while to expanding illegal settlements on large swathes of stolen Palestinian land, nearly tripling the number of settlers in the occupied West Bank to 700,000.

As an occupying power, it still controls most aspects of Palestinian life and frequently carries out raids, killings and arrests in the West Bank, even in areas where the PA is supposed to be in full control.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘I don’t hold a hose, mate’: Australia’s political history is full of gaffes. Here are some of best (or worst)

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Bongiorno, Professor of History, ANU College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University

The Oxford English Dictionary defines a gaffe as a “blunder, an instance of clumsy stupidity, a ‘faux pas’.” It evokes a sense of triviality rather than high seriousness. If one’s clumsiness results in the outbreak of war, it would not usually be considered a mere gaffe.

Nor are gaffes ordinarily seen to result from the unworthy impulses of spite or cruelty. No one would call Robodebt a gaffe. It was far worse than that. Gaffes normally imply absentmindedness rather than deliberation.

So, what are the gaffes that have been most significant in Australian political history? What are the blunders that have mattered?

Bungled from the start

The Commonwealth of Australia was founded on a blunder.

The governor-general of the day, Lord Hopetoun, commissioned William Lyne as the first prime minister of Australia. Hopetoun had only recently arrived in Australia, and as there would be no federal election until March 1901, an interim government needed to be formed in the meantime.

An old black and white portrait of a man in a suit
Lord Hopetoun made an unfortunate choice for Australia’s first ever prime minister.
State Library of Queensland

Lyne had recently become premier of New South Wales, the most populous of the colonies. To a newcomer unversed in local politics, making him prime minister seemed like a good idea.

But Lyne had been a longstanding opponent of federation of the colonies and was deeply unpopular with those who had worked for years to bring it about. Leading politicians, such as Edmund Barton, refused to serve in his cabinet.

Lyne returned his commission. The episode has been called the Hopetoun Blunder.

Words defying logic

Gaffes, however, often tend to be more about words than actions.

One of the most memorable to have occurred in the Australian parliament was on October 19 1955. Herbert Vere Evatt was leader of the opposition and had overseen – and helped trigger – a split in the Labor Party.

Entangled in that crisis was the defection the previous year of Soviet spies Vladimir and Evdokia Petrov, and Evatt’s clumsy handling of the matter.

A black and white shot of two men in suits talking
Herbert Vere Evatt (right) stretched the limits of credulity.
State Library of New South Wales

Early in a speech delivered to the House of Representatives, Evatt reported he had written to the Soviet foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov, who had assured him the documents Petrov had taken from the Soviet embassy in Canberra had been forged under the “instructions of persons interested in the deterioration of the Soviet-Australian relations and in discrediting their political opponents”. One of the documents in question implicated Evatt’s staffers in passing information to the Soviets.




Read more:
The Petrov affair: how a real-life Cold War defection became a soothing spy story for anxious Australians


It seemed incredible an Australian political leader would write to a Soviet politician in such terms. What did he expect Molotov to say? That the documents delivered by a man who had betrayed the Soviet Union, and which disclosed the existence of Soviet espionage in Australia, were authentic?

Evatt’s speech was greeted with grim faces from those behind him, and raucous laughter from the government benches and Labor defectors. One of those who had split from Labor, Stan Keon, wanted to know if the letter had been addressed “Dear Boss”. Another from the government benches interjected “he’s nuts”.

Most so-called gaffes do not have such serious reverberations. They sound silly and reflect poorly on whoever made them, but the political cycle quickly moves on.

In this case, Evatt’s gaffe mattered. It destroyed what remained of his credibility and prompted some to question not only his judgement but also his sanity.

Following a closely fought election in 1954, it provided an opening for Robert Menzies to call an early election in 1955, which he won in a landslide. It paved the way for another 17 years of Coalition rule.

On cakes and recessions

It is hard to think of any gaffe in recent Australian political history that mattered quite as much.

John Hewson undoubtedly committed a gaffe during the 1993 election campaign in a television interview with Mike Willesee, when he was asked how his proposed Goods and Services Tax would apply to a cake.

Hewson’s answer weaved this way and that – in a manner that complicated rather than simplified. He probably would have lost the election anyway, but it didn’t help.

In other instances, a gaffe subsequently acquires importance because it comes to stand for some larger story about the times or the person who committed it.

Paul Keating’s remark at a 1990 media conference announcing the country had entered a recession was accompanied by the memorable remark “this is the recession Australia had to have”.

It looked like a gaffe. It smelt like a gaffe. It clung to Keating as a clumsy attempt by an arrogant politician to absolve himself of responsibility for the sad state of the economy.

Yet, in the eyes of many commentators a few years on, it didn’t look quite so bad.

A recession was inevitable following the boom in asset prices of the 1980s. Almost all developed economies had one in the early 1990s.

An effect of the recession is that it brought inflation down to the levels achieved by countries such as the United States and United Kingdom in the early 1980s, which became the foundation for several decades of high economic performance by Australia.

A man in a suit on television in the 90s.
Paul Keating’s ‘recession we had to have’ remark is burnt into the collective consciousness.
IMDB/ABC

I do not share this rosy view: the recession had catastrophic economic and social effects. But the combination of events is a reminder that what might look like a bad gaffe in one context can look rather different in another.

Keating’s 1986 remark in a radio interview with John Laws that unless the country turned around its balance-of-payments problems, it would become a “banana republic”, also looked like a gaffe.

Prime Minister Bob Hawke was deeply unhappy with what Keating had said, but in retrospect, it provided the government with cover for imposing greater economic discipline on the public.

Labor won the 1987 election that followed, just as Keating’s “recession” gaffe turned out to be a milestone on his way to the prime ministership and victory in 1993.

Symptoms of larger problems

More recently, Scott Morrison’s 2019 “I don’t hold a hose, mate” comment during the Black Summer bushfires merely seemed a bit clumsy, and much less of a big deal than his having taken a holiday in Hawaii when so much of the country was on fire. At worst, it reflected a lack of judgement about the seriousness of the situation back in Australia.

In the years that followed, it came to mean more, becoming for critics emblematic of his prime ministership.

His remark that COVID vaccination was “not a race” acted in tandem with the earlier statement.

Together they seemed to epitomise a complacent leader unwilling to lead. Labor made hay with this material as the 2022 election approached.

The search for gaffes can be trivialising. As we enter another election season, we can expect the media to spend at least as much time on the hunt for gaffes as they do on policy substance.

Burned in 2022, Albanese will be swotting up on the Reserve Bank cash rate and the present level of unemployment to the second decimal point in preparation for his own Hard Quiz-style ordeal.

He will probably get them right, too. But that will tell us precisely nothing about whether his government deserves a second term and, if it gets one, whether it will make anything of it.


CORRECTION: A previous version of this story stated Evatt’s speech was subject to laughter from the opposition benches. This was a gaffe from the author. The laughter came from government benches and the copy has been updated to reflect this. The article also corrects Scott Morrison’s quote to the exact wording, from “I don’t hold the hose” to “I don’t hold a hose”.

The Conversation

Frank Bongiorno does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘I don’t hold a hose, mate’: Australia’s political history is full of gaffes. Here are some of best (or worst) – https://theconversation.com/i-dont-hold-a-hose-mate-australias-political-history-is-full-of-gaffes-here-are-some-of-best-or-worst-241919

‘Bloc’ resignation over riots recovery plan topples New Caledonia’s government

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent, French Pacific desk

New Caledonia’s territorial government has been toppled on Christmas Eve, due to a mass resignation within its ranks.

Environment and Sustainable Development Minister Jérémie Katidjo-Monnier said he was resigning from the cabinet, with immediate effect.

Katidjo-Monnier was the sole representative from Calédonie Ensemble (a moderately pro-France party), one of the parties represented at the Congress.

He also said in a letter that all other people from his party’s list who could have replaced him, had also resigned as a political bloc.

The letter was sent to government President Louis Mapou and copied to the French Pacific territory’s Congress President Veylma Falaeo.

The government of New Caledonia is made up of the parties represented at the Congress, under a proportional principle of “collegiality” — implying that all of its members and the parties they represent are supposed to work together.

In his letter, Katidjo-Monnier elaborated on growing tensions between Mapou’s government and the Congress MPs.

The tensions came to a head over the past few months, following the deadly pro-independence riots that started on May 13.

One particular point of contention was Mapou’s efforts to secure a loan of up to €1 billion (NZ$1.9 billion) from France, under a “PS2R” (reconstruction, refoundation and salvage) plan to rebuild New Caledonia after the riots damage estimated at some €2.2 billion (NZ$4 billion) and the subsequent thousands of job losses.

New Caledonia President Louis Mapou (centre) holding a press conference with some of his ministers in late November 2024. Image: New Caledonia govt/RNZ Pacific

Congress vs government: two opposing recovery plans
At the same time, the Congress has been advocating for a different approach: a five-year reconstruction plan to secure funds from France.

A bipartisan delegation was last month sent to Paris to advocate for the plan — not in the form of reimbursable loans, but non-refundable grants.

The bipartisan delegation’s “grant” approach was said to be supported not only by Congress, but also by provincial assemblies and New Caledonia’s elected MPs in both houses of the French Parliament

The delegation was concerned that the loan would bring New Caledonia’s debt to unprecedented and unsustainable levels; and that at the same time, funds for the “PS2R” would be tied to a number of pre-conditioned reforms deemed necessary by France.

Katidjo-Monnier said neither the “obligation” for Congress and the government to act in “solidarity”, nor the “spirit of the Nouméa Accord”, had been respected.

Approached by local media on Tuesday, Mapou declined to comment.

‘Lack of solidarity’
The block resignation from Calédonie Ensemble entails that the whole government of New Caledonia is deemed to have resigned and should now act in a caretaker mode until a new government is installed.

The election of a new government must take place within 15 days.

One of the initial stages of the process is for the Congress to convene a special sitting to choose how many members should make up this new government (between five and 11) and then to proceed with their election.

The cabinet then elects a president.

Several governments have fallen under similar mass resignation circumstances and this “mass block resignation” ploy.

It has now been used 11 times since 1999, each time causing the downfall of the government.

Louis Mapou’s government was the 17th since New Caledonia’s autonomous government system was introduced in 1999.

He came to office in July 2021, months after the list of government members was chosen on 17 February 2021.

This was the first time a local territorial government’s leader belonged to the pro-independence camp.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Beyond the hype: what workers really think about workplace AI assistants

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Talitakuum Ekandjo, Lecturer, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Getty Images

Imagine starting your workday with an AI assistant that not only helps you write emails but also tracks your productivity, suggests breathing exercises, monitors your mood and stress levels and summarises meetings.

This is not a futuristic scenario. Workplaces globally are already quietly transforming into AI-powered environments, with 75% of knowledge workers using AI tools such as Microsoft Copilot, OpenAI’s ChatGPT and Microsoft Viva Insights, according to recent Microsoft data.

Most (85%) find these tools effective at prioritising tasks. A growing “bring your own AI” trend has also seen 78% of employees introducing their own AI solutions to find relief from endless emails, meeting overloads and blurred work-life boundaries.

As part of my research, I explored how the use of AI assistants works out in practice and how it is transforming our work experiences.

The study is based on interviews and self-reflection journals kept by workers across government, technology, education and finance sectors in New Zealand. My focus is on Microsoft Viva Insights, a productivity assistant which leverages AI to analyse work habits, offer personalised recommendations to optimise workflows and encourage healthier routines in the workplace.

My findings highlight benefits but also reveal a stark contrast between AI’s promises and workplace realities.

A rear view of a woman stretching while seated at her desk.
Office AI assistants can encourage healthier routines in the workplace.
Getty Images

Potential for productivity and wellbeing

For many workers, the AI assistant offered tangible benefits. They discovered it could guide them into setting goals and prioritising tasks. As a result, they felt they could allocate their time and efforts more efficiently and effectively, which transformed how they tackle workloads.

The AI assistant functioned as a self-monitoring and reflection tool. Workers described it as a “dashboard”, “safety net” and “tracker” that helped them notice work patterns they might otherwise overlook. For example, by consolidating key meeting documents, the AI assistant helped them stay organised, prepared and efficient.

Beyond improved productivity, workers also discovered unexpected personal benefits. Some found that following the breathing exercise suggestions created a “settling feeling” and served as a “good reminder” to prioritise self care and not solely focus on work. Workers also described the AI assistant’s potential to facilitate interaction among “introverted” or “less socially active” team members.

However, the findings also revealed significant limitations.

The AI rigidity trap

Workers frequently found the AI assistant oversimplified the messy, interconnected and fluid nature of modern work, especially because it does not know about or understand the demands in other parts of workers’ lives.

The AI assistant’s suggestions often proved impractical for roles that demand constant availability and real-time collaboration. John, a software developer whose AI assistant regularly blocks off “focus time”, explained:

I cannot have any notifications off. My job right now […] a lot of it is collaborative and working with other people.

Kyle, an applications support manager, echoed this sentiment:

Booking focus time is lovely in theory, but I never have two hours free on my calendar. I’ve looked at different ways of properly focusing attention, for example shutting down the email, but people end up at your desk. So, focus time isn’t necessarily focus time.

Digital overwhelm and distraction

Workers found interacting with the AI assistant was an additional task to manage and its multiple interaction channels could be overwhelming. The effort and time needed to “interact with or research these tools to try and make them better” often felt counterproductive as it took time away from actual work.

The AI assistant’s personalised nature also raised privacy concerns. Workers indicated they were “always suspicious” because they never quite knew who is reading and analysing their data. The mood-tracking feature, which invites workers to pick an emoji from a menu of expressions that most closely matches their mood, exposes this privacy dilemma.

Workers mentioned they “do the smiley faces” but are “always a bit worried” when selecting frowning faces because they are not entirely sure if anyone is recording and judging them.

AI assistants hold immense potential, but their success depends on how well they align with the complex nature of work.

My research suggests workers are most likely to embrace these tools when they feel a sense of agency and understanding. As AI continues to reshape our workplaces, the key will be creating technology that serves humans and adapts to their work realities.

The most effective AI will not be the most powerful but the most flexible and adaptable to accommodate diverse roles and role-specific work patterns. To foster trust and acceptance, workers need to be given control to determine what data the AI assistant uses when making suggestions in specific work scenarios.

Finally, data transparency is crucial to ensuring workers’ confidence that their privacy is respected, and their data is used ethically.

The Conversation

Talitakuum Ekandjo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Beyond the hype: what workers really think about workplace AI assistants – https://theconversation.com/beyond-the-hype-what-workers-really-think-about-workplace-ai-assistants-245662

Justin Trudeau quits: How his focus on social policy will be his legacy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thomas Klassen, Professor, School of Public Policy and Administration, York University, Canada

Justin Trudeau has resigned after more than nine years as Canada’s 23rd prime minister. Parliament will be prorogued and will resume sitting on March 24. Trudeau says he made his decision over the holidays after discussions with his family.

During his time in office, the federal government has been extraordinarily active on social policy. From legalizing cannabis, permitting medical aid in dying, introducing dental care, pharmacare and government-subsidized child care, Trudeau reimagined what Canadians can expect from their government.

The son of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Canada’s 15th prime minister, leaves office never having tasted electoral defeat.

He was successful in his first run for elected office as a member of Parliament in 2008, at his run for the leadership of the Liberal Party in 2013 and in his first national election when he became prime minister in 2015.

The 2015 election is one for the history books as the Liberal Party under Trudeau entered the race with just 36 seats and was widely expected to remain on the sidelines. But due in part to the “sunny ways” campaign that Trudeau ran, along with his energy and likeability, the party breezed to a massive majority with 184 seats.

Trudeau also earned worldwide praise for appointing a cabinet that was gender-balanced, a policy he continued throughout his years in office.

Minority governments, Donald Trump

Trudeau’s Liberals were re-elected in 2019 and 2021, although both times to minority governments that required support in Parliament from the left-leaning New Democratic Party.

Trudeau dealt with three American presidents, most notably with Donald Trump during the president’s first term in office when the North American Free Trade Agreement was renegotiated.

After Trump’s re-election in November 2024, the president-elect has repeatedly mocked Trudeau, calling him governor of the 51st American state — comments that most Canadians find deeply offensive.




Read more:
Canada as a 51st state? Republicans would never win another general election


The COVID-19 pandemic transpired during Trudeau’s time in office. As with other social policies, Trudeau’s Liberals instituted a range of mandates to protect public health. Trudeau also invoked the Emergency Measures Act that allowed the federal government to exercise extraordinary powers to clear protesters that were blocking parts of Ottawa for weeks in February 2022.

a man stands outside Parliament holding a copy of the CANADIAN CHARTER OF RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS
The truckers’ protest began as a cross-country convoy protesting a federal vaccine mandate for truckers.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang

Uphill battle

Trudeau’s resignation comes after members of his own party lost faith during the past several months in his ability to win a fourth mandate as leader heading into the anticipated October 2025 election. But the Liberals, with or without Trudeau, face an uphill battle after nearly a decade in power.

Winning a fourth consecutive term is rare in Canada. Only two prime ministers — Wilfrid Laurier and John A. Macdonald — have done so, and both accomplished the feat more than a century ago when the political landscape had fewer parties.

By resigning now, rather than battling his own party and then enduring what appears will be certain defeat in the next election, Trudeau leaves political life on a relative high note despite his unpopularity in the polls and among some in his own party. The shock resignation of one of his closest cabinet colleagues, Chrystia Freeland, likely played a role in his decision.




Read more:
Chrystia Freeland’s resignation seems carefully aimed at removing a sitting prime minister


Perhaps Trudeau took to heart the example of United States President Joe Biden, who sought to run for one additional term, only to be forced to withdraw at the last moment by his own party. Critics have argued Biden’s efforts to hang on and his last-minute reversal contributed to the defeat of Kamala Harris and the loss of the White House to Donald Trump.

Personal toll

A dark-haired man whispers into the ear of a boy in an argyle sweater.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his son, Hadrien, watch a traditional First Nations game in Whitehorse, Yukon in February 2023.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Mike Thomas

During Trudeau’s time in office, his marriage ended — as his own parents’ marriage did decades ago while Pierre Trudeau was in power. Two of his children are teenagers, while one is a pre-teen. Trudeau has in the past remarked: “The best days of my life are the ones I’ve spent outside with my kids.”

He will now have more time with his family.




Read more:
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau assumes a new role — single dad, just like his own father


Still young at age 53, Trudeau could begin a second public life as the late U.S. president, Jimmy Carter, did following his four years in the Oval Office. Or he could largely withdraw from the public sphere and pursue a private sector career.

No matter what Trudeau’s future holds, he leaves an indelible mark on Canada — especially on its social policies.

The Conversation

Thomas Klassen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Justin Trudeau quits: How his focus on social policy will be his legacy – https://theconversation.com/justin-trudeau-quits-how-his-focus-on-social-policy-will-be-his-legacy-246730

New research reveals why some Australian dairy farmers are considering leaving the industry

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clive Phillips, Former Foundation Professor of Animal Welfare, University of Queensland, Curtin University

sw_photo/Shutterstock

You might think dairy farmers would be enjoying boom times. The dairy industry has been expanding worldwide in response to increasing demand, mainly in the emerging markets of Asia.

But across many developed countries, the number of dairy farmers has in fact steadily declined, as they face growing challenges.

In Australia, the number of registered dairy farms fell from 6,308 in 2014 to 4,420 in 2022.

Australia’s dairy farmers have had to grapple with increasing and unstable costs, labour shortages, long working hours and climate extremes. They’re also staring down fierce competition from increasingly popular plant-based milks.

Even so, dairy remains Australia’s third-largest rural industry. The sector employs about 33,500 people and generates more than A$6 billion in farm gate value.

As farmers leave the industry, the herd sizes of those who remain increase. So, too, do the financial pressures. The satisfaction levels of workers in the industry may then decline, putting pressure on families and the cattle they care for.

Our research, published in Nature journal Scientific Reports, drew on interviews with 147 dairy farmers to examine these pressures in detail. Our findings paint a sobering picture of low satisfaction with the industry, causing some farmers to consider leaving it.

Our research

Our survey was conducted in 2023 and used a mixed methods approach – obtaining both quantitative and qualitative responses to gain a detailed understanding of farmers’ difficulties.

Most dairy farmers (72%) said they faced major challenges – mostly increasing costs, drought and floods.

Long working hours and low incomes created mental strain for 69% of farmers or their families. Bigger farms with more workers had a more intense working environment, leading to more stress.

As one farmer put it:

Dairy farming is pretty hard yards.

Nearly all farmers (97%) emphasised that animal welfare was not at risk, saying animals had top priority in their farming system.

Only about 20% recognised long term issues like climate change uncertainty, lack of or insufficient subsidies and grants, and changing consumer demand, as major challenges.

69% of farmers said the challenges of dairy farming were impacting their mental wellbeing.
StockMediaSeller/Shutterstock

Openness to alternatives

More than half of dairy farmers surveyed were open to exploring other agricultural enterprises, mostly cropping and beef. However, several recognised that their land was not suited to these alternatives.

Over a third (36%) were open to transitioning away from dairy to horticulture or other business ventures. Financial assistance and technical advice were seen as the most important forms of support required to do so.

The most common reasons for considering a transition were ageing or health problems (16% of all farmers), followed by labour shortages (12%) and increasing costs (12%).

Some were concerned about rezoning of agricultural land, the threat of disease, and increased paperwork.

However, those more upbeat about dairy thought the “grass” probably wouldn’t be any “greener” on the other side of the fence, with alternative industries likely subject to similar pressures.

Labour shortages are a key challenge for the sector.
Choksawatdikorn/Shutterstock

The key characteristics of farmers who were interested in transitioning to other agricultural or horticultural industries were their low level of satisfaction with dairy farming, openness to alternatives, and willingness to receive support.

Those interested in transitioning away from dairy farming were more likely to believe that dairy farming in Australia was not sustainable.

Among those intending to transition, it was mostly foreseen that it would take place in the long-term, as they got older.

However, many farmers (64%) were not interested in transitioning away from dairy – even if government support and assistance were provided.

Many cited a long-standing family commitment to dairy farming and higher profits than other agricultural enterprises, necessary because of many farmers’ indebtedness to the bank.

Dairy under pressure

Longer-term pressures on the dairy industry may create a need for government involvement in the transition. These include declining milk sales and growing demand for plant-based alternatives.

As if that was not enough competition, a new technology, precision fermentation threatens to produce milk and casein for cheese without cows.

The technology mirrors that developed for cultured meat, except that yeasts and bacteria are used to manufacture the proteins and fats in milk. In future, this could potentially be done at a fraction of the cost of using dairy cows.

Some major dairy companies have already invested in the technology.

The rise of alternative milks has put pressure on the dairy industry.
Strahlengang/Shutterstock

It is also necessary to achieve a reduction in cows’ contribution to climate change. The Australian government has committed to a 43% reduction in 2005 emissions by 2030, building to net zero by 2050.

Australia has also joined the Global Methane Pledge to collectively reduce methane emissions by at least 30% below 2020 levels by 2030.

Moving forward

Farmers need help in finding alternatives to dairy farming. Governments bear a responsibility for sustainable food production.

If they help farmers to plan long term, beyond the immediate difficulties, they can transition gradually into enterprises that will meet the anticipated future public demand for healthy, plant-based food produced in sustainable agricultural systems.

Poor farmer welfare often impacts negatively on their animals, as acknowledged in the One Welfare concept, an extension of the One Health movement.

This research was supported by funding from registered charity Farm Transitions Australia, which helps Australian dairy and beef farmers facing hardship and seeking a transition from the industry. Research was conducted by Curtin University researchers, Clive Phillips, Esra Celik, Dora Marinova and Diana Bogueva, and received Curtin University ethics clearance. Executive Director of Farm Transitions Australia, Krystal Camilleri, provided some in-kind support with survey design.

Clive Phillips is on the grant awarding committee of Voiceless, a not-for-proft animal protection organisation. He has previously received funding from the livestock industry, governments in Australasia and the EU, and animal charities.

ref. New research reveals why some Australian dairy farmers are considering leaving the industry – https://theconversation.com/new-research-reveals-why-some-australian-dairy-farmers-are-considering-leaving-the-industry-244819

Fourth death from Hawai’i fireworks explosion highlights illegal trade

RNZ Pacific

Honolulu police have announced the death of a fourth person due to the New Year’s Eve fireworks explosion in Aliamanu, Hawai’i — a 3-year-old boy who has died in hospital.

Six people with severe burn injuries from the explosion were flown to Arizona on the US mainland for further treatment.

“We’re angry, frustrated and deeply saddened at this uneccessary loss of life and suffering,” Honolulu Mayor Rick Blangiardi told a news conference.

Three people died on New Year’s Eve after a Honolulu fireworks explosion. Image: Hawaii Governor/Josh Green FB

“No one should have to endure such pain due to reckless and illegal activity.”

He said this incident was a painful reminder of the danger posed by illegal fireworks.

“They put lives at risk, they drain our first responders, and they disrupt our neighbourhoods.

“Every aerial firework is illegal and this means we need to shut down the root cause — shutting down the pipeline of illegal fireworks entering our islands.”

Problem for lawmakers
Civil Beat reported that Hawai’i’s thirst for illegal fireworks displays were a perennial problem for lawmakers, resulting in dozens of bills introduced by the Legislature that do not pass.

The Illegal Fireworks Task Force seized 103,000 kilos of fireworks in the last year and a half, yet those cases have resulted in zero criminal charges.

Hawaii News Now obtained the state’s illegal fireworks task force’s 2025 report to lawmakers, revealing the big financial windfall for those who deal in illegal aerials.

The report said “the return on investment for those who smuggle illegal fireworks into Hawai’i is a rate of five to one”.

It also said law enforcement doesn’t have enough money or staff to interdict smuggling at points of entry.

It added that: “the task force is part-time and members have a primary job they must do in addition to task force work.”

The investigation into the explosion continues.

A fifth person died after a separate fireworks blast in Kalihi on New Year’s Eve.

He sustained multiple traumatic injuries, including a severe arm injury, according to Emergency Medical Services.

Meanwhile, five people died across Germany and a police officer was seriously injured from accidents linked to the powerful fireworks Germans traditionally set off to celebrate the new year, police said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

2025 will see huge advances in quantum computing. So what is a quantum chip and how does it work?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Muhammad Usman, Head of Quantum Systems and Principal Research Scientist, CSIRO

Motion Loop/Shutterstock

In recent years, the field of quantum computing has been experiencing fast growth, with technological advances and large-scale investments regularly making the news.

The United Nations has designated 2025 as the International Year of Quantum Science and Technology.

The stakes are high – having quantum computers would mean access to tremendous data processing power compared to what we have today. They won’t replace your normal computer, but having this kind of awesome computing power will provide advances in medicine, chemistry, materials science and other fields.

So it’s no surprise that quantum computing is rapidly becoming a global race, and private industry and governments around the world are rushing to build the world’s first full-scale quantum computer. To achieve this, first we need to have stable and scalable quantum processors, or chips.

What is a quantum chip?

Everyday computers – like your laptop – are classical computers. They store and process information in the form of binary numbers or bits. A single bit can represent either 0 or 1.

By contrast, the basic unit of a quantum chip is a qubit. A quantum chip is made up of many qubits. These are typically subatomic particles such as electrons or photons, controlled and manipulated by specially designed electric and magnetic fields (known as control signals).

Unlike a bit, a qubit can be placed in a state of 0, 1, or a combination of both, also known as a “superposition state”. This distinct property allows quantum processors to store and process extremely large data sets exponentially faster than even the most powerful classical computer.

There are different ways to make qubits – one can use superconducting devices, semiconductors, photonics (light) or other approaches. Each method has its advantages and drawbacks.

Companies like IBM, Google and QueRa all have roadmaps to drastically scale up quantum processors by 2030.

Industry players that use semiconductors are Intel and Australian companies like Diraq and SQC. Key photonic quantum computer developers include PsiQuantum and Xanadu.

Qubits: quality versus quantity

How many qubits a quantum chip has is actually less important than the quality of the qubits.

A quantum chip made up of thousands of low-quality qubits will be unable to perform any useful computational task.

So, what makes for a quality qubit?

Qubits are very sensitive to unwanted disturbances, also known as errors or noise. This noise can come from many sources, including imperfections in the manufacturing process, control signal issues, changes in temperature, or even just an interaction with the qubit’s environment.

Being prone to errors reduces the reliability of a qubit, known as fidelity. For a quantum chip to stay stable long enough to perform complex computational tasks, it needs high-fidelity qubits.

When researchers compare the performance of different quantum chips, qubit fidelity is one of the crucial parameters they use.

How do we correct the errors?

Fortunately, we don’t have to build perfect qubits.

Over the last 30 years, researchers have designed theoretical techniques which use many imperfect or low-fidelity qubits to encode an abstract “logical qubit”. A logical qubit is protected from errors and, therefore, has very high fidelity. A useful quantum processor will be based on many logical qubits.

Nearly all major quantum chip developers are now putting these theories into practice, shifting their focus from qubits to logical qubits.

In 2024, many quantum computing researchers and companies made great progress on quantum error corrections, including Google, QueRa, IBM and CSIRO.

Quantum chips consisting of over 100 qubits are already available. They are being used by many researchers around the world to evaluate how good the current generation of quantum computers are and how they can be made better in future generations.

For now, developers have only made single logical qubits. It will likely take a few years to figure out how to put several logical qubits together into a quantum chip that can work coherently and solve complex real-world problems.

What will quantum computers be useful for?

A fully functional quantum processor would be able to solve extremely complex problems. This could lead to revolutionary impact in many areas of research, technology and economy.

Quantum computers could help us discover new medicines and advance medical research by finding new connections in clinical trial data or genetics that current computers don’t have enough processing power for.

They could also greatly improve the safety of various systems that use artificial intelligence algorithms, such as banking, military targeting and autonomous vehicles, to name a few.

To achieve all this, we first need to reach a milestone known as quantum supremacy – where a quantum processor solves a problem that would take a classical computer an impractical amount of time to do.

Late last year, Google’s quantum chip Willow finally demonstrated quantum supremacy for a contrived task – a computational problem designed to be hard for classical supercomputers but easy for quantum processors due to their distinct way of working.

Although it didn’t solve a useful real-world problem, it’s still a remarkable achievement and an important step in the right direction that’s taken years of research and development. After all, to run, one must first learn to walk.

What’s on the horizon for 2025 and beyond?

In the next few years, quantum chips will continue to scale up. Importantly, the next generation of quantum processors will be underpinned by logical qubits, able to tackle increasingly useful tasks.

While quantum hardware (that is, processors) has been progressing at a rapid pace, we also can’t overlook an enormous amount of research and development in the field of quantum software and algorithms.

Using quantum simulations on normal computers, researchers have been developing and testing various quantum algorithms. This will make quantum computing ready for useful applications when the quantum hardware catches up.

Building a full-scale quantum computer is a daunting task. It will require simultaneous advancements on many fronts, such as scaling up the number of qubits on a chip, improving the fidelity of the qubits, better error correction, quantum software, quantum algorithms, and several other sub-fields of quantum computing.

After years of remarkable foundational work, we can expect 2025 to bring new breakthroughs in all of the above.

The Conversation

Muhammad Usman receives funding from the Australian Defence and Australian Army.

ref. 2025 will see huge advances in quantum computing. So what is a quantum chip and how does it work? – https://theconversation.com/2025-will-see-huge-advances-in-quantum-computing-so-what-is-a-quantum-chip-and-how-does-it-work-246336

What is reformer pilates? And is it worth the cost?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hunter Bennett, Lecturer in Exercise Science, University of South Australia

Ahmet Kurt/Unsplash

Reformer pilates is steadily growing in popularity, with new studios opening regularly in major cities all over the world.

But what exactly is reformer pilates? And how does it compare with regular pilates and other types of exercise?

Classes aren’t cheap so let’s look at the potential benefits and drawbacks to help you decide if it’s right for you.

Pilates with special equipment

Pilates is a mode of exercise that focuses on core stability and flexibility, while also addressing muscular strength and endurance, balance and general fitness. At first glance, it might look a bit like yoga, with some more traditional weight training components thrown in.

Reformer pilates uses a piece of equipment called a “reformer”. This looks like a narrow bed that slides along a carriage, has straps to hold onto, and has adjustable springs that add resistance to movement. You perform pilates on the reformer to target specific muscle groups and movement patterns.

The reformer was first designed to help people recover from injuries. However, it has now become common for general fitness and even sports performance.

Unlike normal pilates, also known as “mat pilates”, which only uses your body weight, the reformer adds resistance, meaning you can change the difficulty according to your current level of fitness.

This not only provides a way to overload your muscles, but can make the exercise session more aerobically demanding, which has been proposed to improve cardiovascular fitness.

Man stretches while his pilates instructor repositions his back
Mat pilates uses your body weight.
Kampus Productions/Pexels

What are the benefits of reformer pilates?

Despite being around for decades, there is surprisingly little research looking at the benefits of reformer pilates. However, what we have seen so far suggests it has a similar effect to other modes of exercise.

Reformer pilates has been shown to help with weight loss, cause some small increases in muscle mass, and enhance cognitive function. All of these benefits are commonly seen when combining weight training and cardio into the same routine.

Similarly, among older adults, it has been shown to improve strength, enhance flexibility and may even reduce the risk of falling.

From a rehabilitation perspective, there is some evidence indicating reformer pilates can improve shoulder health and function, reduce lower back pain and increase flexibility.

Finally, there is some evidence suggesting a single session of reformer pilates can improve two key markers of cardiovascular health, being flow-mediated dilation and pulse wave velocity, while also improving cholesterol and insulin levels. This suggests reformer pilates could lead to long-term improvements in heart and metabolic health, although more research is needed to confirm this.

Man pulls straps of reformer, with his physio looking on
Reformer pilates was first designed to help people recover from injuries.
Kampus Productions/Pexels

However, there are some key things to consider when discussing these benefits. Most of this research is quite exploratory and comes from a very small number of studies. So we do not know whether these findings will apply to everyone.

Very few studies compared reformer pilates to other types of exercise. Therefore, while it can improve most aspects of health and function, it’s unlikely reformer pilates provides the optimal mode of exercise for each individual component of physical fitness.

Traditional weight training, for example, will likely cause larger improvements in strength than reformer pilates. Similarly, stretching will probably make you more flexible. And running or cycling will make you fitter.

However, if you want a type of exercise that gives you broad overall health benefits, it could be a good option.

What are the downsides of reformer pilates

Reformer pilates is not for everyone.

First and foremost, classes can be expensive compared to other fitness options. You need to be doing at least two to three sessions per week of any type of exercise to maximise the benefits. So even if you can find a class for A$20 or $30, paying for two or three classes a week (or buying a weekly or monthly subscription) is a significant outlay.

Second, it’s not as accessible as other exercise. Even if you can afford it, not every town or suburb has a reformer pilates studio.

Woman rolls up exercise mat
Cost and access are major barriers. Or you might get better results with specific modes of exercises.
Karolina Grabowska/Pexels

Third, the effectiveness of your workout is likely to be impacted by how competent your instructor is. There are a host of different pilates qualifications you can get in Australia, and some take much less time than others. With this in mind, it might be best to look for accredited pilates instructors, although this will further reduce the number of options you have available.

Finally, there is a learning curve. While you will get better over time, the exercise will likely be less effective during those first few weeks (or months) when you are getting used to the machine and the movements.

Is it right for you?

Reformer pilates can be a great addition to your fitness routine, especially if you’re looking for a low-impact way to build strength and flexibility.

But if you have more specific goals, you might need a more specific mode of exercise. For example, if you need to get stronger to improve your ability to manage your daily life, then strength training is probably your best bet. Likewise, if your goal is to run a marathon, you will get more specific benefits from running.

The cost and availability of reformer pilates make it less accessible for some people. With this in mind, if you are after similar benefits at a lower price point, mat pilates might be a better option. Not only does it have evidence suggesting it can improve strength and fitness, but it is something you can do at home if you find a good resource (YouTube could be a good sttarting point here).

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is reformer pilates? And is it worth the cost? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-reformer-pilates-and-is-it-worth-the-cost-244634

Cane toads on the barbie? How eating invasive species might help manage them

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Carla Archibald, Research Fellow, Conservation Science, Deakin University

ABC

Eating rabbit, camel, carp, feral cat, deer and cane toad might sound extreme to some, but it’s gaining attention as a solution to tackle the growing impact of invasive species.

Now, Tony Armstrong hosts the ABC series Eat the Invaders, inspired by artist Kirsha Kaechele’s 2019 cookbook and MONA exhibition Eat the Problem.

Over the course of the series, Armstrong talks to chefs, conservationists, Indigenous Elders, researchers, food producers and the general public to explore the idea of eating these species to reduce their populations.

Over each of the six episodes, the show features a different invasive species, transforming them from something perceived as an unwanted pest into a desirable food you may order off a menu.

Invasive species in Australia

Episode one poetically begins at ground zero of the rabbit invasion, Barwon Park in Winchelsea, Victoria, where 24 rabbits were introduced in 1859.

Ever since, invasive species like the rabbit have caused significant harm in Australia, now impacting 82% of our threatened species – a rate much higher than global norms. Feral cats and foxes are responsible for the deaths of 2.6 billion native vertebrates annually.

Invasive species disproportionately affect Indigenous lands in Australia compared to the global average, emphasising their cultural toll.

In the agricultural sector, invasive species cause significant damage, and cost Australian producers up to A$5.3 billion in management costs and losses annually.

A group of women, triumphant.
The women of WACT, Women Against Cane Toads, hunt poisonous cane toads to protect native species.
ABC

Cane toads have toxic skin that poisons native predators like goannas, crocodiles and quolls, who lack natural defences.

To combat this, researchers are testing innovative solutions, such as “cane toad sausages”, to train native mammals and reptiles to avoid the toxic toads.

Could invasive species belong on our plates too?

I’ll eat a cow, but not a camel

While we may accept animals like cows, chickens or pigs as food, species like rabbit, camel and carp remain off the menu for many Australians.

This is a form of cognitive dissonance, where we perceive some animals as pests but are also hesitant at the idea of turning them into food.

Adding invasive species back into culinary culture can increase public awareness of invasive species, assist in early detection and response efforts, and boost local economies.

Re-branding invasive species as a culinary opportunity isn’t a new concept. Carp is often sold in America under the name “copi”.

This idea is explored during episode three, as a marketing company is given an opportunity to re-brand cane toad meat. The final hypothetical product is a packaged “toad nugget” product called “Croaky Crunchers”.

Eating invasive species

A central theme of Eat the Invaders is that eating invasive species is good for the environment, while also being delicious.

Armstrong meets up with the Country Women’s Association to learn about how rabbits were once common on Australian dinner tables, while cooking a tomato and rabbit stew.

Carp is a staple food in China and Europe but is rarely found in Australian supermarkets.

Here, carp appears in fish and chips and as part of an experimental dish at MONA, served with invasive weeds and “edible plastic” made from corn flour and the invasive plant kudzu.

A beautifully plated dish.
The carp as served up as part of an experimental dish at MONA.
Jesse Hunniford/ABC

Bob Katter might not be the first person you’d expect to make a cameo, but it makes sense given far-north Queensland is one of the most densely populated regions for cane toads in Australia.

The main challenge with eating cane toads is the risk of bufotoxin, which is toxic to humans. Armstrong meets a former chef who prepares and eats cane toad – but Armstrong can’t get the meat safety-tested to try it himself.

Establishing safe processing, like Japan’s fugu system of safely processing the tetrodotoxin poison from puffer fish, could help to create an export market for toads. This might benefit conservation by reducing pressure on native frogs harvested in Indonesia and Vietnam.

Two people talk.
Jodie Ward talks with Tony Armstrong about the Kiwirrkurra cat hunters and rangers.
ABC

The show stops short of serving feral cats on the menu at MONA.

Instead, Armstrong travels to Kiwirrkurra Country in the Gibson Desert and joins the Kiwirrkurra rangers and cat hunters who protect wildlife like the vulnerable greater bilby by hunting feral cats.

They show him how the feral cats are prepared as food. He told the Guardian “it tasted like the most delicious rotisserie chicken I’ve ever had”.

Worth the watch

Changing our diets is a simple yet powerful way to tackle Australia’s extinction crisis. Eat the Invaders creatively explores this idea.

Armstrong’s style is approachable and engaging for people who are unfamiliar with the impact of invasive species. Especially as he himself is trying many of these species for the first time.

The show balances perspectives on food, conservation, Indigenous knowledge, and consumer experiences, creating a well-rounded narrative.

Kirsha Kaechele and Tony Armstrong at a dining table.
Eat the Invaders introduces thought-provoking ideas that challenge perceptions of invasive species.
ABC

Throughout the show, Armstrong highlights the profound impact of invasive species on Indigenous Australians’ connection to Country, and how these species disrupt ecosystems and threaten culturally significant totem species.

While eating invasive species is innovative, it’s not a standalone solution.

As invasive species spread, management often shifts from eradication to long-term control. Policy contradictions, like deer being protected under some laws but considered threats in others, complicate management efforts.

Promoting invasive species consumption through eating them could help, but risks creating a business case to maintain or even expand invasive populations, undermining eradication goals.

Eat the Invaders is on the ABC from tonight.

The Conversation

Carla Archibald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Cane toads on the barbie? How eating invasive species might help manage them – https://theconversation.com/cane-toads-on-the-barbie-how-eating-invasive-species-might-help-manage-them-246042

‘I don’t hold the hose, mate’: Australia’s political history is full of gaffes. Here are some of best (or worst)

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Bongiorno, Professor of History, ANU College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University

The Oxford English Dictionary defines a gaffe as a “blunder, an instance of clumsy stupidity, a ‘faux pas’.” It evokes a sense of triviality rather than high seriousness. If one’s clumsiness results in the outbreak of war, it would not usually be considered a mere gaffe.

Nor are gaffes ordinarily seen to result from the unworthy impulses of spite or cruelty. No one would call Robodebt a gaffe. It was far worse than that. Gaffes normally imply absentmindedness rather than deliberation.

So, what are the gaffes that have been most significant in Australian political history? What are the blunders that have mattered?

Bungled from the start

The Commonwealth of Australia was founded on a blunder.

The governor-general of the day, Lord Hopetoun, commissioned William Lyne as the first prime minister of Australia. Hopetoun had only recently arrived in Australia, and as there would be no federal election until March 1901, an interim government needed to be formed in the meantime.

An old black and white portrait of a man in a suit
Lord Hopetoun made an unfortunate choice for Australia’s first ever prime minister.
State Library of Queensland

Lyne had recently become premier of New South Wales, the most populous of the colonies. To a newcomer unversed in local politics, making him prime minister seemed like a good idea.

But Lyne had been a longstanding opponent of federation of the colonies and was deeply unpopular with those who had worked for years to bring it about. Leading politicians, such as Edmund Barton, refused to serve in his cabinet.

Lyne returned his commission. The episode has been called the Hopetoun Blunder.

Words defying logic

Gaffes, however, often tend to be more about words than actions.

One of the most memorable to have occurred in the Australian parliament was on October 19 1955. Herbert Vere Evatt was leader of the opposition and had overseen – and helped trigger – a split in the Labor Party.

Entangled in that crisis was the defection the previous year of Soviet spies Vladimir and Evdokia Petrov, and Evatt’s clumsy handling of the matter.

A black and white shot of two men in suits talking
Herbert Vere Evatt (right) stretched the limits of credulity.
State Library of New South Wales

Early in a speech delivered to the House of Representatives, Evatt reported he had written to the Soviet foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov, who had assured him the documents Petrov had taken from the Soviet embassy in Canberra had been forged under the “instructions of persons interested in the deterioration of the Soviet-Australian relations and in discrediting their political opponents”. One of the documents in question implicated Evatt’s staffers in passing information to the Soviets.




Read more:
The Petrov affair: how a real-life Cold War defection became a soothing spy story for anxious Australians


It seemed incredible an Australian political leader would write to a Soviet politician in such terms. What did he expect Molotov to say? That the documents delivered by a man who had betrayed the Soviet Union, and which disclosed the existence of Soviet espionage in Australia, were authentic?

Evatt’s speech was greeted with grim faces from those behind him, and raucous laughter from the opposition benches and Labor defectors. One of those who had split from Labor, Stan Keon, wanted to know if the letter had been addressed “Dear Boss”. Another from the government benches interjected “he’s nuts”.

Most so-called gaffes do not have such serious reverberations. They sound silly and reflect poorly on whoever made them, but the political cycle quickly moves on.

In this case, Evatt’s gaffe mattered. It destroyed what remained of his credibility and prompted some to question not only his judgement but also his sanity.

Following a closely fought election in 1954, it provided an opening for Robert Menzies to call an early election in 1955, which he won in a landslide. It paved the way for another 17 years of Coalition rule.

On cakes and recessions

It is hard to think of any gaffe in recent Australian political history that mattered quite as much.

John Hewson undoubtedly committed a gaffe during the 1993 election campaign in a television interview with Mike Willesee, when he was asked how his proposed Goods and Services Tax would apply to a cake.

Hewson’s answer weaved this way and that – in a manner that complicated rather than simplified. He probably would have lost the election anyway, but it didn’t help.

In other instances, a gaffe subsequently acquires importance because it comes to stand for some larger story about the times or the person who committed it.

Paul Keating’s remark at a 1990 media conference announcing the country had entered a recession was accompanied by the memorable remark “this is the recession Australia had to have”.

It looked like a gaffe. It smelt like a gaffe. It clung to Keating as a clumsy attempt by an arrogant politician to absolve himself of responsibility for the sad state of the economy.

Yet, in the eyes of many commentators a few years on, it didn’t look quite so bad.

A recession was inevitable following the boom in asset prices of the 1980s. Almost all developed economies had one in the early 1990s.

An effect of the recession is that it brought inflation down to the levels achieved by countries such as the United States and United Kingdom in the early 1980s, which became the foundation for several decades of high economic performance by Australia.

A man in a suit on television in the 90s.
Paul Keating’s ‘recession we had to have’ remark is burnt into the collective consciousness.
IMDB/ABC

I do not share this rosy view: the recession had catastrophic economic and social effects. But the combination of events is a reminder that what might look like a bad gaffe in one context can look rather different in another.

Keating’s 1986 remark in a radio interview with John Laws that unless the country turned around its balance-of-payments problems, it would become a “banana republic”, also looked like a gaffe.

Prime Minister Bob Hawke was deeply unhappy with what Keating had said, but in retrospect, it provided the government with cover for imposing greater economic discipline on the public.

Labor won the 1987 election that followed, just as Keating’s “recession” gaffe turned out to be a milestone on his way to the prime ministership and victory in 1993.

Symptoms of larger problems

More recently, Scott Morrison’s 2019 “I don’t hold the hose, mate” comment during the Black Summer bushfires merely seemed a bit clumsy, and much less of a big deal than his having taken a holiday in Hawaii when so much of the country was on fire. At worst, it reflected a lack of judgement about the seriousness of the situation back in Australia.

In the years that followed, it came to mean more, becoming for critics emblematic of his prime ministership.

His remark that COVID vaccination was “not a race” acted in tandem with the earlier statement.

Together they seemed to epitomise a complacent leader unwilling to lead. Labor made hay with this material as the 2022 election approached.

The search for gaffes can be a trivialising. As we enter another election season, we can expect the media to spend at least as much time on the hunt for gaffes as they do on policy substance.

Burned in 2022, Albanese will be swotting up on the Reserve Bank cash rate and the present level of unemployment to the second decimal point in preparation for his own Hard Quiz-style ordeal.

He will probably get them right, too. But that will tell us precisely nothing about whether his government deserves a second term and, if it gets one, whether it will make anything of it.

The Conversation

Frank Bongiorno does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘I don’t hold the hose, mate’: Australia’s political history is full of gaffes. Here are some of best (or worst) – https://theconversation.com/i-dont-hold-the-hose-mate-australias-political-history-is-full-of-gaffes-here-are-some-of-best-or-worst-241919

Can apps and digital resources support your child with autism or ADHD? Here’s what to look for

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelsie Boulton, Senior Research Fellow in Child Neurodevelopment, Brain and Mind Centre, University of Sydney

Fabio Principe/Shutterstock

Neurodevelopmental conditions such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and autism affect about one in ten children. These conditions impact development, behaviour and wellbeing.

But children with these conditions and their caregivers often can’t get the support they need. Families report difficulties accessing health-care providers and experience long wait lists to receive care.

Digital tools, such as apps and websites, are often viewed as a solution to these gaps. With a single click or a download, families might be able to access information to support their child.

There are lots of digital tools available, but it’s hard to know what is and isn’t useful. Our new study evaluated freely available digital resources for child neurodevelopment and mental health to understand their quality and evidence base.

We found many resources were functional and engaging. However, resources often lacked evidence for the information provided and the claimed positive impact on children and families.

This is a common problem in the digital resource field, where the high expectations and claims of impact from digital tools to change health care have not yet been realised.

What type of resources?

Our study identified 3,435 separate resources, of which 112 (43 apps and 69 websites) met our criteria for review. These resources all claimed to provide information or supports for child neurodevelopment, mental health or wellbeing.

Resources had to be freely available, in English and have actionable information for children and families.

The most common focus was on autism, representing 17% of all resources. Resources suggested they provided strategies to promote speech, language and social development, and to support challenging behaviours.

Other common areas included language and communication (14%), and ADHD (10%).

Resources had various purposes, including journalling and providing advice, scheduling support, and delivering activities and strategies for parents. Resources delivered information interactively, with some apps organising content into structured modules.

Resources also provided options for alternative and assistive communication for people with language or communication challenges.

Most apps were functional and accessible

Our first question was about how engaging and accessible the information was. Resources that are hard to use aren’t used frequently, regardless of the information quality.

We evaluated aesthetics, including whether digital tools were easy to use and navigate, stylistically consistent, with clean and appealing graphics for users.

Most resources were rated as highly engaging, with strong accessibility and functionality.

Girl plays on laptop
Most apps and websites we evaluated were engaging.
jamesteohart/Shutterstock

But many lacked quality information

We ranked resources on various features from 1 (inadequate) to 5 (excellent), with a ranking of 3 considered acceptable. These ratings looked at how credible the resource was and whether there was evidence supporting it.

Despite their functionality, 37% of reviewed apps did not meet the minimum acceptable standards for information quality. This means many apps could not be recommended. Most websites fared better than apps.

There also wasn’t a lot of scientific evidence to suggest using either apps or digital resources actually helped families. Studies show long-term engagement with digital tools is rare, and downloads don’t correspond to frequent usage or benefits.

Digital tools are often viewed as a panacea to health-care gaps, but the evidence is yet to show they fill such gaps. Digital health is a fast-moving field and resources are often made available before they have been properly evaluated.

What should you look for in digital resources?

We found the highest quality resources were developed in collaboration with institutions, such as health, university or government groups.

One highly rated resource was the Raising Children’s Network and the associated app, Raising Healthy Minds. These are co-developed with a university and hospital, and by people with appropriate qualifications.

This resource provides information to support children’s overall health, development and wellbeing, with dedicated sections addressing neurodevelopmental needs and concerns.

The Raising Children Network provides resources for child health, including neurodevelopmental needs.
Raising Children Network screenshot

Our research shows parents can assess whether digital resources are high quality by checking they are:

  • factually correct. Look for where the app or resource is getting its information. Does the author have the qualifications and training to provide the information? Are they a registered health expert who is accountable to a regulatory body (such as AHPRA, the Australian Health Practitioners Regulation Agency) for providing information that does not cause harm?

  • consistent across multiple credible sources, such as health institutions.

  • linked to supporting information. Look for reliable links to reputable institutions. Links to peer-reviewed scientific journals are often helpful as those articles will also usually describe the limitations of the research presented.

  • up-to-date. Apps should be frequently updated. For websites, dates of update are usually found on the homepage or at the bottom of individual pages.

Man concentrates on computer, holding sheet of paper
Check when information was last updated.
fizkes/Shutterstock

Beware of red flags

Some things to watch out for are:

  • testimonials and anecdotes without evidence and scientific links to back the anecdotes up. If it sounds too good to be true, it probably is.

  • no information provided about conflicts of interest. Organisations gain when you click on their links or take their advice (financial, reputation and brand development). Think about what they gain when you use their information to help keep a balanced perspective.

Remember, the app’s star rating doesn’t mean it will contain factual information from a reliable source or be helpful for you and your child.

The role of digital tools

Digital tools won’t usually replace a health professional, but they can support care in many different ways. They may be used to help to educate and prepare for meetings, and to collaborate with health providers.

They may also be used to collect information about daily needs. Studies show reporting on sleep in children can be notoriously difficult, for example. But tracking sleep behaviour with actigraphy, where movement and activity patterns are measured using a wearable device, can provide information to support clinical care. With the promise of artificial intelligence, there will also be new opportunities to support daily living.

Our findings reflect a broader problem for digital health, however. Much investment is often made in developing products to drive use, with spurious claims of health benefits.

What’s needed is a system that prioritises the funding, implementation and evaluation of tools to demonstrate benefits for families. Only then may we realise the potential of digital tools to benefit those who use them.

The Conversation

Kelsie Boulton receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Cerebral Palsy Alliance Research Foundation for research into neurodevelopmental conditions.

Adam Guastella receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and Australian Research Council for research into neurodevelopmental conditions. He is director of the Clinic for Autism and Neurodevelopmental Research and scientific chair of Neurodevelopment Australia, a scientific group seeking to improve the knowledge and supports for all people with neurodevelopmental conditions.

ref. Can apps and digital resources support your child with autism or ADHD? Here’s what to look for – https://theconversation.com/can-apps-and-digital-resources-support-your-child-with-autism-or-adhd-heres-what-to-look-for-241468

Fully recovering Australia’s threatened species would cost 25% of GDP. We can’t do it all at once – so let’s start here

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By April Reside, Lecturer in Conservation, The University of Queensland

An endangered golden-shouldered parrot Imogen Warren/Shutterstock

Australia has already lost at least 100 species since European colonisation. Across land and freshwater habitats, 1,657 species are currently threatened with the same fate. Their populations have fallen 2-3% every year over the last quarter century.

The accelerating loss of species is one of the greatest environmental challenges of our time. Losing biodiversity threatens cultural values, economic stability and society’s wellbeing.

Like many nations, Australia has pledged to stem these losses. We have signed international commitments to restore nature and halt species extinctions.

These are noble and necessary goals. But at present, we lack an understanding of the sheer size, range of options – and expense of the challenge.

In our new research, we estimate the costs of bringing Australia’s threatened species back to their potential ranges. Rather than being limited by current spend on conservation, we calculated what it would cost to fully recover Australia’s threatened species across their viable range.

Our cost models are designed to also be used at different resolutions and scales, from small urban parks up to landscape scale. We found the costs vary greatly, from very low to more than A$12,600 per hectare for areas where intensive efforts such as habitat restoration through tree planting and weed removal would benefit species.

To undo all the human-induced damage and bring nature roaring back across their viable continental range would come with a staggering cost – A$583 billion per year, every year, for at least 30 years. That’s 25% of our GDP.

Figure showing cost of nature recovery in regions of Australia
This figure shows the variation in how much it would cost to introduce all strategies to tackle threats to endangered species. Black indicates no cost (no threatened species occur there), colours represent costs (in AUD) per 1×1 km.
Author provided

This, obviously, is infeasible. But it shows the extent of 200 years of human impacts on nature in Australia.

Importantly, it is a cautionary tale for what further damage will cost to repair. And – more positively – it gives us a way to cost and plan for species recovery at local or regional levels.

Australian biodiversity – globally significant, widely threatened

Of the world’s 195 nations, just 17 are mega-biodiverse – nations with very high numbers of species found nowhere else. Australia is one of them.

Unfortunately, feral predators, clearing for agriculture, widespread change to Indigenous fire regimes and other human impacts have caused among the greatest biodiversity losses on the planet in recent history.

Unsurprisingly, the need for species recovery are greatest – and most expensive – in the east and south-west of Australia, where impacts on biodiversity have been most significant. Tackling threats in these regions is particularly challenging and costly.

Map showing where threatened species are found around Australia
This shows the cost of implementing these repair strategies compared with the number of threatened species in a region. Paler areas denote lower cost and fewer species, dark purple denotes high cost and a greater number of species.
Author provided

Previous estimates of the cost of recovering these species are orders of magnitude smaller. That’s because these estimates tended to focus on preventing extinction, rather than achieving full species recovery. Many previous estimates also excluded key expenses such as planning, labour and contingencies.

Why is full recovery so expensive?

Full species recovery would require widespread action across most of the continent, especially to manage fire, weed species and invasive predators (cats and foxes) and herbivores (rabbits, deer and more).

We were surprised to learn that the single most expensive measure across the continent wasn’t replanting native habitat or controlling cats and foxes. It’s tackling invasive weeds, such as blackberry and lantana.

At least 470 plant species are threatened by invasive weeds. The worst are “transformer” weeds – vigorous species such as invasive buffel and gamba grasses able to smother entire habitats, out-competing native plants and stopping seed-eating birds, such as the golden-shouldered parrot, squatter pigeon and black-throated finch, from finding food.

Controlling weeds accounts for 81% of our total costs. This is because weeds cover such large areas of Australia.

We acknowledge that full recovery of all of Australia’s threatened species at a continental scale is financially, technically and socially unfeasible. Policymakers need to balance nature restoration with other priorities.

Importantly, recovery actions must take place in a collaborative manner, with First Nations custodians and other land managers and stakeholders.

Bite-sized efforts for nature

Reversing Australia’s trajectory of biodiversity decline will require a range of different efforts across all regions and sectors. It’s important to clearly see the scale of the challenge we face – not to make it insurmountable, but so we can take steps in the right direction.

Our research offers bite-sized ways for organisations, environment groups and governments at all levels to take steps towards the repair of our species and native ecosystems. It provides digestible, local-scale options useful for planners, as well as important (and doable) actions that provide the most benefit threatened species for the resources available.

For example, some recovery efforts are relatively inexpensive per hectare and crucial for native species survival, such as reintroducing ecological burning regimes, and controlling cats and foxes. These type of efforts are often higher priority.

This is exactly what’s being done at Pullen Pullen Station in southwest Queensland, where feral cat control and better fire management are safeguarding the tiny populations of the night parrot – long thought extinct.

How recovering threatened species helps us too

Funding the restoration of nature is good not just for threatened species, but for us as well.

Restoring nature takes a huge effort, which means it would, for instance, involve up to one million people working full time for 30 years. Many of these jobs would be in rural and regional communities.

If implemented collaboratively, farmers could benefit greatly. For farmers, weeds and introduced animals such as mice and rabbits are a constant thorn in their side.

Introduced animals and plants cost billions each year. In the past, many weed-control programs have been done to benefit agriculture, as weeds can also sicken or kill livestock.

Restoration of habitat would, we estimate, store an extra 11 million tonnes of carbon each year, helping Australia towards net zero.

If successful, these efforts could reverse the long-term damage done to our native species and help create new, more sustainable and biodiverse pathways for Australia’s future.

kangaroos in a field with the weed Paterson's curse
Invasive weeds such as Paterson’s curse can be dangerous to native animals as well as livestock.
cbpix/Shutterstock

We hope our work helps governments and other organisations see what’s possible and necessary when setting goals for nature and to guide nature related decision making.

The worsening plight of Australia’s biodiversity poses a direct and costly threat to meeting conservation targets. And the most cost-effective action is to avoid further damage.

We depend on nature and nature depends on us. We need to find new solutions for enabling social and economic progress without further harm to our natural world.

The Conversation

April Reside has received funding from the Australian Research Council, Queensland’s Department of Environment, Science and Innovation, and Hidden Vale Research Station.
This research was funded by the Australian government’s National Environmental Science Programme through the Threatened Species Recovery Hub, project 7.7

James Watson has received funding from the Australian Research Council, National Environmental Science Program, South Australia’s Department of Environment and Water, Queensland’s Department of Environment, Science and Innovation as well as from Bush Heritage Australia, Queensland Conservation Council, Australian Conservation Foundation, The Wilderness Society and Birdlife Australia. He serves on the scientific committee of BirdLife Australia and has a long-term scientific relationship with Bush Heritage Australia and Wildlife Conservation Society. He serves on the Queensland government’s Land Restoration Fund’s Investment Panel as the Deputy Chair.

Josie Carwardine receives funding from the Australian government Department of Environment, Energy and Climate Change, and the Queensland Department of Environment, Tourism, Science and Innovation.

ref. Fully recovering Australia’s threatened species would cost 25% of GDP. We can’t do it all at once – so let’s start here – https://theconversation.com/fully-recovering-australias-threatened-species-would-cost-25-of-gdp-we-cant-do-it-all-at-once-so-lets-start-here-245669

Five Pacific region geopolitical ‘betrayals’ in 2024

COMMENTARY: By David Robie, editor of Asia Pacific Report

With the door now shut on 2024, many will heave a sigh of relief and hope for better things this year.

Decolonisation issues involving the future of Kanaky New Caledonia and West Papua – and also in the Middle East with controversial United Nations votes by some Pacific nations in the middle of a livestreamed genocide — figured high on the agenda in the past year along with the global climate crisis and inadequate funding rescue packages.

Asia Pacific Report looks at some of the issues and developments during the year that were regarded by critics as betrayals:

1. Fiji and PNG ‘betrayal’ UN votes over Palestine

Just two weeks before Christmas, the UN General Assembly voted overwhelmingly to demand an immediate ceasefire in the Gaza Strip under attack from Israel — but three of the isolated nine countries that voted against were Pacific island states, including Papua New Guinea.

The assembly passed a resolution on December 11 demanding an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in Gaza, which was adopted with 158 votes in favour from the 193-member assembly and nine votes against with 13 abstentions.

Of the nine countries voting against, the three Pacific nations that sided with Israel and its relentless backer United States were Nauru, Papua New Guinea and Tonga.

The other countries that voted against were Argentina, Czech Republic, Hungary and Paraguay.

Thirteen abstentions included Fiji, which had previously controversially voted with Israel, Micronesia, and Palau. Supporters of the resolution in the Pacific region included Australia, New Zealand, and Timor-Leste.

Ironically, it was announced a day before the UNGA vote that the United States will spend more than US$864 million (3.5 billion kina) on infrastructure and military training in Papua New Guinea over 10 years under a defence deal signed between the two nations in 2023, according to PNG’s Foreign Minister Justin Tkatchenko.

Any connection? Your guess is as good as mine. Certainly it is very revealing how realpolitik is playing out in the region with an “Indo-Pacific buffer” against China.

However, the deal actually originated almost two years earlier, in May 2023, with the size of the package reflecting a growing US security engagement with Pacific island nations as it seeks to counter China’s inroads in the vast ocean region.

Noted BenarNews, a US soft power news service in the region, the planned investment is part of a defence cooperation agreement granting the US military “unimpeded access” to develop and deploy forces from six ports and airports, including Lombrum Naval Base.

Two months before PNG’s vote, the UNGA overwhelmingly passed a resolution demanding that the Israeli government end its occupation of Palestinian territories within 12 months — but half of the 14 countries that voted against were from the Pacific.

Affirming an International Court of Justice (ICJ) opinion requested by the UN that deemed the decades-long occupation unlawful, the opposition from seven Pacific nations further marginalised the island region from world opinion against Israel.

Several UN experts and officials warned against Israel becoming a global “pariah” state over its 15 month genocidal war on Gaza.

The final vote tally was 124 member states in favour and 14 against, with 43 nations abstaining. The Pacific countries that voted with Israel and its main ally and arms-supplier United States against the Palestinian resolution were Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Palau, Tonga and Tuvalu.

Flags of decolonisation in Suva, Fiji . . . the Morning Star flag of West Papua (colonised by Indonesia) and the flag of Palestine (militarily occupied illegally and under attack from Israel). Image: APR

In February, Fiji faced widespread condemnation after it joined the US as one of the only two countries — branded as the “outliers” — to support Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territory in an UNGA vote over an International Court of Justice (ICJ) advisory opinion over Israel’s policies in the occupied territories.

Condemning the US and Fiji, Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki declared: “Ending Israel’s impunity is a moral, political and legal imperative.”

Fiji’s envoy at the UN, retired Colonel Filipo Tarakinikini, defended the country’s stance, saying the court “fails to take account of the complexity of this dispute, and misrepresents the legal, historical, and political context”.

However, Fiji NGOs condemned the Fiji vote as supporting “settler colonialism” and long-standing Fijian diplomats such as Kaliopate Tavola and Robin Nair said Fiji had crossed the line by breaking with its established foreign policy of “friends-to-all-and-enemies-to-none”.

Indonesian military forces on patrol in the Oksop regency of the West Papua region.

2. West Papuan self-determination left in limbo
For the past decade, Pacific Island Forum countries have been trying to get a fact-finding human mission deployed to West Papua. But they have encountered zero progress with continuous roadblocks being placed by Jakarta.

This year was no different in spite of the appointment of Fiji and Papua New Guinea’s prime ministers to negotiate such a visit.

Pacific leaders have asked for the UN’s involvement over reported abuses as the Indonesian military continues its battles with West Papuan independence fighters.

A highly critical UN Human Right Committee report on Indonesia released in May highlighted “systematic reports about the use of torture” and “extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances of Indigenous Papuan people”.

But the situation is worse now since President Prabowo Subianto, the former general who has a cloud of human rights violations hanging over his head, took office in October.

Fiji’s Sitiveni Rabuka and Papua New Guinea’s James Marape were appointed by the Melanesian Spearhead Group in 2023 as special envoys to push for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ visit directly with Indonesia’s president.

Prabowo taking up the top job in Jakarta has filled West Papuan advocates and activists with dread as this is seen as marking a return of “the ghost of Suharto” because of his history of alleged atrocities in West Papua, and also in Timor-Leste before independence.

Already Prabowo’s acts since becoming president with restoring the controversial transmigration policies, reinforcing and intensifying the military occupation, fuelling an aggressive “anti-environment” development strategy, have heralded a new “regime of brutality”.

And Marape and Rabuka, who pledged to exiled indigenous leader Benny Wenda in Suva in February 2023 that he would support the Papuans “because they are Melanesians”, have been accused of failing the West Papuan cause.

Protesters at Molodoï, Strasbourg, demanding the release of Kanak indigenous political prisoners being detained in France pending trial for their alleged role in the pro-independence riots in May 2024. Image: @67Kanaky
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3. France rolls back almost four decades of decolonisation progress
When pro-independence protests erupted into violent rioting in Kanaky New Caledonia on May 13, creating havoc and destruction in the capital of Nouméa and across the French Pacific territory with 14 people dead, intransigent French policies were blamed for having betrayed Kanak aspirations for independence.

I was quoted at the time by The New Zealand Herald and RNZ Pacific of blaming France for having “lost the plot” since 2020.

While acknowledging the goodwill and progress that had been made since the 1988 Matignon accords and the Nouméa pact a decade later following the bloody 1980s insurrection, the French government lost the self-determination trajectory after two narrowly defeated independence referendums and a third vote boycotted by Kanaks because of the covid pandemic.

This third vote with less than half the electorate taking part had no credibility, but Paris insisted on bulldozing constitutional electoral changes that would have severely disenfranchised the indigenous vote. More than 36 years of constructive progress had been wiped out.

“It’s really three decades of hard work by a lot of people to build, sort of like a future for Kanaky New Caledonia, which is part of the Pacific rather than part of France,” I was quoted as saying.

France had had three prime ministers since 2020 and none of them seemed to have any “real affinity” for indigenous issues, particularly in the South Pacific, in contrast to some previous leaders.

In the wake of a snap general election in mainland France, when President Emmanuel Macron lost his centrist mandate and is now squeezed between the polarised far right National Rally and the left coalition New Popular Front, the controversial electoral reform was quietly scrapped.

New French Overseas Minister Manual Valls has heralded a new era of negotiation over self-determination. In November, he criticised Macron’s “stubbornness’ in an interview with the French national daily Le Parisien, blaming him for “ruining 36 years of dialogue, of progress”.

But New Caledonia is not the only headache for France while pushing for its own version of an “Indo-Pacific” strategy. Pro-independence French Polynesian President Moetai Brotherson and civil society leaders have called on the UN to bring Paris to negotiations over a timetable for decolonisation.

West Papuan leader Benny Wenda (left) and Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka . . . “We will support them [ULMWP] because they are Melanesians.” Rabuka also had a Pacific role with New Caledonia. Image: Fiji govt/RNZ Pacific

4. Pacific Islands Forum also fails Kanak aspirations
Kanaks and the Pacific’s pro-decolonisation activists had hoped that an intervention by the Pacific Islands Forum in support of the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) would enhance their self-determination stocks.

However, they were disappointed. And their own internal political divisions have not made things any easier.

On the eve of the three-day fact-finding delegation to the territory in October, Fiji’s Rabuka was already warning the local government (led by pro-independence Louis Mapou to “be reasonable” in its demands from Paris.

In other words, back off on the independence demands. Rabuka was quoted by RNZ Pacific reporter Lydia Lewis as saying, “look, don’t slap the hand that has fed you”.

Rabuka and Cook Islands Prime Minister Mark Brown and then Tongan counterpart Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni visited the French territory not to “interfere” but to “lower the temperature”.

But an Australian proposal for a peacekeeping force under the Australian-backed Pacific Policing Initiative (PPI) fell flat, and the mission was generally considered a failure for Kanak indigenous aspirations.

Taking the planet’s biggest problem to the world’s highest court for global climate justice. Image: X/@ciel_tweets

5. Climate crisis — the real issue and geopolitics
In spite of the geopolitical pressures from countries, such as the US, Australia and France, in the region in the face of growing Chinese influence, the real issue for the Pacific remains climate crisis and what to do about it.

Controversy marked an A$140 million aid pact signed between Australia and Nauru last month in what was being touted as a key example of the geopolitical tightrope being forced on vulnerable Pacific countries.

This agreement offers Nauru direct budgetary support, banking services and assistance with policing and security. The strings attached? Australia has been granted the right to veto any agreement with a third country such as China.

Critics have compared this power of veto to another agreement signed between Australia and Tuvalu in 2023 which provided Australian residency opportunities and support for climate mitigation. However, in return Australia was handed guarantees over security.

The previous month, November, was another disappointment for the Pacific when it was “once again ignored” at the UN COP29 climate summit in the capital Baku of oil and natural gas-rich Azerbaijan.

The Suva-based Pacific Islands Climate Action Network (PICAN) condemned the outcomes as another betrayal, saying that the “richest nations turned their backs on their legal and moral obligations” at what had been billed as the “finance COP”.

The new climate finance pledge of a US$300 billion annual target by 2035 for the global fight against climate change was well short of the requested US$1 trillion in aid.

Climate campaigners and activist groups branded it as a “shameful failure of leadership” that forced Pacific nations to accept the “token pledge” to prevent the negotiations from collapsing.

Much depends on a climate justice breakthrough with Vanuatu’s landmark case before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) arguing that those harming the climate are breaking international law.

The case seeks an advisory opinion from the court on the legal responsibilities of countries over the climate crisis, and many nations in support of Vanuatu made oral submissions last month and are now awaiting adjudication.

Given the primacy of climate crisis and vital need for funding for adaptation, mitigation and loss and damage faced by vulnerable Pacific countries, former Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Meg Taylor delivered a warning:

“Pacific leaders are being side-lined in major geopolitical decisions affecting their region and they need to start raising their voices for the sake of their citizens.”

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘Ghost of Suharto’ marks Prabowo’s new phase in West Papua occupation

SPECIAL REPORT: By Paul Gregoire

United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) provisional government interim president Benny Wenda has warned that since Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto took office in October, he has been proven right in having remarked, after the politician’s last February election, that his coming marks the return of “the ghost of Suharto” — the brutal dictator who ruled over the nation for three decades.

Wenda, an exiled West Papuan leader, outlined in a December 16 statement that at that moment the Indonesian forces were carrying out ethnic cleansing in multiple regencies, as thousands of West Papuans were being forced out of their villages and into the bush by soldiers.

The entire regency of Oksop had been emptied, with more than 1200 West Papuans displaced since an escalation began in Nduga regency in 2018.

Prabowo coming to top office has a particular foreboding for the West Papuans, who have been occupied by Indonesia since 1963, as over his military career — which spanned from 1970 to 1998 and saw rise him to the position of general, as well as mainly serve in Kopassus (special forces) — the current president perpetrated multiple alleged atrocities across East Timor and West Papua.

According to Wenda, the incumbent Indonesian president can “never clean the blood from his hands for his crimes as a general in West Papua and East Timor”. He further makes clear that Prabowo’s acts since taking office reveal that he is set on “creating a new regime of brutality” in the country of his birth.

Enhancing the occupation
“Foreign governments should not be fooled by Prabowo’s PR campaign,” Wenda made certain in mid-December.

“He is desperately seeking international legitimacy through his international tour, empty environmental pledges and the amnesty offered to various prisoners, including 18 West Papuans and the remaining imprisoned members of the Bali Nine.”

Former Indonesian President Suharto ruled over the Southeast Asian nation with an iron fist from 1967 until 1998.

In the years prior to his officially taking office, General Suharto oversaw the mass murder of up to 1 million local Communists, he further rigged the 1969 referendum on self-determination for West Papua, so that it failed and he invaded East Timor in 1975.

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto (left) and West Papuan exiled leader Benny Wenda . . . “Foreign governments should not be fooled by Prabowo’s PR campaign.” Image: SCL montage

Wenda maintains that the proof Prabowo is something of an apparition of Suharto is that he has set about forging “mass displacement, increased militarisation” and “increased deforestation” in the Melanesian region of West Papua.

And he has further restarted the transmigration programme of the Suharto days, which involves Indonesians being moved to West Papua to populate the region.

As Wenda advised in 2015, the initial transmigration programme resulted in West Papuans, who made up 96 percent of the population in 1971, only comprising 49 percent of those living in their own homelands at that current time.

Wenda considers the “occupation was entering a new phase”, when former Indonesian president Joko Widodo split the region of West Papua into five provinces in mid-2022.

Oksop displaced villagers seeking refuge in West Papua. Image: ULMWP

And the West Papuan leader advises that Prabowo is set to establish separate military commands in each province, which will provide “a new, more thorough and far-reaching system of occupation”.

West Papua was previously split into two regions, which the West Papuan people did not recognise, as these and the current five provinces are actually Indonesian administrative zones.

“By establishing new administrative divisions, Indonesia creates the pretext for new military posts and checkpoints,” Wenda underscores.

“The result is the deployment of thousands more soldiers, curfews, arbitrary arrests and human rights abuses. West Papua is under martial law.”

Ecocide on a formidable scale
Prabowo paid his first official visit to West Papua as President in November, visiting the Merauke district in South Papua province, which is the site of the world’s largest deforestation project, with clearing beginning in mid-2024, and it will eventually comprise of 2 million deforested hectares turned into giant sugarcane plantations, via the destruction of forests, wetlands and grasslands.

Five consortiums, including Indonesian and foreign companies, are involved in the project, with the first seedlings having been planted in July. And despite promises that the megaproject would not harm existing forests, these areas are being torn down regardless.

And part of this deforestation includes the razing of forest that had previously been declared protected by the government.

A similar programme was established in Merauke district in 2011, by Widodo’s predecessor President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who established rice and sugarcane plantations in the region, aiming to turn it into a “future breadbasket for Indonesia”.

However, the plan was a failure, and the project was rather used as a cover to establish hazardous palm oil and pulpwood plantations.

“It is not a coincidence Prabowo has announced a new transmigration programme at the same time as their ecocidal deforestation regime intensifies,” Wenda said in a November 2024 statement. “These twin agendas represent the two sides of Indonesian colonialism in West Papua: exploitation and settlement.”

Wenda added that Jakarta is only interested in West Papuan land and resources, and in exchange, Indonesia has killed at least half a million West Papuans since 1963.

And while the occupying nation is funding other projects via the profits it has been making on West Papuan palm oil, gold and natural gas, the West Papuan provinces are the poorest in the Southeast Asian nation.

Indonesian military forces on patrol in the Oksop regency of the West Papua region. Image: ULMWP

Independence is still key
The 1962 New York Agreement involved the Netherlands, West Papua’s former colonial rulers, signing over the region to Indonesia. A brief United Nations administrative period was to be followed by Jakarta assuming control of the region on 1 May 1963.

And part of the agreement was that West Papuans undertake the Act of Free Choice, or a 1969 referendum on self-determination.

So, if the West Papuans did not vote to become an autonomous nation, then Indonesian administration would continue.

However, the UN brokered referendum is now referred to as the Act of “No Choice”, as it only involved 1026 West Papuans, handpicked by Indonesia. And under threat of violence, all of these men voted to stick with their colonial oppressors.

Wenda presented The People’s Petition to the UN Human Rights High Commissioner in January 2019, which calls for a new internationally supervised vote on self-determination for the people of West Papua, and it included the signatures of 1.8 million West Papuans, or 70 percent of the Indigenous population.

The exiled West Papuan leader further announced the formation of the West Papua provisional government on 1 December 2020, which involved the establishment of entire departments of government with heads of staff appointed on the ground in the Melanesian province, and Wenda was also named the president of the body.

But with the coming of Prabowo and the recent developments in West Papua, it appears the West Papuan struggle is about to intensify at the same time as the movement for independence becomes increasingly more prominent on the global stage.

“Every element of West Papua is being systematically destroyed: our land, our people, our Melanesian culture identity,” Wenda said in November, in response to the recommencement of Indonesia’s transmigration programme and the massive environment devastation in Merauke.

“This is why it is not enough to speak about the Act of No Choice in 1969: the violation of our self-determination is continuous, renewed with every new settlement programme, police crackdown, or ecocidal development.”

Paul Gregoire is a Sydney-based journalist and writer. He is the winner of the 2021 NSW Council for Civil Liberties Award For Excellence In Civil Liberties Journalism. Prior to Sydney Criminal Lawyers®, Paul wrote for VICE and was news editor at Sydney’s City Hub.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Should I get a weighted vest to boost my fitness? And how heavy should it be?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rob Newton, Professor of Exercise Medicine, Edith Cowan University

ZR10/Shutterstock

Exercise training while wearing a weighted vest is undergoing somewhat of a renaissance. Social media posts and trainers are promoting them as a potential strategy for improving fitness and health.

Exercising with additional weight attached to the body is nothing new. This idea has been used with soldiers for many centuries if not millennia – think long hikes with a heavy pack.

The modern weighted vest comes in a range of designs that are more comfortable and can be adjusted in terms of the weight added. But could one be helpful for you?

What the research says

One of the earliest research studies, reported in 1993, followed 36 older people wearing weighted vests during a weekly exercise class and at home over a 20-week period. Wear was associated with improvements in bone health, pain and physical function.

Since then, dozens of papers have evaluated the exercise effects of wearing a weighted vest, reporting a range of benefits.

Not surprisingly, exercise with a weighted vest increases physiological stress – or how hard the body has to work – as shown by increased oxygen uptake, heart rate, carbohydrate utilisation and energy expenditure.

Adding weight equal to 10% of body weight is effective. But it doesn’t appear the body works significantly harder when wearing 5% extra weight compared to body weight alone.

Does more load mean greater injury risk?

A small 2021 study suggested additional weights don’t alter the biomechanics of walking or running. These are important considerations for lower-limb injury risk.

The safety considerations of exercising with weighted vests have also been reported in a biomechanical study of treadmill running with added weight of 1% to 10% of body weight.

While physiological demand (indicated by heart rate) was higher with additional weight and the muscular forces greater, running motion was not negatively affected.

To date no research studies have reported increased injuries due to wearing weighted vests for recreational exercise. However a 2018 clinical study on weight loss in people with obesity found back pain in 25% of those wearing such vests. Whether this can be translated to recreational use in people who don’t have obesity is difficult to say. As always, if pain or discomfort is experienced then you should reduce the weight or stop vest training.

Better for weight loss or bone health?

While wearing a weighted vest increases the energy expenditure of aerobic and resistance exercise, research to show it leads to greater fat loss or retaining muscle mass is somewhat inconclusive.

One older study investigated treadmill walking for 30 minutes, three times a week in postmenopausal women with osteoporosis. The researchers found greater fat loss and muscle gain in the participants who wore a weighted vest (at 4–8% body weight). But subsequent research in obese older adults could not show greater fat loss in participants who wore weighted vests for an average of 6.7 hours per day.

There has been considerable interest in the use of weighted vests to improve bone health in older people. One 2003 study reported significant improvements in bone density in a group of older women over 32 weeks of weighted vest walking and strength training compared to a sedentary control group.

But a 2012 study found no difference in bone metabolism between groups of postmenopausal women with osteoporosis walking on a treadmill with or without a weighted vest.

Making progress

As with any exercise, there is a risk of injury if it is not done correctly. But the risk of weighted vest training appears low and can be managed with appropriate exercise progression and technique.

If you are new to training, then the priority should be to simply start exercising and not complicate it with wearing a weighted vest. The use of body weight alone will be sufficient to get you on the path to considerable gains in fitness.

Once you have a good foundation of strength, aerobic fitness and resilience for muscles, joints and bones, using a weighted vest could provide greater loading intensity as well as variation.

It is important to start with a lighter weight (such as 5% bodyweight) and build to no more than 10% body weight for ground impact exercises such as running, jogging or walking.

For resistance training such as squats, push-ups or chin-ups, progression can be achieved by increasing loads and adjusting the number of repetitions for each set to around 10 to 15. So, heavier loads but fewer repetitions, then building up to increase the load over time.

While weighted vests can be used for resistance training, it is probably easier and more convenient to use barbells, dumbbells, kettle bells or weighted bags.

The benefits of added weight can also be achieved by adding repetition or duration.
Geert Pieters/Unsplash

The bottom line

Weighted vest training is just one tool in an absolute plethora of equipment, techniques and systems. Yes, walking or jogging with around 10% extra body weight increases energy expenditure and intensity. But training for a little bit longer or at a higher intensity can achieve similar results.

There may be benefits for bone health in wearing a weighted vest during ground-based exercise such as walking or jogging. But similar or greater stimulus to bone growth can be achieved by resistance training or even the introduction of impact training such as hopping, skipping or bounding.

Exercising with a weighted vest likely won’t increase your injury risk. But it must be approached intelligently considering fitness level, existing and previous injuries, and appropriate progression for intensity and repetition.

Rob Newton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Should I get a weighted vest to boost my fitness? And how heavy should it be? – https://theconversation.com/should-i-get-a-weighted-vest-to-boost-my-fitness-and-how-heavy-should-it-be-243462

How do mosquito repellents work? A chemistry expert explains

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Eldridge, Senior Lecturer in Chemistry, Swinburne University of Technology

kamitana/Shutterstock

It’s summertime, and for many of us that means plenty of time outside – and, unfortunately, mosquitoes.

The combination of the increase in temperature and plenty of water is ideal for these blood-sucking insects to make their presence felt.

In the best-case scenario, they are a pest, delivering a highly unpleasant sting. At the other end of the spectrum, they are vectors for diseases responsible for more human fatalities than any other animal on Earth.

To keep them at bay, many of us will reach for the bottle of insect repellent or citronella candles in order to avoid the bite and incessant itching that comes with it. But how do these repellents actually work?

A complex interplay

A great deal of research has gone into understanding how and why female mosquitoes – they are the ones that bite us – are attracted to people.

There is evidence showing they are attracted to the carbon dioxide we exhale, lactic acid found in our sweat, and a variety of other skin odours and volatile compounds we give off. The interplay between all these factors is quite complex.

To ward off mosquitoes, physical barriers such as netting make for the best protection. However, while you might put netting around a backdoor patio and barbecue, doing this for any large space is simply not practical.

This is where repellents come in.

White man walking in a forest waving away mosquitoes.
Only female mosquitoes bite us.
phM2019/Shutterstock

DEETerrent

There are a variety of mosquito repellents available.

The most tried-and-true products are based on a substance called N,N-diethyl-meta-toluamide, more commonly referred to as DEET.

This molecule has been commercially available since 1957, after the United States military discovered it was an effective insect repellent.

DEET is often used as a point of comparison for studies investigating alternatives. Studies show that, provided they are used according to direction, DEET products are safe and effective.

For example, it is recommended that when required, sunscreen is applied before the repellent. DEET products are not recommended for infants.

The exact mechanism by which DEET repels mosquitoes and other insects is still explored today.

Many studies link its success to mosquitoes having receptors that sense the presence of DEET, deterring them from closely approaching our skin. Some investigations suggest that when DEET is detected, it inhibits mosquitoes’ attraction to us, while others show evidence that mosquitoes “smell and avoid” DEET.

There are also numerous reports demonstrating mosquitoes don’t bite when they land on DEET-treated skin. This is because DEET acts as a contact-based repellent and conveys a chemical message to mosquitoes to leave. Studies suggest that DEET likely works through a combination of the processes described here.

Cans of mosquito repellent on a supermarket shelf.
DEET has been commercially available since 1957.
AlexBuess/Shutterstock

Effective alternatives

Another more recent family of mosquito repellent products rely on an active ingredient called picaridin (or icaridin).

The current consensus is that picaridin products are safe, and highly effective. For many, they are considered appealing as they don’t have as strong a scent as DEET.

Picaridin products have been reported to be equally effective as DEET, or in some cases, even slightly superior, though the outcome depends on their concentration too.

The other repellent regularly reported as being effective is para-menthane-3,8-diol (PMD).

This is produced by chemical treatment of oil of lemon eucalyptus.

Untreated, this oil isn’t effective at repelling mosquitoes. However, several studies have shown that PMD is an effective mosquito repellent.

The ability of these repellents to deter mosquitoes is dose dependent.

In all cases, it’s important that an appropriate dose is applied, with re-application sometimes required to keep protection to a maximum. The performance of these products varies according to many other variables too, including the species of mosquito.

What about citronella?

Citronella products, including candles and topical formulations, are popular choices for keeping mosquitoes away.

However, in systematic testing, these have been shown to be far less effective than DEET.

Studies have also shown that citronella candles don’t fend off mosquitoes as much as you might like.

There are many other repellent products on the market.

Given the widespread interest in preventing mosquito bites, natural remedies abound. It’s important to recognise that natural isn’t necessarily more effective and it isn’t necessarily safer.

In most reported studies, DEET and picaridin are reported as having the greatest duration of protection (of the order of hours) and greatest effect on the mosquitoes. They are more thoroughly tested than many alternatives.

When others are tested, they are often found wanting.

One study described sound-based devices as being the repellent equivalent of snake oil. And although repellent bracelets contain working ingredients, they are largely ineffective in that form. This is because of insufficient concentrations of the active ingredient being “emitted”.

When it comes to preventing disease transmission via mosquitoes, the benefits of the proven repellents far outweigh the risks.

The Conversation

Daniel Eldridge does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How do mosquito repellents work? A chemistry expert explains – https://theconversation.com/how-do-mosquito-repellents-work-a-chemistry-expert-explains-244403

Even calm people can fly into a rage behind the wheel. Here’s how to curb your road rage – before it’s too late

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Senior Lecturer of Urban Risk & Resilience, UNSW Sydney

Marian Weyo/Shutterstock

If someone bumps into us on the footpath or in the mall, we’re generally quite forgiving. We instinctively apologise or step aside, and usually don’t scream at, stalk, or attack the other person.

But put us in a car, and something changes. People who appear calm in everyday life suddenly tailgate, honk, or shout at strangers. Problems at work or home can suddenly explode in the form of righteous anger toward other road users.

Road rage increases crash risk, and victims of road rage incidents often have children in the car with them.

So, why does driving bring out the worst in us? And more importantly, what can we do about it?

A woman drives a car while her child cries in the back.
Many victims of road rage incidents have children in the car with them at the time.
Oksana Shufrych/Shutterstock

Road rage remains common

Recent surveys indicate road rage remains common in Australia.

In September 2024, insurer NRMA reported a survey of 1,464 of its members in two states found many had witnessed road rage incidents such as:

  • tailgating (71%)
  • drivers beeping other drivers (67%)
  • drivers gesturing angrily at other drivers (60%)
  • drivers deliberately cutting in front of other vehicles (58%)
  • drivers getting out of their car to confront to confront another driver (14%)
  • stalking (10%)
  • physical assault (4%).

Another insurer, Budget Direct, reported last year on a survey of 825 people that found about 83% had experienced shouting, cursing, or rude gestures from other people on the road (up by 18% since 2021).

And of the female respondents, 87% reported they’d copped this kind of behaviour from other road users.

Common triggers for driver anger include tailgating, perceived rudeness (such as not giving a “thank you” wave), and witnessing another person driving dangerously.

Aggressive driving behaviours tend to be more common in younger, male drivers.

Road rage is a global problem, with studies finding road rage remains common in places such as Japan, the US, New Zealand and the UK, but the degree varies significantly from country to country.

A man gestures angrily at another driver.
Some of us are more likely than others to fly into a rage while driving.
F01 PHOTO/Shutterstock

Who is more likely to fly into a rage on the road?

Some of us are more likely than others to fly into a rage while driving. One way researchers measure this is via a testing tool known as the Driving Anger Scale.

Data from many studies using this test show drivers who are more prone to anger in general are more likely to turn that anger into aggression. They get annoyed by more things, are quicker to act on their feelings, take more risks, and as a result, are more likely to be involved in anger-related crashes.

Research suggests that while female drivers experience anger just as much as male drivers, they are less likely to act on it in a negative way.

Female drivers tend to feel more intense anger in certain situations, such as when faced with hostile gestures or traffic obstructions, compared to their male counterparts.

A driver follows too closely behind another driver.
Tailgating is a common trigger for road rage.
Sue Thatcher/Shutterstock

What can I do to reduce my road rage?

In a car, we’re physically separated from others, which creates a sense of distance and anonymity – two factors that lower our usual social filters. Encounters feel fleeting.

There’s a good chance you won’t be held accountable for what you or say or do, compared to if you were outside the car. And yet, we perceive the stakes as high because mistakes or bad decisions on the road can have serious consequences.

This mix of isolation, stress, and the illusion of being in a bubble is a perfect recipe for heightened frustration and anger.

Research suggests techniques drawn from cognitive behavioural therapy may help.

These include learning to identify when you are starting to feel angry, trying to find alternative explanations for other people’s behaviour, using mindfulness and relaxation and trying to move away from the trigger.

The American Automobile Association also suggests you can reduce road rage incidents by being a more considerate driver yourself – always use your indicator, avoid cutting others off and maintain a safe distance from other cars.

Try to stay calm when other drivers are angry, and allow extra time in your journey to reduce stress.

If driving anger is a frequent issue, consider seeking support or anger management resources.

A woman beeps her horn and shouts at another driver.
Even people who are normally fairly calm can suddenly get angry while driving.
Halfpoint/Shutterstock

Avoiding — or at least being aware of — anger rumination can make a big difference. This happens when someone replays anger-inducing events, like being cut off in traffic, over and over in their mind. Instead of letting it go, they dwell on it, fuelling their frustration and making it harder to stay calm.

Recognising this pattern and shifting focus — like taking a deep breath or distracting yourself — can help stop anger from escalating into aggression.

More broadly, public awareness campaigns highlighting the link between anger and risky driving could also encourage more drivers to seek help.

The next time you get behind the wheel, try to remember the other driver, the cyclist, or pedestrian is just another person — someone you might pass on the street without a second thought.

We’re often good at forgiving minor missteps in non-driving contexts. Let’s try to bring that same patience and understanding to the road.

The Conversation

Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Even calm people can fly into a rage behind the wheel. Here’s how to curb your road rage – before it’s too late – https://theconversation.com/even-calm-people-can-fly-into-a-rage-behind-the-wheel-heres-how-to-curb-your-road-rage-before-its-too-late-244402

Relentless warming is driving the water cycle to new extremes, the 2024 global water report shows

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Albert Van Dijk, Professor, Water and Landscape Dynamics, Fenner School of Environment & Society, Australian National University

EPA/MIGUEL ANGEL POLO

Last year, Earth experienced its hottest year on record − for the fourth year in a row. Rising temperatures are changing the way water moves around our planet, wreaking havoc on the water cycle.

The 2024 Global Water Monitor Report released today shows how these changes are driving extreme events around the world. Our international team of researchers used data from thousands of ground stations and satellites to analyse real-time information on weather and water underground, in rivers and in water bodies.

We found rainfall records are being broken with increasing regularity. For example, record-high monthly rainfall totals were achieved 27% more frequently in 2024 than at the start of this century. Record-lows were 38% more frequent.

Water-related disasters caused more than 8,700 deaths and displaced 40 million people in 2024, with associated economic losses topping US$550 billion (A$885 billion). The number and scale of extreme weather events will continue to grow, as we continue pump greenhouse gases into an already overheated atmosphere. The right time to act on climate change was about 40 years ago, but it’s not too late to make a big difference to our future.

Humanity in hot water

Warmer air can hold more moisture; that’s how your clothes dryer works. The paradoxical consequence is that this makes both droughts and floods worse.

When it doesn’t rain, the warmer and drier air dries everything out faster, deepening droughts. When it rains, the fact the atmosphere holds more moisture means that it can rain heavier and for longer, leading to more floods.



Ferocious floods

Torrential downpours and river floods struck around the world in 2024.

In Papua New Guinea in May and India in July, rain-sodden slopes gave way and buried thousands of people alive. Many will never be found.

In southern China in June and July, the Yangtze and Pearl Rivers flooded cities and towns, displacing tens of thousands of people and causing more than US$500 million (A$805 million) in crop damages.

In Bangladesh in August, heavy monsoon rains and dam releases caused river flooding. More than 5.8 million people were affected and at least one million tonnes of rice were destroyed.

Meanwhile, Storm Boris caused major flooding in Central Europe in September, resulting in billions of euros in damage.

Across western and central Africa, riverine floods affected millions of people from June to October, worsening food insecurity in an already vulnerable region.

In Spain, more than 500 millimetres of rain fell within eight hours in late October, causing deadly flash floods.



Devastating droughts

Other parts of the world endured crippling drought last year.

In the Amazon Basin, one of the Earth’s most vital ecosystems, record low river levels cut off transport routes and disrupted hydropower generation. Wildfires driven by the hot and dry weather burned through more than 52,000 square kilometres in September alone, releasing vast amounts of greenhouse gases.

In southern Africa, drought reduced maize production by more than 50%, leaving 30 million people facing food shortages. Farmers were forced to cull livestock as pastures dried up. The drought also reduced hydropower output, leading to widespread blackouts.

A rapidly changing climate

Over recent years, we have become used to being told the year just gone was the warmest on record. We will be told the same thing many times more in years to come.

Air temperatures over land in 2024 were 1.2°C warmer than the average between 1995 and 2005, when the temperature was already 1°C higher than at the start of the industrial revolution. About four billion people in 111 countries – half of the global population − experienced their warmest year yet.

The clear and accelerating trend of rising temperatures is speeding up an increasingly intense water cycle.

What can be done?

The Global Water Monitor report adds to a growing pile of evidence that our planet is changing rapidly.

Further change is already locked in. Even if we stopped releasing greenhouse gases today, the planet would continue warming for decades. But by acting now we still have time to avoid the worst impacts.

First, we need to cut greenhouse gas emissions as quickly as possible. Every tonne of greenhouse gas we do not release now will help reduce future heatwaves, floods and droughts.

Second, we need to prepare and adapt to inevitably more severe extreme events. That can mean stronger flood defences, developing more drought-resilient food production and water supplies, and better early warning systems.

Climate change is not a problem for the future. It’s happening right now. It’s changing our landscapes, damaging infrastructure, homes and businesses, and disrupting lives all over the world.

The real question isn’t if we should do something about it — it’s how quickly we still can.

The following people collaborated on the 2024 report: Jiawei Hou and Edison Guo (Australian National University), Hylke Beck (King Abdullah University of Science and Technology, Saudi-Arabia), Richard de Jeu (Netherlands), Wouter Dorigo and Wolfgang Preimesberger (TU Wien, Austria), Andreas Güntner and Julian Haas (Research Centre For Geosciences, Germany), Ehsan Forootan and Nooshin Mehrnegar (Aalborg University, Denmark), Shaoxing Mo (Nanjing University, China), Pablo Rozas Larraondo and Chamith Edirisinghe (Haizea Analytics, Australia) and Joel Rahman (Flowmatters, Australia).

The Conversation

Albert Van Dijk does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Relentless warming is driving the water cycle to new extremes, the 2024 global water report shows – https://theconversation.com/relentless-warming-is-driving-the-water-cycle-to-new-extremes-the-2024-global-water-report-shows-246131

Continental drift: why the need for critical minerals might change the way we define Earth’s zones

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rupert Sutherland, Professor of tectonics and geophysics, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Office of Ocean Exploration and Research/NOAA, CC BY-SA

Continents and oceans have scientific definitions that underpin international law. The idea of dividing the world into geographical zones is ancient. Sovereignty and influence over natural resources is at the heart of most global divisions.

A peaceful transition away from fossil fuels will require new global agreements on how to manage mineral resources in the deep ocean as well as those associated with continents. Technology and modern global politics are creating new challenges.

Scientific, cultural and legal definitions of continental and oceanic regions continue to evolve. During the past decade, we surveyed, sampled and defined the hidden continent of Zealandia.

Intense global media coverage of our work revealed deep-seated arguments about how we define continents and govern the ocean.

This is understandable, given knowledge about the Earth’s tectonic plates was formed during a period when we also discovered fossil fuel reserves offshore from continental shelves.

Most technologies developed last century depend on fossil fuels. Together with fishing interests, this drove a political desire to define nations’ sovereignty over submarine continental extensions.

But the transition to renewable energy is now pushing in a new direction. Critical minerals such as nickel, copper, cobalt and rare earth elements will become more sought after than oil in the coming decades.

These can all be found in large quantities in the deep ocean, far from continental shelves. Offshore reserves may be much larger than those found onshore. But there is currently no agreed framework for sovereignty over the deep ocean.

As the ocean covers 70% of our planet, we need a workable agreement on its custodianship.

Difference between continental and oceanic crust

The surface of Earth is broken into large rigid plates that diverge at mid-ocean ridges and converge at ocean trenches or mountain ranges. The interior of Earth, the mantle, is solid rock. But it is hot enough to creep slowly at a few centimetres per year, allowing plates to move.

The scientific theory of plate tectonics became widely accepted during the 1960s.

Plate tectonics: the plates are about 100km thick.
Author provided, CC BY-SA

A plate is about 100 kilometres thick and has a “crust” embedded in the top, created by melting and other chemical reactions. New oceanic crust is formed at mid-ocean ridges by melting the mantle, leading to a uniform crustal thickness.

These oceanic plates are consumed back into the mantle at subduction zones, where we find deep ocean trenches and volcanoes, such as along the Pacific Ring of Fire. The oldest oceanic plates on Earth date back about 200 million years.

In contrast, the crust of continents lies under shallow oceans and land. It is highly variable in composition and age. Some can be nearly as old as the solar system itself, about 4.6 billion years.

Continental crust is generally higher in silica, which makes it less dense. This low density makes continents too buoyant to be pulled back into the mantle and they remain floating near the surface. If a continent is caught in a convergent zone between plates, then the crust can become very thick, pushing up mountain ranges such as the Himalayan belt.

Definition of a continent

Physical boundaries such as rivers, oceans or mountain ranges have long served as geographical borders.

Physical science and human culture are intertwined in most historical attempts to subdivide Earth. About 2,000 years ago, building on earlier ideas, Roman philosopher Pliny the Elder subdivided the world into Europe, Asia and Africa.

The word “continent” comes from the Latin terra continens, which means continuous land. From the 1500s to 1700s, European explorers mapped the world and defined continents of North America, South America and Australia.

The existence of Antarctica was confirmed during the 1800s. The last continent to be discovered was Zealandia, because it is 94% under water. Zealandia was surveyed during the 1900s but was not officially confirmed as a continent until 2017.

The marine realm was lawless for most of history. However, after the second world war, many countries claimed rights over fish and mineral resources in the ocean. This led to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which came into force during the 1960s.

UNCLOS was renegotiated to reflect scientific and technological advances, and the latest version came into force in 1994. It has been ratified by 170 states, but this does not include the US.

Of particular significance is the UNCLOS Convention on the Continental Shelf, and Article 76, which defines legal criteria for how a “continental shelf” is defined, based on scientific concepts and measurable physical criteria. It allows sovereignty of nations to be extended to near the base of the continental slope.

The modern scientific definition of a continent has four criteria:

  • Elevation (water depth)

  • geology of the crust

  • geophysical properties of the crust

  • and geometry (continuity, seabed slope).

According to this definition, Earth has seven continents: Eurasia, Africa, North America, South America, Antarctica, Australia and Zealandia.

Europe amalgamated with Asia more than 200 million years ago, and India was added to Eurasia about 50 million years ago.

Earth’s seven continents and the Pacific Ring of Fire (red-white dotted), which marks a line of volcanoes. Eurasia includes Europe, Asia and India.
Author provided, CC BY-SA

Mining the deep sea

Deep-sea exploration and mining technology now make it possible to harvest mineral deposits from the seafloor.

The International Seabed Authority (ISA) was formed in 1994 as part of UNCLOS to govern exploitation of the deep ocean and regulate environmental concerns.

The ISA aims to finalise a deep-sea “mining code” by July next year.

However, a coalition of 32 countries has called for a moratorium on deep-sea mining in international waters. Global consensus on rules and compliance remains elusive.

Several countries are interested in starting mining operations within their exclusive economic zones and there have been applications for permits to explore deep-sea mining in international waters.

The world needs resources to transition away from fossil fuels to renewable energy. Resources are abundant in the deep ocean, but environmental concerns remain. Good governance is going to be essential for an optimal outcome. We urgently need consensus and agreement on how to proceed.

Rupert Sutherland has received research funding from the New Zealand Government.

ref. Continental drift: why the need for critical minerals might change the way we define Earth’s zones – https://theconversation.com/continental-drift-why-the-need-for-critical-minerals-might-change-the-way-we-define-earths-zones-229498

Do natural fabrics really keep us cooler in summer? Here’s the science

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nisa Salim, Senior Lecturer at the School of Engineering, Swinburne University of Technology

Dasha Petrenko/Shutterstock

The Bureau of Meteorology has warned Australia is facing one of the hottest summers on record. As the weather warms, many of us reach for light-coloured clothes in natural fabrics, such as cotton and linen.

But why are natural fabrics like these so much better at keeping us cool when the weather is hot?

Here’s what the science says.

Natural fabrics and sweat: a match made in heaven

In hot weather, we sweat. As sweat evaporates, it carries heat away, which helps cool the body down.

In hot weather, then, we want clothes that help take moisture away from the body as efficiently as possible.

Natural fabrics are made using fibres extracted from plant- or animal-based sources such as cotton, linen, hemp, wool and silk.

The primary component of all plant-based fibres is cellulose. Animal-based fibres are made up of proteins such as keratin and silk fibroin.

Cellulose molecules are rich in compounds called hydroxyl groups that attract water and moisture. In scientific terms, they are hydrophilic – they love water.

So, clothing made of cotton and linen is highly hydrophilic. It tends to absorb moisture and disperse it across the fabric, allowing it to evaporate more easily.

This takes the sweat away quickly, making it more comfortable and breathable and allowing us to stay cool in sweltering temperatures.

One downside of the natural fabrics is they wrinkle quickly (some people, of course, like that look).

And on a really hot, sweaty day, natural fabrics can get heavy and wet.

Animal fibres are basically proteins, and their properties vary depending on the source.

Wool has been bio-engineered over millions of years to be comfortable to wear. Wool fibres are hydrophilic on the inside and hydrophobic on the outside, meaning they’re both water resistant and good at wicking moisture away.

On the other hand, silk fabrics are very good at helping regulate temperature; they keep us cool in hot weather and warm in cold weather.

In hot weather, we want clothes that help take moisture away from the body as efficiently as possible.
Alisha Vasudev/Shutterstock

Synthetic fabrics: less wrinkly, more sweaty

Synthetic fabrics, on the other hand, are lighter and tend to wrinkle less.

Common synthetic fabrics (such as polyester, nylon and acrylic) are all made from petroleum-based chemicals.

Most synthetic fibres are made of long chains of hydrogen and carbon atoms and do not contain the hydroxyl groups we discussed earlier.

Such fibres are therefore hydrophobic – they hate water. This means the water can’t spread evenly across the fabric and evaporate easily.

They trap sweat against the skin, making the clothes less breathable and comfortable when the weather is warm and humid.

However, some synthetic fabrics used in certain types of active wear can wick sweat away from body.

And some semi-synthetic fabrics such as rayon or tencel (which are made from wood pulp or cotton with synthetic fibres) are more breathable than other synthetic fabrics such as polyester or nylon.

Fabric weave makes a difference, too

The colour of the clothing is also a contributing factor to keep you cool during summer. Light colours reflect sunlight away from you and help to keep the body cooler.

There is some evidence dark colours absorb the sunlight and associated heat, making the surface of the skin warmer than normal.

Another factor affecting breathability and comfort of clothing is the way the fabrics are woven.

Fabrics that are loosely woven (sometimes known as “open weave”) with thinner materials naturally have more airflow, which helps you keep cool.

For a quick, non-scientific test, hold a fabric up and see how much light passes through it. The more light you can see, the more breathable it likely is.

Another factor affecting breathability and comfort of clothing include the way the fabrics are woven.
Natalie magic/Shutterstock

The way the fabric is treated can play a role, too; such as for softening and wrinkle resistance.

Using a fabric softener when you do a load of laundry usually doesn’t affect fabric breathability; softeners modify the surface of the fabric but don’t change the internal structure or porous nature of the fabrics.

Wrinkle resistance is the ability of the fabric to stay smooth and polished even after washing. Synthetic fabrics are inherently wrinkle resistant. Natural fibres are more prone to wrinkles but can be chemically treated on the fabric surface during manufacturing to make them wrinkle resistant.

Such treatments, however, may form layers on top of the fabric blocking the airflow, leading them to be less breathable.

Nisa Salim is national chair of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute (RACI) Carbon Division.

ref. Do natural fabrics really keep us cooler in summer? Here’s the science – https://theconversation.com/do-natural-fabrics-really-keep-us-cooler-in-summer-heres-the-science-240909

3 drugs that went from legal, to illegal, then back again

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philippa Martyr, Lecturer, Pharmacology, Women’s Health, School of Biomedical Sciences, The University of Western Australia

Peruvian Syrup, containing cocaine, was used to ‘cure’ a range of diseases. Smithsonian Museum of American History/Flickr

Cannabis, cocaine and heroin have interesting life stories and long rap sheets. We might know them today as illicit drugs, but each was once legal.

Then things changed. Racism and politics played a part in how we viewed them. We also learned more about their impact on health. Over time, they were declared illegal.

But decades later, these drugs and their derivatives are being used legally, for medical purposes.

Here’s how we ended up outlawing cannabis, cocaine and heroin, and what happened next.

Cannabis, religion and racism

Cannabis plants originated in central Asia, spread to North Africa, and then to the Americas. People grew cannabis for its hemp fibre, used to make ropes and sacks. But it also had other properties. Like many other ancient medical discoveries, it all started with religion.

Cannabis is mentioned in the Hindu texts known as the Vedas (1700-1100 BCE) as a sacred, feel-good plant. Cannabis or bhang is still used ritually in India today during festivals such as Shivratri and Holi.

From the late 1700s, the British in India started taxing cannabis products. They also noticed a high rate of “Indian hemp insanity” – including what we’d now recognise as psychosis – in the colony. By the late 1800s, a British government investigation found only heavy cannabis use seemed to affect people’s mental health.

This drug bottle from the United States contains cannabis tincture.
Wikimedia

In the 1880s, cannabis was used therapeutically in the United States to treat tetanus, migraine and “insane delirium”. But not everyone agreed on (or even knew) the best dose. Local producers simply mixed up what they had into a tincture – soaking cannabis leaves and buds in alcohol to extract essential oils – and hoped for the best.

So how did cannabis go from a slightly useless legal drug to a social menace?

Some of it was from genuine health concerns about what was added to people’s food, drink and medicine.

In 1908 in Australia, New South Wales listed cannabis as an ingredient that could “adulterate” food and drink (along with opium, cocaine and chloroform). To sell the product legally, you had to tell the customers it contained cannabis.

Some of it was international politics. Moves to control cannabis use began in 1912 with the world’s first treaty against drug trafficking. The US and Italy both wanted cannabis included, but this didn’t happen until until 1925.

Some of it was racism. The word marihuana is Spanish for cannabis (later Anglicised to marijuana) and the drug became associated with poor migrants. In 1915, El Paso, Texas, on the Mexican border, was the first US municipality to ban the non-medical cannabis trade.

By the late 1930s, cannabis was firmly entrenched as a public menace and
drug laws had been introduced across much of the US, Europe and (less quickly) Australia to prohibit its use. Cannabis was now a “poison” regulated alongside cocaine and opiates.

The 1936 movie Reefer Madness fuelled cannabis paranoia.
Motion Picture Ventures/Wikimedia Commons

The 1936 movie Reefer Madness was a high point of cannabis paranoia. Cannabis smoking was also part of other “suspect” new subcultures such as Black jazz, the 1950s Beatnik movement and US service personnel returning from Vietnam.

Today recreational cannabis use is associated with physical and mental harm. In the short term, it impairs your functioning, including your ability to learn, drive and pay attention. In the long term, harms include increasing the risk of psychosis.

But what about cannabis as a medicine? Since the 1980s there has been a change in mood towards experimenting with cannabis as a therapeutic drug. Medicinal cannabis products are those that contain cannabidiol (CBD) or tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). Today in Australia and some other countries, these can be prescribed by certain doctors to treat conditions when other medicines do not work.

Medicinal cannabis has been touted as a treatment for some chronic conditions such as cancer pain and multiple sclerosis. But it’s not clear yet whether it’s effective for the range of chronic diseases it’s prescribed for. However, it does seem to improve the quality of life for people with some serious or terminal illnesses who are using other prescription drugs.

Cocaine, tonics and addiction

Several different species of the coca plant grow across Bolivia, Peru and Colombia. For centuries, local people chewed coca leaves or made them into a mildly stimulant tea. Coca and ayahuasca (a plant-based psychedelic) were also possibly used to sedate people before Inca human sacrifice.

In 1860, German scientist Albert Niemann (1834-1861) isolated the alkaloid we now call “cocaine” from coca leaves. Niemann noticed that applying it to the tongue made it feel numb.

But because effective anaesthetics such as ether and nitrous oxide had already been discovered, cocaine was mostly used instead in tonics and patent medicines.

Hall’s Coca Wine was made from the leaves of the coca plant.
Stephen Smith & Co/Wellcome Collection, CC BY

Perhaps the most famous example was Coca-Cola, which contained cocaine when it was launched in 1886. But cocaine was used earlier, in 1860s Italy, in a drink called Vin Mariani – Pope Leo XIII was a fan.

With cocaine-based products easily available, it quickly became a drug of addiction.

Cocaine remained popular in the entertainment industry. Fictional detective Sherlock Holmes injected it, American actor Tallulah Bankhead swore by it, and novelist Agatha Christie used cocaine to kill off some of her characters.

In 1914, cocaine possession was made illegal in the US. After the hippy era of the 1960s and 1970s, cocaine became the “it” drug of the yuppie 1980s. “Crack” cocaine also destroyed mostly Black American urban communities.

Cocaine use is now associated with physical and mental harms. In the short and long term, it can cause problems with your heart and blood pressure and cause organ damage. At its worst, it can kill you. Right now, illegal cocaine production and use is also surging across the globe.

But cocaine was always legal for medical and surgical use, most commonly in the form of cocaine hydrochloride. As well as acting as a painkiller, it’s a vasoconstrictor – it tightens blood vessels and reduces bleeding. So it’s still used in some types of surgery.

Heroin, coughing and overdoses

Opium has been used for pain relief ever since people worked out how to harvest the sap of the opium poppy. By the 19th century, addictive and potentially lethal opium-based products such as laudanum were widely available across the United Kingdom, Europe and the US. Opium addiction was also a real problem.

Because of this, scientists were looking for safe and effective alternatives for pain relief and to help people cure their addictions.

In 1874, English chemist Charles Romley Alder Wright (1844-1894) created diacetylmorphine (also known as diamorphine). Drug firm Bayer thought it might be useful in cough medicines, gave it the brand name Heroin and put it on the market in 1898. It made chest infections worse.

Allenburys Throat Pastilles contained heroin and cocaine.
Seth Anderson/Flickr, CC BY-NC

Although diamorphine was created with good intentions, this opiate was highly addictive. Shortly after it came on the market, it became clear that it was every bit as addictive as other opiates. This coincided with international moves to shut down the trade in non-medical opiates due to their devastating effect on China and other Asian countries.

Like cannabis, heroin quickly developed radical chic. The mafia trafficked into the US and it became popular in the Harlem jazz scene, beatniks embraced it and US servicemen came back from Vietnam addicted to it. Heroin also helped kill US singers Janis Joplin and Jim Morrison.

Today, we know heroin use and addiction contributes to a range of physical and mental health problems, as well as death from overdose.

However, heroin-related harm is now being outpaced by powerful synthetic opioids such as oxycodone, fentanyl, and the nitazene group of drugs. In Australia, there were more deaths and hospital admissions from prescription opiate overdoses than from heroin overdoses.

In a nutshell

Not all medicines have a squeaky-clean history. And not all illicit drugs have always been illegal.

Drugs’ legal status and how they’re used are shaped by factors such as politics, racism and social norms of the day, as well as their impact on health.

Philippa Martyr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. 3 drugs that went from legal, to illegal, then back again – https://theconversation.com/3-drugs-that-went-from-legal-to-illegal-then-back-again-240010

Dreading the school or daycare drop-off? How to handle it when your child doesn’t want you to go

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kylie Ridder, Lecturer in Early Childhood Education, Murdoch University

Kiefer Photography/Shutterstock

You’re doing daycare or school drop-off, you’re already late for work, and your child’s lip starts to quiver. A tremble turns into a wail, a wail into heart-rending cries as they clutch at your leg.

Eventually, you have to leave and get to work. You spend the rest of the day feeling absolutely wretched. Sound familiar?

Each child is different and not every child will struggle at drop-off. But if yours does, remember it’s age appropriate for young children to feel strong emotions when transitioning to a new environment, adapting to unfamiliar places, people, expectations and routines. In extreme cases, it develops into separation anxiety disorder, which can impact about 4% of preschoolers and school-age children.

In fact, there’s a lot you can do to make drop-off less stressful for your child. One useful approach is to think about what the NSW Department of Education describes as the four “stages” of transitioning to school or daycare: preparation, transfer, induction and consolidation.

Preparation is key

Before your child starts, try to build relationships with other children in your area. Having even one familiar face at drop-off can comfort your child.

Consider:

  • joining local playgroups

  • befriending other families at the playground

  • connecting on social media with other local families.

Where possible, allow your child to get familiar with school or daycare (also known as an “early learning and development centre”) in advance. See if you can visit several times and play in the playground before your child starts there.

Take a few “drive by” visits in the car, or walk past and chat with your child about what people are doing in school or daycare, and some of the routines of the day.

For children about to start school, prepare lunchboxes and practice opening and eating them at home.

Read picture books about starting daycare or school – such as Maddie’s First Day by Penny Matthews and Liz Anelli – to discuss the key themes together.

Spending unhurried time in the new environment before the “first day” allows children to explore the environment and build relationships with other children and educators while feeling safe and comfortable.

Many daycare centres can facilitate several visits like this. Schools will often have orientation programs, and some will allow community access to facilities like the playground or oval out of school hours.

If you’ve already got a child at school or daycare, try to bring your younger child along when you drop off or pick up their big brother or sister.

Routines can help with a smooth transfer

Establishing a routine during drop-off may help children settle into a new environment. Predictability can help children feel safe and secure.

An example routine might include putting their bag away, reading a book together, playing with playdough, giving a kiss and hug and then leaving. This might mean getting to school or daycare a bit earlier than you’d intended.

Try to keep this routine unhurried and focused on your child.

If drop-off is either too long or too short, children can experience overwhelming emotions. So try not to drop and go abruptly if you can avoid it. Always let your child know when you are leaving, as sneaking off can cause mistrust and anxiety.

Avoid lingering for a long time on one day, and a short time on another day; this can make things less predictable for your child. Leaving, then returning repeatedly can also introduce uncertainty.

Many early learning and development centres use a primary caregiver model, where one educator is responsible for most of the care routines for one child.

Building a strong relationship with this educator means they’re more likely to recognise your child’s small cues, and your child is more likely to be comforted during drop-off.

Talk to school or the early learning centre about bringing in a toy, photograph, or comfort item, which helps children maintain the connection with home.

Support the induction process

Educators and teachers work hard to create a sense of belonging for children in this new environment.

This means building on children’s strengths and establishing relationships so children feel comfortable.

A strength-based approach views children as already being learners as they enter early childhood education, focusing on the knowledge and skills they bring.

So chat to the educators and to your child about what happens at care or at school, so you can congratulate your child on how well they’re doing. Find out more about what they do all day, and encourage them to see daycare or school as “their place”.

Consolidating

The transition process is complex and dynamic. A child who initially transitioned happily may regress, requiring you and the educators to revisit the process.

Many children who appear upset at drop-off will calm down quickly. But a child experiencing prolonged separation anxiety disorder may require specific strategies to transition successfully. Your child’s educator will let you know if this is an issue.

Taking time to build relationships with the teachers and educators will allow you to work together.

A child who initially transitioned happily may regress.
all_about_people/Shutterstock

Each child is different

Remember every child is an individual, and adapting to a new environment can be different for everyone.

Whether children and families are anxious or excited, transitioning from home to school or daycare means change.

Change, although hard at first, can open the window to new relationships, environments and experiences.

Understanding the process and working to minimise the impact will result in a happy start to early childhood education.

Kylie Ridder does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Dreading the school or daycare drop-off? How to handle it when your child doesn’t want you to go – https://theconversation.com/dreading-the-school-or-daycare-drop-off-how-to-handle-it-when-your-child-doesnt-want-you-to-go-244283

Perfectionist leaders can push their teams to meet high standards – but it can backfire and stifle creativity

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gamze Koseoglu, Senior Lecturer, The University of Melbourne

fizkes/Shutterstock

Have you ever kept a brilliant idea to yourself, fearing your boss’s reaction? This hesitation is more common than you might think, especially when working under perfectionist leaders.

Some of the most famous business leaders of the past century were renowned for their perfectionism – but also didn’t shy away from showing anger.

The co-founder of Apple, Steve Jobs, led groundbreaking innovation at the tech giant, but was infamously prone to becoming bad tempered at times.

Another was Roone Arledge, president of the US news organisation, ABC News, from the late 1970s to the 1990s. He had a profound impact on news and sports programming, and was described by former Disney Chief Executive Robert Iger as both inspiring and demanding. At times, he tore apart projects and had his team rework them through the night.

As a leadership trait, perfectionism can drive teams to meet high standards. Our research has explored an important catch, though. Perfectionist leaders, especially when displaying anger, can undermine creativity and innovation.




Read more:
‘Ebullient leadership’ can lift your workers out of the doldrums and increase productivity


What is perfectionism?

Perfectionism is a personality trait characterised by demands for flawless performance. It’s a common trait across many different kinds of workplaces.

Perfectionist leaders may have a low tolerance for mistakes.
Constantine Pankin

Perfectionism can be self-oriented, where leaders hold themselves to extremely high or impossible standards.

It can also be other-oriented, where they expect the same from those they lead.

It’s easy to see why so many leaders gravitate toward perfectionism. It can inspire employees to produce high-quality work, minimise mistakes and strive for success.

Perfectionist leaders can also increase followers’ engagement with their work and their motivation to learn.

But the trait can also mean setting unrealistically high standards for oneself and others, with little room for error or flexibility.

Creativity matters, too

Meeting high standards isn’t the only thing that matters at work. Creativity – the ability to generate novel and useful ideas – is also critical for organisational success.

Creativity thrives in environments where employees feel psychologically safe, empowered to take risks and make mistakes.

This is where perfectionism falls short. Whether intentional or not, perfectionist leaders often foster fear – both of making mistakes and falling short.

Creativity is a crucial element of business success.
Urbanscape/Shutterstock

Our research

To explore how leader perfectionism affects creativity, we conducted three studies across different cultural contexts.

The first involved 200 participants from the US who recalled their experiences of perfectionist leaders showing anger.

The second was a controlled lab experiment with 119 participants in the Philippines.

For the third, we surveyed 296 employees and 61 leaders at a Chinese telecommunications company.

The results were consistent across all three. Leaders who were very perfectionist – especially when they expressed anger – made employees feel less safe, which lowered creativity.

Why does this happen?

Think of creativity as a flame. Perfectionism acts like a strong wind, intended to fan it but often blowing it out instead.

When employees feel constant pressure to meet leaders’ perfectionist standards, they stop thinking outside the box.

Instead of embracing bold, creative ideas, they stick to what’s safe. That often means avoiding risk at all costs and focusing on flawless work.

This phenomenon is all about psychological safety, the belief that it’s safe to try new things in the workplace.

Our research found the more a leader set perfectionist standards and shows anger, the less likely their employees were to take risks and come up with ideas.

Creating a sense of safety and belonging is crucial for fostering creativity in workplaces.
RF._.studio/Pexels

Lessons for leaders

Setting high standards is valuable, but it’s equally important to foster an environment where employees feel safe to innovate.

This environment can only exist when leaders temper their perfectionism with empathy and understanding. This doesn’t necessarily mean lowering standards — just balancing high expectations with support and compassion.

Organisations can offer training programs to help leaders develop their skills in expressing appropriate emotions – both when setting work standards or when employees fail to meet their expectations.

For example, cognitive-behavioral therapy has been show to be an effective strategy for helping perfectionists regulate their tendency to be overly critical.

Gamze Koseoglu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Perfectionist leaders can push their teams to meet high standards – but it can backfire and stifle creativity – https://theconversation.com/perfectionist-leaders-can-push-their-teams-to-meet-high-standards-but-it-can-backfire-and-stifle-creativity-243043

5 tips to ace a job interview – including how to prepare for the question they’ll definitely ask

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kerry Brown, Professor of Employment and Industry, School of Business and Law, Edith Cowan University

Photo by Anna Shvets/Pexels

If you’re back in the job market, or looking for your first position after graduating, you’ll need to think about how to ace a job interview.

Getting shortlisted for interview is a significant achievement on its own, given managers routinely consider hundreds of other applicants for each position. But to interview well, you need to be prepared, confident (but not arrogant) and stand out from other applicants.

A good job interview means assuring a prospective employer you can fit into their company, have the skills to do or adapt to the job, and can work well with others.

So, how can you put your best foot forward in a job interview? Here are five tips.

1. Talk about your cultural and organisational fit

Explain how you would be a great fit in the new job.

Establishing your fit doesn’t mean talking up your skills, but convincing the panel you are the right person to join the company.

Make it clear you know what the company does well (more on that later), offer examples of where you’ve worked well in teams before, and explain how you could contribute to the organisation’s mission, goals and achievements.

2. Prepare answers for important questions

They will almost certainly ask: “why should we hire you?”

Variations of this question include: “why are you the best person for this job?” and “why do you want this job?”

You may be asked these kinds of questions right at the start of your interview.

It’s not an invitation to brag about what you have done or exaggerate your claims. It’s an opportunity to demonstrate how you would fit into the company with your skills, track record and personal values.

This is your chance to outline your skills and position yourself as the best person for the job.

But these questions also allow you to give an early indication about whether your working style and personal values align with the organisation’s values.

3. Show your enthusiasm and commitment

It is important to show you are enthusiastic and excited to be part of their organisation.

You are looking to give your employer a sense of your personality and your interest in not just the job but the company.

What is it about this company’s work that interests you? Can you name examples of things they’ve done well in the past? If you got the job, why would you be proud to work there?

Make it clear you’ve put some thought into why you want to work at this company.
Photo by Christina Morillo/Pexels

4. Do your homework

Demonstrate you have read up on the company and people and be specific about what you can offer as a future employee.

Research the company and the person who is interviewing you. Make it clear you understand the business and its recent output, as well as the person and their preferences.

Don’t simply regurgitate information about the company from their website. Instead, come up with some interesting questions such as how they’ve managed a big change in the industry, or how they are adapting to a new technology.

The company will probably research or “cybervet” you. Ensure your public profile and other accessible information is professional and shows you at your best. Lose the wild party pics.

5. Give ‘I’ answers

“I” answers show how your skills would benefit the company and suit the position. You could talk, for example, about how you’re passionate about helping people, so you did an internship in aged care administration during your business studies and also volunteered at your local aged care home.

Or that you won an award in recognition of your contribution to your industry, and explain what you did that won you this award.

The story of you as a talented and committed job seeker should not only be compelling but have an internal narrative logic. For example:

In my university degree, I undertook training in project management software. As part of my internship, I was responsible for project scheduling, so I developed a very good working knowledge of this software. My experience supports me to effectively use project management software in this new role.

Don’t just list your courses and achievements; build a narrative about your work contributions and career.
Photo by Mikhail Nilov/Pexels

Research has also shown doing an internship gives you a better chance of winning a job.

If you’ve got gaps in your resume, fold them into your narrative about how you have built your experiences, education, skills and capacities. For example,

To gain experience in learning other languages and working in different countries, I travelled extensively for my gap year. I then started my full-time university studies in marketing while working part-time in the retail industry.

A job interview is not just about how well you did in your studies or your previous job but how you can build your skills and capabilities into a sustainable career in your new role. The interviewer is looking for how you can add value to the organisation.

Kerry Brown has received funding from the ARC and other government agencies.

ref. 5 tips to ace a job interview – including how to prepare for the question they’ll definitely ask – https://theconversation.com/5-tips-to-ace-a-job-interview-including-how-to-prepare-for-the-question-theyll-definitely-ask-244180

Why you should treat workplace friendships like your diet – aim for balance and variety

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stefan Korber, Senior Lecturer in Innovation and Entrepreneurship, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Getty Images

The list of organisations abandoning the option of fully remote work for employees has grown recently, with the likes of Amazon, IBM, JPMorgan and Meta leading the charge back to the office.

These mandates have caused considerable controversy, but they’ve also given attention to a crucial aspect of corporate life: workplace friendships. And, as the new work year looms, reuniting at work has its own special challenges.

Surveys have shown around three in ten employees have a close friend at work. Furthermore, researchers argue these relationships can be as important to our personal and professional lives as a nutritious diet is to physical health.

For individuals, close personal ties with coworkers can increase job satisfaction, provide a stronger sense of belonging, and promote career advancement. For organisations, workplace friendships have been linked to higher innovation, collaboration, profitability, productivity and employee retention.

However, like many relationships, workplace friendships are challenging to navigate. Differing career goals, corporate power dynamics, tight deadlines and job insecurities can create resentment, conflict and disappointments that strain relationships.

So, how can we maintain meaningful friendships with work colleagues over time? Exploring this in previous research, we adopted a rather unconventional approach and took a deep (and sometimes uncomfortable) look at the relational dynamics in our own circles of work friends.

We analysed our own group’s dynamic, as well as others we were involved in, to examine what makes some workplace friendships work better than others. (While limited to insights from a small number of people, “autoethnography” is a recognised research methodology that can produce deeper understanding of emotions and values.)

Camaraderie in the workplace

On the surface, the five of us in the research group didn’t have much in common. We were at different career stages, had diverse roots, different family constellations, and some had even moved to universities on the other side of the world.

Yet we were able to maintain and even strengthen our work friendship and continue to collaborate on joint projects for over ten years. We found workplace friendships rely on a distinct set of foundational elements (building blocks) whose importance ebbs and flows over time.

Sometimes, workplace friendships are strengthened through mutual support in the face of shared challenges. For instance, collaborative work under tight deadlines can create an intense “we’re all in this together” feeling, where everyone chips in and makes personal sacrifices.

Similarly, collective moaning and gossiping about clients, company policies, superiors or coworkers can foster solidarity and deeper bonds.

Shared recollections of meaningful experiences that define relationships play a role. When we indulge in memories of office parties that went out of control, or collectively remember past achievements, feelings of belonging are reinforced.

Deliberating about potential future endeavours – from the next team event to thinking of joint initiatives – can strengthen workplace friendships by fostering a shared sense of direction and common purpose.

One dimensional work friendships can begin to feel shallow or exploitative.
Getty Images

When workplace friendships go bad

Paradoxically, while these elements are fundamental to workplace friendships, they can also erode those relationships if one element starts to overshadow the others.

For example, although working together on projects is essential, solely work-related friendships can quickly feel shallow or exploitative. Similarly, if collective moaning and negativity dominate all conversations, workplace friendships can start to feel toxic and emotionally drowning.

Hearing the same anecdotes or jokes over and over again can strain relationships, much like old school friends realising the only thing they talk about is getting drunk together 20 years ago.

Finally, talking about future endeavours can create fractures if plans are consistently cancelled and workplace friends don’t make an effort to put ideas into reality.

This suggests maintaining workplace friendships depends on having good foundations to start with, but also on maintaining a balance between them.

Healthy relationships take work

To return to the healthy diet analogy, just as there is no single “magic bullet” for healthy eating, there is no secret ingredient for workplace friendships. Instead, a balanced mix of ingredients and regular adjustments are needed.

Accomplishing this requires an awareness of the different factors that define workplace friendships, and an understanding of how imbalances can strain relationships. Most importantly, it takes deliberate effort to re-balance work and friendship if things go sour.

Our research calls for managers and individuals to pay closer attention to the dynamics of workplace friendships, and the efforts required to maintain them.

On the one hand, decision-makers can make social connections part of everyday work life, rather than trying to “force” them through occasional team-building events or annual celebrations.

On the other, workplace friends need to be sensitive to the risks posed by routine and habit creeping into those relationships, making us take each other for granted.

Like any relationship, workplace friendships take, well, work. While this might sound obvious, we can probably all do with reminding that honest reflection and personal investment are key to maintaining any healthy relationship.


The author acknowledges his colleagues in this research project: Paul Hibbert and Frank Siedlok (University of St Andrews), Lisa Callagher (University of Auckland) and Ziad Elsahn (Lancaster University).


Stefan Korber does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why you should treat workplace friendships like your diet – aim for balance and variety – https://theconversation.com/why-you-should-treat-workplace-friendships-like-your-diet-aim-for-balance-and-variety-243706

Sunglasses reflect more than the light: a brief history of shades, from Ancient Rome to Hollywood

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Margaret Maynard, Associate Professor, School of Communication and the Arts, The University of Queensland

State Library Victoria

Sunglasses, or dark glasses, have always guarded against strong sunlight, but is there more to “shades” than we think?

The pupils of our eyes are delicate and react immediately to strong lights. Protecting them against light – even the brilliance reflected off snow – is important for everyone. Himalayan mountaineers wear goggles for this exact purpose.

Protection is partly the function of sunglasses. But dark or coloured lens glasses have become fashion accessories and personal signature items. Think of the vast and famous collector of sunglasses Elton John, with his pink lensed heart-shaped extravaganzas and many others.

When did this interest in protecting the eyes begin, and at what point did dark glasses become a social statement as well as physical protection?

Ancient traditions

The Roman Emperor Nero is reported as holding polished gemstones to his eyes for sun protection as he watched fighting gladiators.

We know Canadian far north Copper Inuit and Alaskan Yupik wore snow goggles of many kinds made of antlers or whalebone and with tiny horizontal slits. Wearers looked through these and they were protected against the snow’s brilliant light when hunting. At the same time the very narrow eye holes helped them to focus on their prey.

Inuit goggles made from caribou antler with caribou sinew for a strap.
Julian Idrobo/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

In 12th century China, judges wore sunglasses with smoked quartz lenses to hide their facial expressions – perhaps to retain their dignity or not convey emotions.

Very early eyeglasses were produced in Venice with its longstanding skills in glass making concentrated on the still famous islands of Murano.

In the 18th century, noble Venetian ladies held green coloured glasses in tortoiseshell frames to their eyes, a design similar to a hand-held mirror. These vetri da gondola (glasses for gondola) or da dama (for ladies) were used to protect their eyes and those of their children from sunlight, as gondoliers paddled them through the Venetian canals.

Green sunglasses, made around 1770.
© The Board of Trustees of the Science Museum, CC BY-NC-SA

Glasses, celebrity and war

Protection of the eye takes an interesting turn when movie making begins. Film stars’ eyes became strained as artificial studio set lights were very strong. They began to wear tinted glasses outside the studio as their eyes became sore.

As Hollywood began to make celebrities of these stars, they sought out privacy by wearing dark glasses on public occasions as well.

Their looks were crucial to the industry.

One thinks of the aloof Greta Garbo who hid behind her glasses to stop interaction with fans. Audrey Hepburn was another star well known for her Oliver Goldsmith dark glasses. She peered over these in many movies and also wore them as high fashion accessories.

The first anti-glare glasses, originally with green glass blocking U/V rays, were Ray-Bans, patented in 1939 as Aviators for the US Army Air Corps. Their shapes reduced light from any angle. They were taken up by the military and became the signature style of General Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Commander of US Forces in the Pacific, stationed in Brisbane during the second world war.

With these glasses, well-tailored khaki uniforms and peaked caps, wearers exuded a vigorous masculine attractiveness – although the outfits were not exactly fashion.

Dark glasses were to become increasingly popular accessories from the late 1920s. They took on new life as essential male and female fashions in the 60s and 70s. Men and women celebrities and style icons like Jacqueline Kennedy wore her huge designer outsize glasses as personal fashion items.

Rich with meaning

There are hundreds of different designs on the market today. Many can be picked up at any chemist.

Dark glasses are everywhere: worn on the street, for driving, on the beach and on the tennis court.

Sunglasses are rich with different meanings. They protect from harsh sunlight and shield wearers from close contact with others. They also allow users to observe others without detection. They are striking accessories loved by celebrities, movie stars and fashionable influencers of all kinds.

For some celebrities, sunglasses have become part of their character.

They project an almost powerful aura for someone like Anna Wintour of Vogue. For Stevie Wonder, who wears sunglasses because he is legally blind, they have come to symbolise his particular personality, his unique ability and his iconic status.

Margaret Maynard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Sunglasses reflect more than the light: a brief history of shades, from Ancient Rome to Hollywood – https://theconversation.com/sunglasses-reflect-more-than-the-light-a-brief-history-of-shades-from-ancient-rome-to-hollywood-244399

Abducted Gaza doctor’s life in danger due to torture – call for immediate international intervention

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor

The fate of Palestinian Dr Hussam Abu Safiya, director of Kamal Adwan Hospital in northern Gaza, who was “arrested” by Israeli forces last month after defiantly staying with his patients when his hospital was being attacked, featured strongly at yesterday’s medical professionals solidarity rally in Auckland.

The Israeli government bears full responsibility for the life of Dr Abu Safiya’s life amid alarming indications of torture and ill-treatment since his detention.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor has received information that Dr Abu Safiya’s health has deteriorated due to the torture he endured during his detention, particularly while being held at the Sde Teyman military base in southern Israel.

Euro-Med Monitor warns of the grave risk to his life, following patterns of deliberate killings and deaths under torture previously suffered by other doctors and medical staff arrested from Gaza since October 2023.

Euro-Med Monitor has documented testimonies confirming that Israeli soldiers physically assaulted Dr Abu Safiya immediately after he left the hospital on Friday, 27 December 2024. He was then directly targeted with sound bombs while attempting to evacuate the hospital in compliance with orders from the Israeli army.

According to testimonies gathered by Euro-Med Monitor, the Israeli army subsequently transferred Dr Abu Safiya to a field interrogation site in the Al-Fakhura area of Jabalia Refugee Camp.

There, he was forced to strip off his clothes and was subjected to severe beatings, including being whipped with a thick wire commonly used for street electrical wiring. Soldiers deliberately humiliated him in front of other detainees, including fellow medical staff.

Transferred to Sde Teyman military camp
He was later taken to an undisclosed location before being transferred to the Sde Teyman military camp under Israeli army control.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor has also received information from recently released detainees at the Sde Teyman military camp, confirming that Dr Abu Safiya was subjected to severe torture, leading to a significant deterioration in his health.

Protester Jason holds a placard calling for Kamal Adwan Hospital medical director Dr Hussam Abu Safiya to be set free at yesterday’s Palestinian solidarity rally in Auckland. Image: David Robie/APR

This occurred despite him already being wounded by Israeli air strikes on the hospital, where he worked tirelessly until the facility was stormed and set ablaze by Israeli forces.

The Israeli army has attempted to mislead the public regarding Dr Abu Safiya’s detention and torture.

Pro-Israeli media outlets circulated a misleading promotional video portraying his treatment as humane, even though he was tortured and humiliated immediately after filming.

Euro-Med Monitor warns of the severe implications of Israel’s denial of Dr Abu Safiya’s detention, describing this as a deeply troubling indicator of his fate and detention conditions. This denial also reflects a blatant disregard for binding legal standards.

Physicians for Human Rights — Israel (PHRI) submitted a request on behalf of Dr Abu Safiya’s family to obtain information and facilitate a lawyer’s visit on 2 January 2024. However, the Israeli authorities claimed to have no record of his detention, stating they had no indication of his arrest.

Dr Hussam Abu Safiya . . . subjected to severe torture, leading to a significant deterioration in his health. Image: Euro-Med Monitor

Deep concern over execution risk
Euro-Med Monitor expresses deep concern that Dr Abu Safiya may face execution during his detention, similar to the fate of Dr Adnan Al-Bursh, head of the orthopaedics department at Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, who was killed under torture at Ofer Detention Centre on 19 April 2024.

Dr Al-Bursh had been detained along with colleagues from Al-Awda Hospital in December 2023.

Likewise, Dr Iyad Al-Rantisi, head of the obstetrics department at Kamal Adwan Hospital, was killed due to torture at an Israeli Shin Bet interrogation centre in Ashkelon, one week after his detention in November 2023. Israeli authorities concealed his death for more than seven months.

Dozens of doctors and medical staff remain subjected to arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance in Israeli prisons and detention centres, where they face severe torture and solitary confinement, according to testimonies from former detainees.

The last photograph of the director of Kamal Adwan Hospital in Gaza, Dr Hussam Abu Safiya, before he was arrested and abducted by Israeli forces. Image: @jeremycorbyn screenshot APR

The detention of Dr Abu Safiya must be understood within the context of Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza, which has persisted for nearly 15 months. His arrest, torture, and potential execution form part of a broader strategy aimed at destroying the Palestinian people in Gaza — both physically and psychologically — and breaking their will.

This strategy includes not only the deliberate destruction of the health sector and the disruption of medical staff operations, particularly in northern Gaza, but also an attack on the symbolic and humanitarian role represented by Dr Abu Safiya.

Despite the grave crimes committed against Kamal Adwan Hospital, its staff, and patients, especially in the past two months, Dr Abu Safiya remained unwavering in his dedication to providing essential medical care and fulfilling his medical duties.

Call on states, UN to take immediate steps
Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor calls on all concerned states, international entities, and UN bodies to take immediate and effective measures to secure the unconditional release of Dr Abu Safiya. His fundamental rights to life, physical safety, and dignity must be protected, shielding him from torture or any cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

Euro-Med Monitor also urges international and local human rights organisations to be granted full access to visit Dr Abu Safiya, monitor his health condition, provide necessary medical treatment, and ensure he is free from human rights violations until his release.

Furthermore, Euro-Med Monitor reiterates its call for the United Nations to deploy an international investigative mission to examine the grave crimes and violations faced by Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons.

It calls for the immediate release of those detained arbitrarily, for international and local organisations to be granted visitation rights, and for detainees to have access to legal representation.

Euro-Med Monitor expresses regret over the continued inaction of Alice Jill Edwards, the Special Rapporteur on Torture, who has failed to address these atrocities. It condemns her bias and deliberate negligence in fulfilling her mandate and calls for her dismissal.

A new Special Rapporteur who is neutral and committed to universal human rights principles must be appointed.

Additionally, Euro-Med Monitor urges the Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances to conduct immediate and thorough investigations into crimes committed by the Israeli military in Gaza.

Call for prosecution of Israeli crimes
It calls for direct engagement with victims and families, as well as for reports to be submitted to pave the way for investigative committees, fact-finding missions, and international courts to prosecute Israeli crimes, hold perpetrators accountable, and compensate victims in line with international law.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor renews its call for relevant states and entities to fulfil their legal obligations to halt the genocide in Gaza.

This includes imposing a comprehensive arms embargo on Israel, holding it accountable for its crimes, and taking effective measures to protect Palestinian civilians. Immediate steps must also be taken to prevent forced displacement, ensure the return of residents, release arbitrarily detained Palestinians, and facilitate the urgent entry of life-saving humanitarian aid into Gaza without obstacles.

Finally, Euro-Med Monitor demands the withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from the entire Gaza Strip.

Republished from Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Fiji police charge man with rape and sexual assault of Virgin Australia crew member

Fijivillage News

A man has been charged with the rape and sexual assault of one of the Virgin Australia crew members in the early hours of New Year’s Day, near a nightclub in Martintar, Nadi.

Police confirm he has been charged with one count of sexual assault and one count of rape.

They say he is in custody and will appear in the Nadi Magistrates Court on Monday.

Police have yet to charge anyone in relation to the robbery of another crew member.

Meanwhile, the crew members have now returned to Australia.

A female crew member, who was allegedly sexually assaulted near the club, flew back to Australia yesterday while her male colleague returned on Thursday after receiving treatment for facial wounds.

Five other crew members remained in Fiji to assist the investigation, staying close to their hotel as directed by their airline’s headquarters.

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Tourism Viliame Gavoka said in an earlier statement that regrettably incidents like this could happen anywhere and Fiji was not immune.

He reminded tourists to exercise caution in nightclub areas and late at night.

Republished from Fijivillage News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan: what do these Sierra Leone developments tell us about urban elites?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milo Gough, Lecturer in History, University of Manchester

An artist’s impression of Idris Elba’s planned eco-city, Sherbro Island City. Greenfield Planners Sdn Bhd / Sherbro Alliance Partners

Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, is celebrated as a city founded to resettle freed slaves in the 1790s. Over the following century, it became a truly cosmopolitan port city as people from across western Africa and the Americas made it their home.

But Freetown’s British colonial rulers struggled to acclimatise. Many were plagued by deadly fevers that earned West Africa its reputation in Europe as the “white man’s grave”.

By the turn of the 20th century, the intensifying racism of colonialism, coupled with the emergence of the new field of tropical medicine, led to the construction of Hill Station, an experimental, racially segregated settlement built in the mountains four miles south of Freetown.

This was more than simply a public health measure to protect the white colonists. It was an abandonment of Freetown – an exit strategy from a city that was seen by this colonial elite as diseased, overcrowded and dangerous. The writer and journalist Graham Greene was highly critical of these motives in his travelogue, Journey Without Maps (1936):

England had planted this town [Freetown], the tin shacks and the Remembrance Day posters, and had then withdrawn up the hillside to smart bungalows, with wide windows and electric fans and perfect service … They had planted their seedy civilization and then escaped from it as far as they could.

Now, more than a century later, a proposed masterplanned city in Sierra Leone called Sherbro Island City is raising questions about the nature of modern urban developments – questions that resonate with my research in Freetown’s public archives about the story of Hill Station.

Idris Elba, Siaka Stevens and Julius Maada Bio in suits posing for a photograph.
Idris Elba (right) with the CEO and co-founder of Sherbro Alliance Partners, Siaka Stevens (left), and Sierra Leone’s president, Julius Maada Wonie Bio.
Sherbro Alliance Partners

The people behind Sherbro Island City, including English actor Idris Elba, are anything but colonial types. And in a country that is almost always portrayed as a place of violence and suffering – epitomised by its civil war in the 1990s and the devastating Ebola outbreak from 2014 to 2016 – the more optimistic headlines generated by Sherbro Island City are welcome. Its plans for an “afro-dynamic eco-city” promise long-term growth for Sierra Leone and the wider region.

But like Hill Station, this development – to be built on Sherbro Island, around 75 miles (120km) south of Freetown – has been planned for a small international elite. It is marketed as being clean and sanitary, with state-of-the-art “smart infrastructure” – in contrast to the perception of Freetown, like many other major African cities, as dirty, chaotic and perpetually malfunctioning.

Abuzz with anticipation

In 2019, I was in Freetown conducting research into the history of the city. On the day my fieldwork was wrapping up, Idris Elba landed for his first visit to his father’s homeland. Freetown had been buzzing with the news of his arrival. Everyone wanted to catch a glimpse of Sierra Leone’s own superstar.

On his week-long trip, Elba was busy. Events and photo opportunities swirled around a ritualistic centre piece: the presentation of citizenship by the country’s president, Julius Maada Bio. Elba was understandably enamoured by Sierra Leone and the welcome he received. Speaking to a BBC correspondent, he proclaimed that “the son of the soil is coming back to fertilise the soil”.

In fact, his plans to “fertilise” Sierra Leone were already in motion before this trip. Elba had set up a company called Sherbro Alliance Partners (SAP) earlier in 2019 with his childhood friend, Siaka Stevens – grandson of Sierra Leone’s dictatorial post-colonial president, also called Siaka Stevens.

That same year, SAP signed a memorandum of understanding with President Bio to build Sherbro Island City, envisaged as a thriving hub of improved infrastructure, tourism, media, healthcare and eco technologies.


The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.


The project has moved slowly over the past five years, but recently gathered some momentum. Lloyd’s of London and Octopus Energy have been announced as project partners. These corporate tie-ins, alongside Elba’s stardom, have given Sherbro Island City enough clout to garner global media attention.

Many journalists and commentators have praised Elba and Stevens for their capacity to “dream big”. Braima Koroma, director of research and training at the Sierra Leone Urban Research Centre in Freetown, told me that “local communities, government officials and potential investors seem to be excited about the vision of creating a modern, eco-friendly urban centre. There’s a palpable sense of anticipation surrounding the promises of job creation, improved infrastructure and increased foreign investment.”

On the other hand, Koroma told me the project’s “focus on luxury and exclusivity” has prompted “worry about the risk of exacerbating socioeconomic inequality” – suggesting the optimism generated by Sherbro Island City and desire for development in Sierra Leone may have obscured questions about the desirability of a hyper-modern city designed to attract a wealthy, globalised elite and provide returns for mobile foreign capital. The majority of Sierra Leoneans, who live on an average of just US$560 (£422) a year, will be economically locked out of this exclusive urban enclave.

A very different built environment

Much of my time in Sierra Leone was spent at the public archive building, which is located within the country’s most historic university, Fourah Bay College. One day, I was on the back of an okada (motorcycle taxi) on the steep mountain road up to the archive when I got a call from Alfred, one of the archivists, reminding me it was closed for a national holiday.

Taking advantage of a day away from dusty colonial-era documents, I redirected the driver up to the neighbourhood of Hill Station, as it is still called today, on the main road into the mountains overlooking Freetown.

At first glance, Hill Station appears an unremarkable neighbourhood of Freetown. Large compounds hide behind breeze block walls, and corrugated-iron houses hang on to the steep sides of the ridge on which Hill Station is perched.

However, a short walk off the main road reveals a very different built environment. Amid the red dirt roads and thriving palm and kapok trees, vast wooden bungalows are hoisted up on top of stilts. In varying states of decay and heavily modified with corrugated-iron extensions, these bungalows are still owned by the government and inhabited by civil servants and their families.

A bungalow raised off the tropical forest floor against a clear sky background.
Hill Station’s bungalows were raised more than two metres off the ground to distance occupants from ‘miasmatic emanations’.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

On my stroll through Hill Station, the neighbourhood was very quiet aside from several men finishing off the big job of painting one of the bungalows in pastel green. While only 12 of these colonial homes remain, at its peak Hill Station consisted of about 30 bungalows.

This mountain settlement, its first stage completed in 1904, was connected to Freetown’s city centre by a narrow-gauge railway that operated to suit the hours of the few government officials who lived in Hill Station and commuted into the city each day. After returning in the evening (the last train up was at 6:30pm), British colonial officials drank together and played billiards at the recreational club. At weekends they played tennis, watched by their wives and children.

The bungalows, club and railway were built at great expense – around £86,000, roughly equivalent to £9 million today – to provide a new way of life for this handful of white colonial officials, businessmen and their families who had previously resided in the city. This was a huge project that catered for a tiny white elite – by 1911, only 90 people out of Freetown’s total population of about 40,000 lived in Hill Station.

Investment on this scale was highly unusual in Britain’s African colonies, which were usually run on shoestring budgets. The colonial government rationalised it as a response to the discovery in the late 1890s that Anopheles mosquitoes were the vector of malaria.

But African people were identified as the “reservoir” of the disease and so, according to this logic, white people would be safe from disease if they spent the night – when mosquitoes were feeding – away from them. This understanding of disease prevention is characteristic of a period that saw a hardening of the racial hierarchy in British West Africa around monolithic categories of whiteness and blackness.

A black and white image of the first completed bungalows of Hill Station.
Hill Station soon after its completion in 1904.
Wikimedia Commons

Escaping their ‘seedy civilisation’

To colonial officials and medical experts, the settlement of Hill Station was associated with whiteness, health and modernity. Its opposite was the city of Freetown, associated with blackness, dirt and disease. The hard binary of white-black and mountain-coast forged by the construction of Hill Station was new. But it was built on older ideas of disease transmission, race and landscape.

While I walked among the bungalows of Hill Station, a breeze blew across the ridge providing me with some relief from the hot and humid stillness that characterised Freetown’s city centre. More than a century ago, this breeze was highly prized by colonial medical officers as ventilation was thought to circulate “healthy” air.

The Hill Station bungalows were designed to harness the breeze. All four sides were lined with windows that could be opened to encourage the movement of air. But contrary to the aim of preventing the spread of malaria, the windows were not equipped with mosquito screens, as officials thought screens would prevent air flow.

Concrete foundations held iron stilts that raised the bungalows more than two metres from the ground. This functioned to distance occupants from the dangerous miasmas that were thought to emanate from the ground.

The idea that “bad air” was the cause of health problems remained central to the medical geography of empire even after the discovery of new tropical medicines. Freetown, perceived as insanitary and overpopulated, was understood as a hotbed of enervating miasmas that left white colonial officials vulnerable to contracting deadly fevers.

From the ridge, I looked down to the west over Lumley Beach, south towards the mountains of the Freetown peninsula, and east over the city centre. Freetown sprawled over the undulating terrain, pushing up tightly against the Atlantic coastline. From this same location, colonial officials would have surveyed the territory and perhaps felt secure in their place at the top of the colonial hierarchy.

A panoramic view of Freetown from the mountains.
The view down to Freetown, squeezed up against the Atlantic coastline.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

In the 1890s, the governor of colonial Sierra Leone, Frederick Cardew, justified the construction of Hill Station because of the “exhilarating and bracing” sensory experience of walking along this ridgeline. He marvelled at a view that “could hardly be surpassed in any part of the world in range and beauty”.

Even after Sierra Leone gained independence in 1961, Hill Station has remained a site of state power. Adjacent to the old bungalows is the president’s official residence and the various high commissions of old imperial nations, all hidden behind high walls and barbed wire.

But earlier this year, several senior civil servants and their families were evicted from their Hill Station bungalows after the government of Sierra Leone granted Turkey and Saudi Arabia plots of land to build new embassies. Their bungalows are now slated for demolition.

The destruction of Freetown’s colonial-era built environment, including the once ubiquitous 19th-century Krio bode ose (board houses), has been a consistent feature of Freetown’s postcolonial period. Many locals, looking resolutely towards a better tomorrow, do not mourn the loss of the material aftermaths of colonialism. Yet the unchecked churn of urban development can also mean some important lessons from history are forgotten.

A satellite image of Sherbro Island.
A satellite image of Sherbro Island off the coast of southern Sierra Leone.
Nasa / Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-NC-ND

Sierra Leone’s ‘afro-dynamic ecocity’

The foundational idea of architects Foster + Partners for Sherbro Island City is to make it “afro-dynamic” – as encapsulated by its leaf motif, loosely inspired by the shape of Sherbro island. According to the marketing material, this leaf shows the way in which the city is both “connected to Africa” and “rooted in community”.

Having been a slave boat harbour in the 18th century, Sherbro island would go on to become an important colonial port. However, by the latter half of the 20th century, it was a remote and overlooked part of post-colonial Sierra Leone. The new architectural vision for Sherbro Island City doesn’t reference this history – but within the shiny publicity material, there are some echoes of Hill Station’s relationship with Freetown.

Back in October 1902, the Public Works Department erected signs in the vicinity of the proposed site, with one reading: “Warning. Any person found squatting, erecting huts, or planting on this and adjacent lands from this date will be PROSECUTED and EJECTED.”

While Sherbro Island City will also be built on land used by existing communities, SAP claims the new city will benefit the island’s population of around 40,000 people. But Bankolay Theodore Turay, a Sierra Leonean scholar based at the Centre for Housing and Sustainable Development at the University of Lagos, Nigeria, is sceptical. He explained to me that he is “not aware of any compensation process that has taken place for communities that will be dispossessed of their land, and those that will be relocated from the community”.

Sherbro Island City will exist on a separate legal footing from the rest of the nation as a special economic zone, and promises huge tax incentives to investors. It appears that it will be a private city, even if not in name, managed by business people and shaped by the interests of foreign capital.

The architects’ images conform to an aesthetic of globalised modernity. Where the bungalows of Hill Station were constructed from imported prefabricated materials that conformed to a pan-imperial style, CGI renderings of Sherbro Island City imagine a hyper-modern city of glass and steel that appears to have little to do with its locale.

Foster + Partners says it has “not engaged in any detailed designs at this stage, which will be shaped by input from several stakeholders including local communities”. It adds that all of the designs “are rooted in sustainability and a respect for the communities we design for”.

Turay told me that, regardless of SAP’s claims that the city will have minimal environmental impact, “construction work does not come without environmental issues, without changing the special dynamics of the community” in an area with an “ecological footprint that is very, very low”.

In an interview in 2023, SAP’s co-founder Stevens described how the idea for the new city first germinated while he was on holiday at a luxury beach resort in Dubai. He recalled thinking: “I wish I could make my country like this one day.”

Siaka Stevens on working with Idris Elba and Sierra Leone’s president.

It looks like Sherbro Island City will, like Hill Station, be a city for the elite. Fosters + Partners’ preview book describes five “character profiles” of potential residents of, and visitors to, the city. These are a tourist family from Europe, two renowned health professionals and young parents, a South African digital nomad living between Dubai and Singapore, a recent Harvard graduate, and a successful actor and DJ.

These profiles suggest the city will be for diverse people from all over the world, but with one condition: they must be well-off.

Africa’s masterplanned cities

Sherbro Island City is not the first masterplanned city for Africa in the 21st century. Over the past 20 years, similar plans for new cities have cropped up throughout the continent.

Perhaps the most notable is Eko Atlantic City in Nigeria. First announced in 2003, the Eko Atlantic project has radically altered the geography of Nigeria’s largest city, Lagos. Built on 6.5 million square miles of reclaimed land, it protrudes into the Atlantic Ocean from what was Bar Beach. Its first few skeletal tower blocks have changed the skyline of downtown Lagos.

Other projects on the continent have been less successful. Kenya’s Konza Technopolis, conceived in 2009, is still a work-in-progress street grid 50 miles outside the capital, Nairobi. Meanwhile, Ghana’s Hope City project got no further than computer-generated images of glowing towers before being cancelled.

And then there is Senegal’s Akon City, the brainchild of Senegalese-American rapper Akon. Six years after it was announced with great fanfare, Akon City is little more than a half-built welcome centre. Some parallels to the Sherbro Island City project are evident: both are backed by global superstars, and both promise to transform the fortunes of small and often overlooked west African nations.

Turay said his first reaction to the Sherbro Island City plans was: “Is this is going to be another Akon city?” Such city-scale projects require vast amounts of capital and organisation, and many flounder facing this harsh reality.

However, not all of these projects are mirages. As South African professor of urban planning Vanessa Watson has described, cities in Africa have become the latest frontier for speculative real estate investment. This trend sped up hugely after the global financial crisis of 2007–08 as, since then, interest rates have generally been very low and capital has sought out riskier investments with potentially higher yields.

The rise of a foreign capital-led, speculative real estate market in African cities has been widely celebrated. Many urban residents across the continent see visions for modernity and new concrete structures as evidence of development, investment, and change for the better.

Two skyscrapers towering above a swimming pool.
The first few skyscrapers of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos.
Kehinde Temitope Odutayo / Shutterstock

Comments on Eko Atlantic update videos, for example, show great pride in these ambitious plans from people who will probably never afford to live in the city’s luxury apartments. Similarly, in Sierra Leone, many people appear optimistic about the prospect of a hyper-modern city that promises development in the form of investment, jobs and infrastructure.

However, according to Braima Koroma: “There are also voices of caution. Community members and environmental activists have raised concerns about the potential displacement of residents and the environmental impact of large-scale construction.” He suggests these concerns “underline the importance of ensuring that the development is inclusive, and takes into account the needs and rights of local populations”.

Exit schemes

Beyond Sierra Leone, in countries where city-scale projects have progressed further, concerns about their potential for entrenching inequality have been communicated in different ways. The Nigerian photographer Christopher Obuh’s series of images of Eko Atlantic City, No City for Poor Man, asks viewers to reflect on the unevenness of this speculative urbanism by showing the process of construction that is usually obscured by slick videos, glossy CGI renderings and marketing speak.

In an article about Eko Atlantic, journalist Katie Jane Fernelius argued that this new city is less about developing innovative solutions to the pressing problems of a changing climate, urban overcrowding and a lack of investment, and more a place of elite moneymaking where capital can be made liquid and free-flowing. In her view, Eko Atlantic City is likely to further entrench the highly unequal status quo.

Inequality was vital to the colonial system. European empires depended on the construction of rigid hierarchies, most often around ideas of race. More recently, harsh inequalities have again become a defining feature of the world since the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s.

The speculative urbanism of the 21st century recycles colonial logics in the form of protected compounds, private suburbs and gated communities. These spatial fixes to the challenge of living amid the masses are supported by other fixes to the “problem” of regulation, such as special economic zones, freeports and tax havens.

In his 2022 book Adventure Capitalism, Raymond Craib describes libertarian schemes to carve out spaces beyond the regulatory systems of the nation-state, from private islands to seasteads and space colonies. These extreme forms of exit have largely remained imaginary – yet these exit plans are significant in themselves, as they tell us how the wealthy envision the future.

In using his stardom to mobilise investment in Sierra Leone, I’m sure Idris Elba genuinely wants to uplift the homeland of his father. But it feels problematic that many of the most ambitious attempts at urban development in Africa, and across the world, appear to manifest largely through “exit schemes”.

The Conversation has contacted representatives for Idris Elba, Sherbro Alliance Partners and Eko Atlantic, offering them the opportunity to comment on issues raised in this article. By the time of publication, we had not received a response from any of these parties.


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The Conversation

Milo Gough has received funding from the AHRC through CHASE DTP.

ref. From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan: what do these Sierra Leone developments tell us about urban elites? – https://theconversation.com/from-a-colonial-hill-town-to-idris-elbas-island-masterplan-what-do-these-sierra-leone-developments-tell-us-about-urban-elites-233714

Israel orders patients, staff to ‘evacuate’ last two hospitals in northern Gaza siege

Asia Pacific Report

Israel is forcing two hospitals in northern Gaza to evacuate under threat of attack as its ethnic cleansing campaign continues.

Israeli forces have surrounded the Indonesian Hospital, where many staff and patients sought shelter after nearby Kamal Adwan Hospital was destroyed in an Israeli raid last week, reports Al Jazeera.

Late on Friday, a forced order to evacuate was also issued for the al-Awda Hospital, where 100 people are believed to be sheltering.

The evacuation order came today as New Zealand Palestine solidarity protesters followed a silent vigil outside Auckland Hospital yesterday with a rally in downtown Auckland’s Te Komititanga Square today, where doctors and other professional health staff called for support for Gaza’s besieged health facilities and protection for medical workers.

Protester Jason holds a placard calling for Kamal Adwan Hospital medical director Dr Hussam Abu Safiyyan to be set free at today’s Palestinian solidarity rally in Auckland. Image: David Robie/APR

When one New Zealand medical professional recalled the first time that the Israel military bombed a hospital in in Gaza November 2023, the world was “ready to accept the the lies that Israel told then”.

“Of course, they wouldn’t bomb a hospital, who would bomb a hospital? That’s a horrible war crime, if must have been Hamas that bombed themselves.

“And the world let Israel get away with it. That’s the time that we knew if the world let Israel get away with it once, they would repeat it again and again and we would allow a dangerous precedent to be set where health care workers and health care centres would become targets over and over again.

“In the past year it is exactly what we have seen,” he said to cries of shame.

“We have seen not only the targeting of health care infrastructure, but the targeting of healthcare workers.

“The murdering of healthcare workers, of aid workers all across Gaza at the hands of Israel — openly without any word of opposition from our government, without a word of opposition from any global government about these war crimes and genocidal actions until today.”

In an impassioned speech about the devastating price that Gazans were paying for the Israeli war, New Zealand Palestinian doctor and Gaza survivor Dr Abdallah Gouda vowed that his people would keep their dream for an independent state of Palestine and “we will never leave Gaza”.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called for an investigation into the Israeli attacks on Gaza hospitals and medical workers.

Volker Türk told the UN Security Council meeting on the Middle East that Israeli claims of Hamas launching attacks from hospitals in Gaza were often “vague” and sometimes “contradicted by publicly available information”.

Tino rangatiratanga and Palestinian flags at the Gazan health workers solidarity rally in Auckland today. Image: David Robie/APR

Palestine urges UN to end Gaza genocide, ‘Israeli impunity’
Riyad Mansour, the Palestinian envoy to the UN, said: “It is our collective responsibility to bring this hell to an end. It is our collective responsibility to bring this genocide to an end.”

The UNSC meeting on the Middle East came following last week’s raid on the Kamal Adwan Hospital and the arbitrary arrest and detention of its director, Hussam Abu Safia.

“You have an obligation to save lives”, Mansour told the council.

“Palestinian doctors and medical personnel took that mission to heart at the peril of their lives. They did not abandon the victims.

“Do not abandon them. End Israeli impunity. End the genocide. End this aggression immediately and unconditionally, now.”

Palestinian doctors and medical personnel were fighting to save human lives and losing their own while hospitals are under attack, he added.

“They are fighting a battle they cannot win, and yet they are unwilling to surrender and to betray the oath they took,” he said.

Norway is the latest country to condemn the attacks on Gaza’s hospitals and medical workers.

On X, the country’s Foreign Ministry said that “urgent action” was needed to restore north Gaza’s hospitals, which were continuously subjected to Israeli attack.

Without naming Israel, the ministry said that “health workers, patients and hospitals are not lawful targets”.

A critical “NZ media is Zionist media” placard at today’s Auckland solidarity rally for Palestinian health workers. Image: APR

Israel ‘deprives 40,000’ of healthcare in northern Gaza
The Israeli military is systematically destroying hospitals in northern Gaza, the Gaza Government Media Office said.

In a statement, it said: “The Israeli occupation continues its heinous crimes and arbitrary aggression against hospitals and medical teams in northern Gaza, reflecting a dangerous and deliberate escalation.”

These acts, it added, were being carried out amid “unjustified silence of the international community and the UN Security Council”, violating international humanitarian law and human rights conventions.

The statement highlighted the destruction of Kamal Adwan Hospital, where its director, Dr Hussam Abu Safia, was arrested and reportedly subjected to physical and psychological abuse.

The GMO described these acts as “full-fledged war crimes”.

According to a recent report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Israeli military had conducted more than 136 air raids on at least 27 hospitals and 12 medical facilities across Gaza in the past eight months.

The GMO report demanded an independent international investigation into these violations and accountability for Israel in international courts.

Protesters at today’s Auckland rally in solidarity with Palestinian health workers under attack from Israeli military. Image: David Robie/APR

Amnesty International criticises detention of Kamal Adwan doctor
Agnes Callamard, secretary-general of the human rights watchdog Amnesty International, said Israel’s detention of Dr Hussam Abu Safia underscored a pattern of “genocidal intent and genocidal acts” by Israel in Gaza.

“Dr Abu Safia’s unlawful detention is emblematic of the broader attacks on the healthcare sector in Gaza and Israel’s attempts to annihilate it,” Callamard said in a social media post.

“None of the medical staff abducted by Israeli forces since November 2023 from Gaza during raids on hospitals and clinics has been charged or put before a trial; those released after enduring unimaginable torture were never charged and did not stand trial.

“Those still detained remain held without charges or trial under inhumane conditions and at risk of torture,” she added.

Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa secretary Neil Scott speaking at today’s Auckland rally supporting health workers under Israeli attack in Gaza. Image: David Robie/APR

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Pacific 2025: Vanuatu quake, Tongan and Kanaky shakeups, Trump questions set tone for coming year

Navigating the shared challenges of climate change, geostrategic tensions, political upheaval, disaster recovery and decolonisation plus a 50th birthday party, reports a BenarNews contributor’s analysis.

COMMENTARY: By Tess Newton Cain

Vanuatu’s devastating earthquake and dramatic political developments in Tonga and New Caledonia at the end of 2024 set the tone for the coming year in the Pacific.

The incoming Trump administration adds another level of uncertainty, ranging from the geostrategic competition with China and the region’s resulting militarisation through to the U.S. response to climate change.

And decolonisation for a number of territories in the Pacific will remain in focus as the region’s largest country celebrates its 50th anniversary of independence.

The deadly 7.3 earthquake that struck Port Vila on December 17 has left Vanuatu reeling. As the country moves from response to recovery, the full impacts of the damage will come to light.

The economic hit will be significant, with some businesses announcing that they will not open until well into the New Year or later.

Amid the physical carnage there’s Vanuatu’s political turmoil, with a snap general election triggered in November before the disaster struck to go ahead on January 16.

On Christmas Eve a new prime minister was elected in Tonga. ‘Aisake Valu Eke is a veteran politician, who has previously served as Minister of Finance. He succeeded Siaosi Sovaleni who resigned suddenly after a prolonged period of tension between his office and the Tongan royal family.

Eke takes the reins as Tonga heads towards national elections, due before the end of November. He will likely want to keep things stable and low key between now and then.

Fall of New Caledonia government
In Kanaky New Caledonia, the resignation of the Calédonie Ensemble party — also on Christmas Eve — led to the fall of the French territory’s government.

After last year’s violence and civil disorder – that crippled the economy but stopped a controversial electoral reform — the political turmoil jeopardises about US$77 million (75 million euro) of a US$237 million recovery funding package from France.

In addition, and given the fall of the Barnier government in Paris, attempts to reach a workable political settlement in New Caledonia are likely to be severely hampered, including any further movement to secure independence.

In France’s other Pacific territory, the government of French Polynesia is expected to step up its campaign for decolonisation from the European power.

Possibly the biggest party in the Pacific in 2025 will be the 50th anniversary of Papua New Guinea’s independence from Australia, accompanied hopefully by some reflection and action about the country’s future.

Eagerly awaited also will be the data from the country’s flawed census last year, due for release on the same day — September 16. But the celebrations will also serve as a reminder of unfinished self-determination business, with its Autonomous Region of Bougainville preparing for their independence declaration in the next two years.

The shadow of geopolitics looms large in the Pacific islands region. There is no reason to think that will change this year.

Trump administration unkowns
A significant unknown is how the incoming Trump administration will alter policy and funding settings, if at all. The current (re)engagement by the US in the region started with Trump during his first incumbency. His 2019 meeting with the then leaders of the compact states — Federated States of Micronesia, Palau, Republic of Marshall Islands — at the White House was a pivotal moment.

Under Biden, billions of dollars have been committed to “securitise” the region in response to China. This year, we expect to see US marines start to transfer in numbers from Okinawa to Guam.

However, given Trump’s history and rhetoric when it comes to climate change, there is some concern about how reliable an ally the US will be when it comes to this vital security challenge for the region.

The last time Trump entered the White House, he withdrew the US from the Paris Agreement and he is widely expected to do the same again this time around.

In addition to polls in Tonga and Vanuatu, elections will be held in the Federated States of Micronesia, Nauru, New Caledonia and for the Autonomous Bougainville Government.

There will also be a federal election in Australia, the biggest aid donor in the Pacific, and a change in government will almost certainly have impacts in the region.

Given the sway that the national security community has on both sides of Australian politics, the centrality of Pacific engagement to foreign policy, particularly in response to China, is unlikely to change.

Likely climate policy change
How that manifests could look quite different under a conservative Liberal/National party government. The most likely change is in climate policy, including an avowed commitment to invest in nuclear power.

A refusal to shift away from fossil fuels or commit to enhanced finance for adaptation by a new administration could reignite tensions within the Pacific Islands Forum that have, to some extent, been quietened under Labor’s Albanese government.

Who is in government could also impact on the bid to host COP31 in 2026, with a decision between candidates Turkey and Australia not due until June, after the poll.

Pacific leaders and advocates face a systemic challenge regarding climate change. With the rise in conflict and geopolitical competition, the global focus on the climate crisis has weakened. The prevailing sense of disappointment over COP29 last year is likely to continue as partners’ engagement becomes increasingly securitised.

A major global event for this year is the Oceans Summit which will be held in Nice, France, in June. This is a critical forum for Pacific countries to take their climate diplomacy to a new level and attack the problem at its core.

In 2023, the G20 countries were responsible for 76 percent of global emissions. By capitalising on the geopolitical moment, the Pacific could nudge the key players to greater ambition.

Several G20 countries are seeking to expand and deepen their influence in the region alongside the five largest emitters — China, US, India, Russia, and Japan — all of which have strategic interests in the Pacific.

Given the increasingly transactional nature of Pacific engagement, 2025 should present an opportunity for Pacific governments to leverage their geostrategic capital in ways that will address human security for their peoples.

Dr Tess Newton Cain is a principal consultant at Sustineo P/L and adjunct associate professor at the Griffith Asia Institute. She is a former lecturer at the University of the South Pacific and has over 25 years of experience working in the Pacific islands region. The views expressed here are hers, not those of BenarNews/RFA. Republished from BenarNews with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan: what do these Sierra Leone developments tell us about urban elitism?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milo Gough, Lecturer in History, University of Manchester

An artist’s impression of Idris Elba’s planned eco-city, Sherbro Island City. Greenfield Planners Sdn Bhd / Sherbro Alliance Partners

Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, is celebrated as a city founded to resettle freed slaves in the 1790s. Over the following century, it became a truly cosmopolitan port city as people from across western Africa and the Americas made it their home.

But Freetown’s British colonial rulers struggled to acclimatise. Many were plagued by deadly fevers that earned West Africa its reputation in Europe as the “white man’s grave”.

By the turn of the 20th century, the intensifying racism of colonialism, coupled with the emergence of the new field of tropical medicine, led to the construction of Hill Station, an experimental, racially segregated settlement built in the mountains four miles south of Freetown.

This was more than simply a public health measure to protect the white colonists. It was an abandonment of Freetown – an exit strategy from a city that was seen by this colonial elite as diseased, overcrowded and dangerous. The writer and journalist Graham Greene was highly critical of these motives in his travelogue, Journey Without Maps (1936):

England had planted this town [Freetown], the tin shacks and the Remembrance Day posters, and had then withdrawn up the hillside to smart bungalows, with wide windows and electric fans and perfect service … They had planted their seedy civilization and then escaped from it as far as they could.

Now, more than a century later, a proposed masterplanned city in Sierra Leone called Sherbro Island City is raising questions about the nature of modern urban developments – questions that resonate with my research in Freetown’s public archives about the story of Hill Station.

Idris Elba, Siaka Stevens and Julius Maada Bio in suits posing for a photograph.
Idris Elba (right) with the CEO and co-founder of Sherbro Alliance Partners, Siaka Stevens (left), and Sierra Leone’s president, Julius Maada Wonie Bio.
Sherbro Alliance Partners

The people behind Sherbro Island City, including English actor Idris Elba, are anything but colonial types. And in a country that is almost always portrayed as a place of violence and suffering – epitomised by its civil war in the 1990s and the devastating Ebola outbreak from 2014 to 2016 – the more optimistic headlines generated by Sherbro Island City are welcome. Its plans for an “afro-dynamic eco-city” promise long-term growth for Sierra Leone and the wider region.

But like Hill Station, this development – to be built on Sherbro Island, around 75 miles (120km) south of Freetown – has been planned for a small international elite. It is marketed as being clean and sanitary, with state-of-the-art “smart infrastructure” – in contrast to the perception of Freetown, like many other major African cities, as dirty, chaotic and perpetually malfunctioning.

Abuzz with anticipation

In 2019, I was in Freetown conducting research into the history of the city. On the day my fieldwork was wrapping up, Idris Elba landed for his first visit to his father’s homeland. Freetown had been buzzing with the news of his arrival. Everyone wanted to catch a glimpse of Sierra Leone’s own superstar.

On his week-long trip, Elba was busy. Events and photo opportunities swirled around a ritualistic centre piece: the presentation of citizenship by the country’s president, Julius Maada Bio. Elba was understandably enamoured by Sierra Leone and the welcome he received. Speaking to a BBC correspondent, he proclaimed that “the son of the soil is coming back to fertilise the soil”.

In fact, his plans to “fertilise” Sierra Leone were already in motion before this trip. Elba had set up a company called Sherbro Alliance Partners (SAP) earlier in 2019 with his childhood friend, Siaka Stevens – grandson of Sierra Leone’s dictatorial post-colonial president, also called Siaka Stevens.

That same year, SAP signed a memorandum of understanding with President Bio to build Sherbro Island City, envisaged as a thriving hub of improved infrastructure, tourism, media, healthcare and eco technologies.


The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.


The project has moved slowly over the past five years, but recently gathered some momentum. Lloyd’s of London and Octopus Energy have been announced as project partners. These corporate tie-ins, alongside Elba’s stardom, have given Sherbro Island City enough clout to garner global media attention.

Many journalists and commentators have praised Elba and Stevens for their capacity to “dream big”. Braima Koroma, director of research and training at the Sierra Leone Urban Research Centre in Freetown, told me that “local communities, government officials and potential investors seem to be excited about the vision of creating a modern, eco-friendly urban centre. There’s a palpable sense of anticipation surrounding the promises of job creation, improved infrastructure and increased foreign investment.”

On the other hand, Koroma told me the project’s “focus on luxury and exclusivity” has prompted “worry about the risk of exacerbating socioeconomic inequality” – suggesting the optimism generated by Sherbro Island City and desire for development in Sierra Leone may have obscured questions about the desirability of a hyper-modern city designed to attract a wealthy, globalised elite and provide returns for mobile foreign capital. The majority of Sierra Leoneans, who live on an average of just US$560 (£422) a year, will be economically locked out of this exclusive urban enclave.

A very different built environment

Much of my time in Sierra Leone was spent at the public archive building, which is located within the country’s most historic university, Fourah Bay College. One day, I was on the back of an okada (motorcycle taxi) on the steep mountain road up to the archive when I got a call from Alfred, one of the archivists, reminding me it was closed for a national holiday.

Taking advantage of a day away from dusty colonial-era documents, I redirected the driver up to the neighbourhood of Hill Station, as it is still called today, on the main road into the mountains overlooking Freetown.

At first glance, Hill Station appears an unremarkable neighbourhood of Freetown. Large compounds hide behind breeze block walls, and corrugated-iron houses hang on to the steep sides of the ridge on which Hill Station is perched.

However, a short walk off the main road reveals a very different built environment. Amid the red dirt roads and thriving palm and kapok trees, vast wooden bungalows are hoisted up on top of stilts. In varying states of decay and heavily modified with corrugated-iron extensions, these bungalows are still owned by the government and inhabited by civil servants and their families.

A bungalow raised off the tropical forest floor against a clear sky background.
Hill Station’s bungalows were raised more than two metres off the ground to distance occupants from ‘miasmatic emanations’.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

On my stroll through Hill Station, the neighbourhood was very quiet aside from several men finishing off the big job of painting one of the bungalows in pastel green. While only 12 of these colonial homes remain, at its peak Hill Station consisted of about 30 bungalows.

This mountain settlement, its first stage completed in 1904, was connected to Freetown’s city centre by a narrow-gauge railway that operated to suit the hours of the few government officials who lived in Hill Station and commuted into the city each day. After returning in the evening (the last train up was at 6:30pm), British colonial officials drank together and played billiards at the recreational club. At weekends they played tennis, watched by their wives and children.

The bungalows, club and railway were built at great expense – around £86,000, roughly equivalent to £9 million today – to provide a new way of life for this handful of white colonial officials, businessmen and their families who had previously resided in the city. This was a huge project that catered for a tiny white elite – by 1911, only 90 people out of Freetown’s total population of about 40,000 lived in Hill Station.

Investment on this scale was highly unusual in Britain’s African colonies, which were usually run on shoestring budgets. The colonial government rationalised it as a response to the discovery in the late 1890s that Anopheles mosquitoes were the vector of malaria.

But African people were identified as the “reservoir” of the disease and so, according to this logic, white people would be safe from disease if they spent the night – when mosquitoes were feeding – away from them. This understanding of disease prevention is characteristic of a period that saw a hardening of the racial hierarchy in British West Africa around monolithic categories of whiteness and blackness.

A black and white image of the first completed bungalows of Hill Station.
Hill Station soon after its completion in 1904.
Wikimedia Commons

Escaping their ‘seedy civilisation’

To colonial officials and medical experts, the settlement of Hill Station was associated with whiteness, health and modernity. Its opposite was the city of Freetown, associated with blackness, dirt and disease. The hard binary of white-black and mountain-coast forged by the construction of Hill Station was new. But it was built on older ideas of disease transmission, race and landscape.

While I walked among the bungalows of Hill Station, a breeze blew across the ridge providing me with some relief from the hot and humid stillness that characterised Freetown’s city centre. More than a century ago, this breeze was highly prized by colonial medical officers as ventilation was thought to circulate “healthy” air.

The Hill Station bungalows were designed to harness the breeze. All four sides were lined with windows that could be opened to encourage the movement of air. But contrary to the aim of preventing the spread of malaria, the windows were not equipped with mosquito screens, as officials thought screens would prevent air flow.

Concrete foundations held iron stilts that raised the bungalows more than two metres from the ground. This functioned to distance occupants from the dangerous miasmas that were thought to emanate from the ground.

The idea that “bad air” was the cause of health problems remained central to the medical geography of empire even after the discovery of new tropical medicines. Freetown, perceived as insanitary and overpopulated, was understood as a hotbed of enervating miasmas that left white colonial officials vulnerable to contracting deadly fevers.

From the ridge, I looked down to the west over Lumley Beach, south towards the mountains of the Freetown peninsula, and east over the city centre. Freetown sprawled over the undulating terrain, pushing up tightly against the Atlantic coastline. From this same location, colonial officials would have surveyed the territory and perhaps felt secure in their place at the top of the colonial hierarchy.

A panoramic view of Freetown from the mountains.
The view down to Freetown, squeezed up against the Atlantic coastline.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

In the 1890s, the governor of colonial Sierra Leone, Frederick Cardew, justified the construction of Hill Station because of the “exhilarating and bracing” sensory experience of walking along this ridgeline. He marvelled at a view that “could hardly be surpassed in any part of the world in range and beauty”.

Even after Sierra Leone gained independence in 1961, Hill Station has remained a site of state power. Adjacent to the old bungalows is the president’s official residence and the various high commissions of old imperial nations, all hidden behind high walls and barbed wire.

But earlier this year, several senior civil servants and their families were evicted from their Hill Station bungalows after the government of Sierra Leone granted Turkey and Saudi Arabia plots of land to build new embassies. Their bungalows are now slated for demolition.

The destruction of Freetown’s colonial-era built environment, including the once ubiquitous 19th-century Krio bode ose (board houses), has been a consistent feature of Freetown’s postcolonial period. Many locals, looking resolutely towards a better tomorrow, do not mourn the loss of the material aftermaths of colonialism. Yet the unchecked churn of urban development can also mean some important lessons from history are forgotten.

A satellite image of Sherbro Island.
A satellite image of Sherbro Island off the coast of southern Sierra Leone.
Nasa / Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-NC-ND

Sierra Leone’s ‘afro-dynamic ecocity’

The foundational idea of architects Foster + Partners for Sherbro Island City is to make it “afro-dynamic” – as encapsulated by its leaf motif, loosely inspired by the shape of Sherbro island. According to the marketing material, this leaf shows the way in which the city is both “connected to Africa” and “rooted in community”.

Having been a slave boat harbour in the 18th century, Sherbro island would go on to become an important colonial port. However, by the latter half of the 20th century, it was a remote and overlooked part of post-colonial Sierra Leone. The new architectural vision for Sherbro Island City doesn’t reference this history – but within the shiny publicity material, there are some echoes of Hill Station’s relationship with Freetown.

Back in October 1902, the Public Works Department erected signs in the vicinity of the proposed site, with one reading: “Warning. Any person found squatting, erecting huts, or planting on this and adjacent lands from this date will be PROSECUTED and EJECTED.”

While Sherbro Island City will also be built on land used by existing communities, SAP claims the new city will benefit the island’s population of around 40,000 people. But Bankolay Theodore Turay, a Sierra Leonean scholar based at the Centre for Housing and Sustainable Development at the University of Lagos, Nigeria, is sceptical. He explained to me that he is “not aware of any compensation process that has taken place for communities that will be dispossessed of their land, and those that will be relocated from the community”.

Sherbro Island City will exist on a separate legal footing from the rest of the nation as a special economic zone, and promises huge tax incentives to investors. It appears that it will be a private city, even if not in name, managed by business people and shaped by the interests of foreign capital.

The architects’ images conform to an aesthetic of globalised modernity. Where the bungalows of Hill Station were constructed from imported prefabricated materials that conformed to a pan-imperial style, CGI renderings of Sherbro Island City imagine a hyper-modern city of glass and steel that appears to have little to do with its locale.

Foster + Partners says it has “not engaged in any detailed designs at this stage, which will be shaped by input from several stakeholders including local communities”. It adds that all of the designs “are rooted in sustainability and a respect for the communities we design for”.

Turay told me that, regardless of SAP’s claims that the city will have minimal environmental impact, “construction work does not come without environmental issues, without changing the special dynamics of the community” in an area with an “ecological footprint that is very, very low”.

In an interview in 2023, SAP’s co-founder Stevens described how the idea for the new city first germinated while he was on holiday at a luxury beach resort in Dubai. He recalled thinking: “I wish I could make my country like this one day.”

Siaka Stevens on working with Idris Elba and Sierra Leone’s president.

It looks like Sherbro Island City will, like Hill Station, be a city for the elite. Fosters + Partners’ preview book describes five “character profiles” of potential residents of, and visitors to, the city. These are a tourist family from Europe, two renowned health professionals and young parents, a South African digital nomad living between Dubai and Singapore, a recent Harvard graduate, and a successful actor and DJ.

These profiles suggest the city will be for diverse people from all over the world, but with one condition: they must be well-off.

Africa’s masterplanned cities

Sherbro Island City is not the first masterplanned city for Africa in the 21st century. Over the past 20 years, similar plans for new cities have cropped up throughout the continent.

Perhaps the most notable is Eko Atlantic City in Nigeria. First announced in 2003, the Eko Atlantic project has radically altered the geography of Nigeria’s largest city, Lagos. Built on 6.5 million square miles of reclaimed land, it protrudes into the Atlantic Ocean from what was Bar Beach. Its first few skeletal tower blocks have changed the skyline of downtown Lagos.

Other projects on the continent have been less successful. Kenya’s Konza Technopolis, conceived in 2009, is still a work-in-progress street grid 50 miles outside the capital, Nairobi. Meanwhile, Ghana’s Hope City project got no further than computer-generated images of glowing towers before being cancelled.

And then there is Senegal’s Akon City, the brainchild of Senegalese-American rapper Akon. Six years after it was announced with great fanfare, Akon City is little more than a half-built welcome centre. Some parallels to the Sherbro Island City project are evident: both are backed by global superstars, and both promise to transform the fortunes of small and often overlooked west African nations.

Turay said his first reaction to the Sherbro Island City plans was: “Is this is going to be another Akon city?” Such city-scale projects require vast amounts of capital and organisation, and many flounder facing this harsh reality.

However, not all of these projects are mirages. As South African professor of urban planning Vanessa Watson has described, cities in Africa have become the latest frontier for speculative real estate investment. This trend sped up hugely after the global financial crisis of 2007–08 as, since then, interest rates have generally been very low and capital has sought out riskier investments with potentially higher yields.

The rise of a foreign capital-led, speculative real estate market in African cities has been widely celebrated. Many urban residents across the continent see visions for modernity and new concrete structures as evidence of development, investment, and change for the better.

Two skyscrapers towering above a swimming pool.
The first few skyscrapers of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos.
Kehinde Temitope Odutayo / Shutterstock

Comments on Eko Atlantic update videos, for example, show great pride in these ambitious plans from people who will probably never afford to live in the city’s luxury apartments. Similarly, in Sierra Leone, many people appear optimistic about the prospect of a hyper-modern city that promises development in the form of investment, jobs and infrastructure.

However, according to Braima Koroma: “There are also voices of caution. Community members and environmental activists have raised concerns about the potential displacement of residents and the environmental impact of large-scale construction.” He suggests these concerns “underline the importance of ensuring that the development is inclusive, and takes into account the needs and rights of local populations”.

Exit schemes

Beyond Sierra Leone, in countries where city-scale projects have progressed further, concerns about their potential for entrenching inequality have been communicated in different ways. The Nigerian photographer Christopher Obuh’s series of images of Eko Atlantic City, No City for Poor Man, asks viewers to reflect on the unevenness of this speculative urbanism by showing the process of construction that is usually obscured by slick videos, glossy CGI renderings and marketing speak.

In an article about Eko Atlantic, journalist Katie Jane Fernelius argued that this new city is less about developing innovative solutions to the pressing problems of a changing climate, urban overcrowding and a lack of investment, and more a place of elite moneymaking where capital can be made liquid and free-flowing. In her view, Eko Atlantic City is likely to further entrench the highly unequal status quo.

Inequality was vital to the colonial system. European empires depended on the construction of rigid hierarchies, most often around ideas of race. More recently, harsh inequalities have again become a defining feature of the world since the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s.

The speculative urbanism of the 21st century recycles colonial logics in the form of protected compounds, private suburbs and gated communities. These spatial fixes to the challenge of living amid the masses are supported by other fixes to the “problem” of regulation, such as special economic zones, freeports and tax havens.

In his 2022 book Adventure Capitalism, Raymond Craib describes libertarian schemes to carve out spaces beyond the regulatory systems of the nation-state, from private islands to seasteads and space colonies. These extreme forms of exit have largely remained imaginary – yet these exit plans are significant in themselves, as they tell us how the wealthy envision the future.

In using his stardom to mobilise investment in Sierra Leone, I’m sure Idris Elba genuinely wants to uplift the homeland of his father. But it feels problematic that many of the most ambitious attempts at urban development in Africa, and across the world, appear to manifest largely through “exit schemes”.

The Conversation has contacted representatives for Idris Elba, Sherbro Alliance Partners and Eko Atlantic, offering them the opportunity to comment on issues raised in this article. By the time of publication, we had not received a response from any of these parties.


For you, more from our Insights series:

To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.

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Milo Gough has received funding from the AHRC through CHASE DTP.

ref. From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan: what do these Sierra Leone developments tell us about urban elitism? – https://theconversation.com/from-a-colonial-hill-town-to-idris-elbas-island-masterplan-what-do-these-sierra-leone-developments-tell-us-about-urban-elitism-233714

From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan: what two Sierra Leone developments a century apart tell us about urban elitism

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milo Gough, Lecturer in History, University of Manchester

An artist’s impression of Idris Elba’s planned eco-city, Sherbro Island City. Greenfield Planners Sdn Bhd / Sherbro Alliance Partners

Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, is celebrated as a city founded to resettle freed slaves in the 1790s. Over the following century, it became a truly cosmopolitan port city as people from across western Africa and the Americas made it their home.

But Freetown’s British colonial rulers struggled to acclimatise. Many were plagued by deadly fevers that earned West Africa its reputation in Europe as the “white man’s grave”.

By the turn of the 20th century, the intensifying racism of colonialism, coupled with the emergence of the new field of tropical medicine, led to the construction of Hill Station, an experimental, racially segregated settlement built in the mountains four miles south of Freetown.

This was more than simply a public health measure to protect the white colonists. It was an abandonment of Freetown – an exit strategy from a city that was seen by this colonial elite as diseased, overcrowded and dangerous. The writer and journalist Graham Greene was highly critical of these motives in his travelogue, Journey Without Maps (1936):

England had planted this town [Freetown], the tin shacks and the Remembrance Day posters, and had then withdrawn up the hillside to smart bungalows, with wide windows and electric fans and perfect service … They had planted their seedy civilization and then escaped from it as far as they could.

Now, more than a century later, a proposed masterplanned city in Sierra Leone called Sherbro Island City is raising questions about the nature of modern urban developments – questions that resonate with my research in Freetown’s public archives about the story of Hill Station.

Idris Elba, Siaka Stevens and Julius Maada Bio in suits posing for a photograph.
Idris Elba (right) with the CEO and co-founder of Sherbro Alliance Partners, Siaka Stevens (left), and Sierra Leone’s president, Julius Maada Wonie Bio.
Sherbro Alliance Partners

The people behind Sherbro Island City, including English actor Idris Elba, are anything but colonial types. And in a country that is almost always portrayed as a place of violence and suffering – epitomised by its civil war in the 1990s and the devastating Ebola outbreak from 2014 to 2016 – the more optimistic headlines generated by Sherbro Island City are welcome. Its plans for an “afro-dynamic eco-city” promise long-term growth for Sierra Leone and the wider region.

But like Hill Station, this development – to be built on Sherbro Island, around 75 miles (120km) south of Freetown – has been planned for a small international elite. It is marketed as being clean and sanitary, with state-of-the-art “smart infrastructure” – in contrast to the perception of Freetown, like many other major African cities, as dirty, chaotic and perpetually malfunctioning.

Abuzz with anticipation

In 2019, I was in Freetown conducting research into the history of the city. On the day my fieldwork was wrapping up, Idris Elba landed for his first visit to his father’s homeland. Freetown had been buzzing with the news of his arrival. Everyone wanted to catch a glimpse of Sierra Leone’s own superstar.

On his week-long trip, Elba was busy. Events and photo opportunities swirled around a ritualistic centre piece: the presentation of citizenship by the country’s president, Julius Maada Bio. Elba was understandably enamoured by Sierra Leone and the welcome he received. Speaking to a BBC correspondent, he proclaimed that “the son of the soil is coming back to fertilise the soil”.

In fact, his plans to “fertilise” Sierra Leone were already in motion before this trip. Elba had set up a company called Sherbro Alliance Partners (SAP) earlier in 2019 with his childhood friend, Siaka Stevens – grandson of Sierra Leone’s dictatorial post-colonial president, also called Siaka Stevens.

That same year, SAP signed a memorandum of understanding with President Bio to build Sherbro Island City, envisaged as a thriving hub of improved infrastructure, tourism, media, healthcare and eco technologies.


The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.


The project has moved slowly over the past five years, but recently gathered some momentum. Lloyd’s of London and Octopus Energy have been announced as project partners. These corporate tie-ins, alongside Elba’s stardom, have given Sherbro Island City enough clout to garner global media attention.

Many journalists and commentators have praised Elba and Stevens for their capacity to “dream big”. Braima Koroma, director of research and training at the Sierra Leone Urban Research Centre in Freetown, told me that “local communities, government officials and potential investors seem to be excited about the vision of creating a modern, eco-friendly urban centre. There’s a palpable sense of anticipation surrounding the promises of job creation, improved infrastructure and increased foreign investment.”

On the other hand, Koroma told me the project’s “focus on luxury and exclusivity” has prompted “worry about the risk of exacerbating socioeconomic inequality” – suggesting the optimism generated by Sherbro Island City and desire for development in Sierra Leone may have obscured questions about the desirability of a hyper-modern city designed to attract a wealthy, globalised elite and provide returns for mobile foreign capital. The majority of Sierra Leoneans, who live on an average of just US$560 (£422) a year, will be economically locked out of this exclusive urban enclave.

A very different built environment

Much of my time in Sierra Leone was spent at the public archive building, which is located within the country’s most historic university, Fourah Bay College. One day, I was on the back of an okada (motorcycle taxi) on the steep mountain road up to the archive when I got a call from Alfred, one of the archivists, reminding me it was closed for a national holiday.

Taking advantage of a day away from dusty colonial-era documents, I redirected the driver up to the neighbourhood of Hill Station, as it is still called today, on the main road into the mountains overlooking Freetown.

At first glance, Hill Station appears an unremarkable neighbourhood of Freetown. Large compounds hide behind breeze block walls, and corrugated-iron houses hang on to the steep sides of the ridge on which Hill Station is perched.

However, a short walk off the main road reveals a very different built environment. Amid the red dirt roads and thriving palm and kapok trees, vast wooden bungalows are hoisted up on top of stilts. In varying states of decay and heavily modified with corrugated-iron extensions, these bungalows are still owned by the government and inhabited by civil servants and their families.

A bungalow raised off the tropical forest floor against a clear sky background.
Hill Station’s bungalows were raised more than two metres off the ground to distance occupants from ‘miasmatic emanations’.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

On my stroll through Hill Station, the neighbourhood was very quiet aside from several men finishing off the big job of painting one of the bungalows in pastel green. While only 12 of these colonial homes remain, at its peak Hill Station consisted of about 30 bungalows.

This mountain settlement, its first stage completed in 1904, was connected to Freetown’s city centre by a narrow-gauge railway that operated to suit the hours of the few government officials who lived in Hill Station and commuted into the city each day. After returning in the evening (the last train up was at 6:30pm), British colonial officials drank together and played billiards at the recreational club. At weekends they played tennis, watched by their wives and children.

The bungalows, club and railway were built at great expense – around £86,000, roughly equivalent to £9 million today – to provide a new way of life for this handful of white colonial officials, businessmen and their families who had previously resided in the city. This was a huge project that catered for a tiny white elite – by 1911, only 90 people out of Freetown’s total population of about 40,000 lived in Hill Station.

Investment on this scale was highly unusual in Britain’s African colonies, which were usually run on shoestring budgets. The colonial government rationalised it as a response to the discovery in the late 1890s that Anopheles mosquitoes were the vector of malaria.

But African people were identified as the “reservoir” of the disease and so, according to this logic, white people would be safe from disease if they spent the night – when mosquitoes were feeding – away from them. This understanding of disease prevention is characteristic of a period that saw a hardening of the racial hierarchy in British West Africa around monolithic categories of whiteness and blackness.

A black and white image of the first completed bungalows of Hill Station.
Hill Station soon after its completion in 1904.
Wikimedia Commons

Escaping their ‘seedy civilisation’

To colonial officials and medical experts, the settlement of Hill Station was associated with whiteness, health and modernity. Its opposite was the city of Freetown, associated with blackness, dirt and disease. The hard binary of white-black and mountain-coast forged by the construction of Hill Station was new. But it was built on older ideas of disease transmission, race and landscape.

While I walked among the bungalows of Hill Station, a breeze blew across the ridge providing me with some relief from the hot and humid stillness that characterised Freetown’s city centre. More than a century ago, this breeze was highly prized by colonial medical officers as ventilation was thought to circulate “healthy” air.

The Hill Station bungalows were designed to harness the breeze. All four sides were lined with windows that could be opened to encourage the movement of air. But contrary to the aim of preventing the spread of malaria, the windows were not equipped with mosquito screens, as officials thought screens would prevent air flow.

Concrete foundations held iron stilts that raised the bungalows more than two metres from the ground. This functioned to distance occupants from the dangerous miasmas that were thought to emanate from the ground.

The idea that “bad air” was the cause of health problems remained central to the medical geography of empire even after the discovery of new tropical medicines. Freetown, perceived as insanitary and overpopulated, was understood as a hotbed of enervating miasmas that left white colonial officials vulnerable to contracting deadly fevers.

From the ridge, I looked down to the west over Lumley Beach, south towards the mountains of the Freetown peninsula, and east over the city centre. Freetown sprawled over the undulating terrain, pushing up tightly against the Atlantic coastline. From this same location, colonial officials would have surveyed the territory and perhaps felt secure in their place at the top of the colonial hierarchy.

A panoramic view of Freetown from the mountains.
The view down to Freetown, squeezed up against the Atlantic coastline.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

In the 1890s, the governor of colonial Sierra Leone, Frederick Cardew, justified the construction of Hill Station because of the “exhilarating and bracing” sensory experience of walking along this ridgeline. He marvelled at a view that “could hardly be surpassed in any part of the world in range and beauty”.

Even after Sierra Leone gained independence in 1961, Hill Station has remained a site of state power. Adjacent to the old bungalows is the president’s official residence and the various high commissions of old imperial nations, all hidden behind high walls and barbed wire.

But earlier this year, several senior civil servants and their families were evicted from their Hill Station bungalows after the government of Sierra Leone granted Turkey and Saudi Arabia plots of land to build new embassies. Their bungalows are now slated for demolition.

The destruction of Freetown’s colonial-era built environment, including the once ubiquitous 19th-century Krio bode ose (board houses), has been a consistent feature of Freetown’s postcolonial period. Many locals, looking resolutely towards a better tomorrow, do not mourn the loss of the material aftermaths of colonialism. Yet the unchecked churn of urban development can also mean some important lessons from history are forgotten.

A satellite image of Sherbro Island.
A satellite image of Sherbro Island off the coast of southern Sierra Leone.
Nasa / Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-NC-ND

Sierra Leone’s ‘afro-dynamic ecocity’

The foundational idea of architects Foster + Partners for Sherbro Island City is to make it “afro-dynamic” – as encapsulated by its leaf motif, loosely inspired by the shape of Sherbro island. According to the marketing material, this leaf shows the way in which the city is both “connected to Africa” and “rooted in community”.

Having been a slave boat harbour in the 18th century, Sherbro island would go on to become an important colonial port. However, by the latter half of the 20th century, it was a remote and overlooked part of post-colonial Sierra Leone. The new architectural vision for Sherbro Island City doesn’t reference this history – but within the shiny publicity material, there are some echoes of Hill Station’s relationship with Freetown.

Back in October 1902, the Public Works Department erected signs in the vicinity of the proposed site, with one reading: “Warning. Any person found squatting, erecting huts, or planting on this and adjacent lands from this date will be PROSECUTED and EJECTED.”

While Sherbro Island City will also be built on land used by existing communities, SAP claims the new city will benefit the island’s population of around 40,000 people. But Bankolay Theodore Turay, a Sierra Leonean scholar based at the Centre for Housing and Sustainable Development at the University of Lagos, Nigeria, is sceptical. He explained to me that he is “not aware of any compensation process that has taken place for communities that will be dispossessed of their land, and those that will be relocated from the community”.

Sherbro Island City will exist on a separate legal footing from the rest of the nation as a special economic zone, and promises huge tax incentives to investors. It appears that it will be a private city, even if not in name, managed by business people and shaped by the interests of foreign capital.

The architects’ images conform to an aesthetic of globalised modernity. Where the bungalows of Hill Station were constructed from imported prefabricated materials that conformed to a pan-imperial style, CGI renderings of Sherbro Island City imagine a hyper-modern city of glass and steel that appears to have little to do with its locale.

Foster + Partners says it has “not engaged in any detailed designs at this stage, which will be shaped by input from several stakeholders including local communities”. It adds that all of the designs “are rooted in sustainability and a respect for the communities we design for”.

Turay told me that, regardless of SAP’s claims that the city will have minimal environmental impact, “construction work does not come without environmental issues, without changing the special dynamics of the community” in an area with an “ecological footprint that is very, very low”.

In an interview in 2023, SAP’s co-founder Stevens described how the idea for the new city first germinated while he was on holiday at a luxury beach resort in Dubai. He recalled thinking: “I wish I could make my country like this one day.”

Siaka Stevens on working with Idris Elba and Sierra Leone’s president.

It looks like Sherbro Island City will, like Hill Station, be a city for the elite. Fosters + Partners’ preview book describes five “character profiles” of potential residents of, and visitors to, the city. These are a tourist family from Europe, two renowned health professionals and young parents, a South African digital nomad living between Dubai and Singapore, a recent Harvard graduate, and a successful actor and DJ.

These profiles suggest the city will be for diverse people from all over the world, but with one condition: they must be well-off.

Africa’s masterplanned cities

Sherbro Island City is not the first masterplanned city for Africa in the 21st century. Over the past 20 years, similar plans for new cities have cropped up throughout the continent.

Perhaps the most notable is Eko Atlantic City in Nigeria. First announced in 2003, the Eko Atlantic project has radically altered the geography of Nigeria’s largest city, Lagos. Built on 6.5 million square miles of reclaimed land, it protrudes into the Atlantic Ocean from what was Bar Beach. Its first few skeletal tower blocks have changed the skyline of downtown Lagos.

Other projects on the continent have been less successful. Kenya’s Konza Technopolis, conceived in 2009, is still a work-in-progress street grid 50 miles outside the capital, Nairobi. Meanwhile, Ghana’s Hope City project got no further than computer-generated images of glowing towers before being cancelled.

And then there is Senegal’s Akon City, the brainchild of Senegalese-American rapper Akon. Six years after it was announced with great fanfare, Akon City is little more than a half-built welcome centre. Some parallels to the Sherbro Island City project are evident: both are backed by global superstars, and both promise to transform the fortunes of small and often overlooked west African nations.

Turay said his first reaction to the Sherbro Island City plans was: “Is this is going to be another Akon city?” Such city-scale projects require vast amounts of capital and organisation, and many flounder facing this harsh reality.

However, not all of these projects are mirages. As South African professor of urban planning Vanessa Watson has described, cities in Africa have become the latest frontier for speculative real estate investment. This trend sped up hugely after the global financial crisis of 2007–08 as, since then, interest rates have generally been very low and capital has sought out riskier investments with potentially higher yields.

The rise of a foreign capital-led, speculative real estate market in African cities has been widely celebrated. Many urban residents across the continent see visions for modernity and new concrete structures as evidence of development, investment, and change for the better.

Two skyscrapers towering above a swimming pool.
The first few skyscrapers of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos.
Kehinde Temitope Odutayo / Shutterstock

Comments on Eko Atlantic update videos, for example, show great pride in these ambitious plans from people who will probably never afford to live in the city’s luxury apartments. Similarly, in Sierra Leone, many people appear optimistic about the prospect of a hyper-modern city that promises development in the form of investment, jobs and infrastructure.

However, according to Braima Koroma: “There are also voices of caution. Community members and environmental activists have raised concerns about the potential displacement of residents and the environmental impact of large-scale construction.” He suggests these concerns “underline the importance of ensuring that the development is inclusive, and takes into account the needs and rights of local populations”.

Exit schemes

Beyond Sierra Leone, in countries where city-scale projects have progressed further, concerns about their potential for entrenching inequality have been communicated in different ways. The Nigerian photographer Christopher Obuh’s series of images of Eko Atlantic City, No City for Poor Man, asks viewers to reflect on the unevenness of this speculative urbanism by showing the process of construction that is usually obscured by slick videos, glossy CGI renderings and marketing speak.

In an article about Eko Atlantic, journalist Katie Jane Fernelius argued that this new city is less about developing innovative solutions to the pressing problems of a changing climate, urban overcrowding and a lack of investment, and more a place of elite moneymaking where capital can be made liquid and free-flowing. In her view, Eko Atlantic City is likely to further entrench the highly unequal status quo.

Inequality was vital to the colonial system. European empires depended on the construction of rigid hierarchies, most often around ideas of race. More recently, harsh inequalities have again become a defining feature of the world since the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s.

The speculative urbanism of the 21st century recycles colonial logics in the form of protected compounds, private suburbs and gated communities. These spatial fixes to the challenge of living amid the masses are supported by other fixes to the “problem” of regulation, such as special economic zones, freeports and tax havens.

In his 2022 book Adventure Capitalism, Raymond Craib describes libertarian schemes to carve out spaces beyond the regulatory systems of the nation-state, from private islands to seasteads and space colonies. These extreme forms of exit have largely remained imaginary – yet these exit plans are significant in themselves, as they tell us how the wealthy envision the future.

In using his stardom to mobilise investment in Sierra Leone, I’m sure Idris Elba genuinely wants to uplift the homeland of his father. But it feels problematic that many of the most ambitious attempts at urban development in Africa, and across the world, appear to manifest largely through “exit schemes”.

The Conversation has contacted representatives for Idris Elba, Sherbro Alliance Partners and Eko Atlantic, offering them the opportunity to comment on issues raised in this article. By the time of publication, we had not received a response from any of these parties.


For you, more from our Insights series:

To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.

The Conversation

Milo Gough has received funding from the AHRC through CHASE DTP.

ref. From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan: what two Sierra Leone developments a century apart tell us about urban elitism – https://theconversation.com/from-a-colonial-hill-town-to-idris-elbas-island-masterplan-what-two-sierra-leone-developments-a-century-apart-tell-us-about-urban-elitism-233714

From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan, what can two Sierra Leone developments a century apart tell us about urban elitism?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milo Gough, Lecturer in History, University of Manchester

An artist’s impression of Idris Elba’s planned eco-city, Sherbro Island City. Greenfield Planners Sdn Bhd / Sherbro Alliance Partners

Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, is celebrated as a city founded to resettle freed slaves in the 1790s. Over the following century, it became a truly cosmopolitan port city as people from across western Africa and the Americas made it their home.

But Freetown’s British colonial rulers struggled to acclimatise. Many were plagued by deadly fevers that earned West Africa its reputation in Europe as the “white man’s grave”.

By the turn of the 20th century, the intensifying racism of colonialism, coupled with the emergence of the new field of tropical medicine, led to the construction of Hill Station, an experimental, racially segregated settlement built in the mountains four miles south of Freetown.

This was more than simply a public health measure to protect the white colonists. It was an abandonment of Freetown – an exit strategy from a city that was seen by this colonial elite as diseased, overcrowded and dangerous. The writer and journalist Graham Greene was highly critical of these motives in his travelogue, Journey Without Maps (1936):

England had planted this town [Freetown], the tin shacks and the Remembrance Day posters, and had then withdrawn up the hillside to smart bungalows, with wide windows and electric fans and perfect service … They had planted their seedy civilization and then escaped from it as far as they could.

Now, more than a century later, a proposed masterplanned city in Sierra Leone called Sherbro Island City is raising questions about the nature of modern urban developments – questions that resonate with my research in Freetown’s public archives about the story of Hill Station.

Idris Elba (right) with the CEO and co-founder of Sherbro Alliance Partners, Siaka Stevens (left), and Sierra Leone’s president, Julius Maada Wonie Bio.
Sherbro Alliance Partners

The people behind Sherbro Island City, including English actor Idris Elba, are anything but colonial types. And in a country that is almost always portrayed as a place of violence and suffering – epitomised by its civil war in the 1990s and the devastating Ebola outbreak from 2014 to 2016 – the more optimistic headlines generated by Sherbro Island City are welcome. Its plans for an “afro-dynamic eco-city” promise long-term growth for Sierra Leone and the wider region.

But like Hill Station, this development – to be built on Sherbro Island, around 75 miles (120km) south of Freetown – has been planned for a small international elite. It is marketed as being clean and sanitary, with state-of-the-art “smart infrastructure” – in contrast to the perception of Freetown, like many other major African cities, as dirty, chaotic and perpetually malfunctioning.

Abuzz with anticipation

In 2019, I was in Freetown conducting research into the history of the city. On the day my fieldwork was wrapping up, Idris Elba landed for his first visit to his father’s homeland. Freetown had been buzzing with the news of his arrival. Everyone wanted to catch a glimpse of Sierra Leone’s own superstar.

On his week-long trip, Elba was busy. Events and photo opportunities swirled around a ritualistic centre piece: the presentation of citizenship by the country’s president, Julius Maada Bio. Elba was understandably enamoured by Sierra Leone and the welcome he received. Speaking to a BBC correspondent, he proclaimed that “the son of the soil is coming back to fertilise the soil”.

In fact, his plans to “fertilise” Sierra Leone were already in motion before this trip. Elba had set up a company called Sherbro Alliance Partners (SAP) earlier in 2019 with his childhood friend, Siaka Stevens – grandson of Sierra Leone’s dictatorial post-colonial president, also called Siaka Stevens.

That same year, SAP signed a memorandum of understanding with President Bio to build Sherbro Island City, envisaged as a thriving hub of improved infrastructure, tourism, media, healthcare and eco technologies.


The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.


The project has moved slowly over the past five years, but recently gathered some momentum. Lloyd’s of London and Octopus Energy have been announced as project partners. These corporate tie-ins, alongside Elba’s stardom, have given Sherbro Island City enough clout to garner global media attention.

Many journalists and commentators have praised Elba and Stevens for their capacity to “dream big”. Braima Koroma, director of research and training at the Sierra Leone Urban Research Centre in Freetown, told me that “local communities, government officials and potential investors seem to be excited about the vision of creating a modern, eco-friendly urban centre. There’s a palpable sense of anticipation surrounding the promises of job creation, improved infrastructure and increased foreign investment.”

On the other hand, Koroma told me the project’s “focus on luxury and exclusivity” has prompted “worry about the risk of exacerbating socioeconomic inequality” – suggesting the optimism generated by Sherbro Island City and desire for development in Sierra Leone may have obscured questions about the desirability of a hyper-modern city designed to attract a wealthy, globalised elite and provide returns for mobile foreign capital. The majority of Sierra Leoneans, who live on an average of just US$560 (£422) a year, will be economically locked out of this exclusive urban enclave.

A very different built environment

Much of my time in Sierra Leone was spent at the public archive building, which is located within the country’s most historic university, Fourah Bay College. One day, I was on the back of an okada (motorcycle taxi) on the steep mountain road up to the archive when I got a call from Alfred, one of the archivists, reminding me it was closed for a national holiday.

Taking advantage of a day away from dusty colonial-era documents, I redirected the driver up to the neighbourhood of Hill Station, as it is still called today, on the main road into the mountains overlooking Freetown.

At first glance, Hill Station appears an unremarkable neighbourhood of Freetown. Large compounds hide behind breeze block walls, and corrugated-iron houses hang on to the steep sides of the ridge on which Hill Station is perched.

However, a short walk off the main road reveals a very different built environment. Amid the red dirt roads and thriving palm and kapok trees, vast wooden bungalows are hoisted up on top of stilts. In varying states of decay and heavily modified with corrugated-iron extensions, these bungalows are still owned by the government and inhabited by civil servants and their families.

Hill Station’s bungalows were raised more than two metres off the ground to distance occupants from ‘miasmatic emanations’.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

On my stroll through Hill Station, the neighbourhood was very quiet aside from several men finishing off the big job of painting one of the bungalows in pastel green. While only 12 of these colonial homes remain, at its peak Hill Station consisted of about 30 bungalows.

This mountain settlement, its first stage completed in 1904, was connected to Freetown’s city centre by a narrow-gauge railway that operated to suit the hours of the few government officials who lived in Hill Station and commuted into the city each day. After returning in the evening (the last train up was at 6:30pm), British colonial officials drank together and played billiards at the recreational club. At weekends they played tennis, watched by their wives and children.

The bungalows, club and railway were built at great expense – around £86,000, roughly equivalent to £9 million today – to provide a new way of life for this handful of white colonial officials, businessmen and their families who had previously resided in the city. This was a huge project that catered for a tiny white elite – by 1911, only 90 people out of Freetown’s total population of about 40,000 lived in Hill Station.

Investment on this scale was highly unusual in Britain’s African colonies, which were usually run on shoestring budgets. The colonial government rationalised it as a response to the discovery in the late 1890s that Anopheles mosquitoes were the vector of malaria.

But African people were identified as the “reservoir” of the disease and so, according to this logic, white people would be safe from disease if they spent the night – when mosquitoes were feeding – away from them. This understanding of disease prevention is characteristic of a period that saw a hardening of the racial hierarchy in British West Africa around monolithic categories of whiteness and blackness.

Hill Station soon after its completion in 1904.
Wikimedia Commons

Escaping their ‘seedy civilisation’

To colonial officials and medical experts, the settlement of Hill Station was associated with whiteness, health and modernity. Its opposite was the city of Freetown, associated with blackness, dirt and disease. The hard binary of white-black and mountain-coast forged by the construction of Hill Station was new. But it was built on older ideas of disease transmission, race and landscape.

While I walked among the bungalows of Hill Station, a breeze blew across the ridge providing me with some relief from the hot and humid stillness that characterised Freetown’s city centre. More than a century ago, this breeze was highly prized by colonial medical officers as ventilation was thought to circulate “healthy” air.

The Hill Station bungalows were designed to harness the breeze. All four sides were lined with windows that could be opened to encourage the movement of air. But contrary to the aim of preventing the spread of malaria, the windows were not equipped with mosquito screens, as officials thought screens would prevent air flow.

Concrete foundations held iron stilts that raised the bungalows more than two metres from the ground. This functioned to distance occupants from the dangerous miasmas that were thought to emanate from the ground.

The idea that “bad air” was the cause of health problems remained central to the medical geography of empire even after the discovery of new tropical medicines. Freetown, perceived as insanitary and overpopulated, was understood as a hotbed of enervating miasmas that left white colonial officials vulnerable to contracting deadly fevers.

From the ridge, I looked down to the west over Lumley Beach, south towards the mountains of the Freetown peninsula, and east over the city centre. Freetown sprawled over the undulating terrain, pushing up tightly against the Atlantic coastline. From this same location, colonial officials would have surveyed the territory and perhaps felt secure in their place at the top of the colonial hierarchy.

The view down to Freetown, squeezed up against the Atlantic coastline.
Milo Gough, CC BY-NC-ND

In the 1890s, the governor of colonial Sierra Leone, Frederick Cardew, justified the construction of Hill Station because of the “exhilarating and bracing” sensory experience of walking along this ridgeline. He marvelled at a view that “could hardly be surpassed in any part of the world in range and beauty”.

Even after Sierra Leone gained independence in 1961, Hill Station has remained a site of state power. Adjacent to the old bungalows is the president’s official residence and the various high commissions of old imperial nations, all hidden behind high walls and barbed wire.

But earlier this year, several senior civil servants and their families were evicted from their Hill Station bungalows after the government of Sierra Leone granted Turkey and Saudi Arabia plots of land to build new embassies. Their bungalows are now slated for demolition.

The destruction of Freetown’s colonial-era built environment, including the once ubiquitous 19th-century Krio bode ose (board houses), has been a consistent feature of Freetown’s postcolonial period. Many locals, looking resolutely towards a better tomorrow, do not mourn the loss of the material aftermaths of colonialism. Yet the unchecked churn of urban development can also mean some important lessons from history are forgotten.

A satellite image of Sherbro Island off the coast of southern Sierra Leone.
Nasa / Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-NC-ND

Sierra Leone’s ‘afro-dynamic ecocity’

The foundational idea of architects Foster + Partners for Sherbro Island City is to make it “afro-dynamic” – as encapsulated by its leaf motif, loosely inspired by the shape of Sherbro island. According to the marketing material, this leaf shows the way in which the city is both “connected to Africa” and “rooted in community”.

Having been a slave boat harbour in the 18th century, Sherbro island would go on to become an important colonial port. However, by the latter half of the 20th century, it was a remote and overlooked part of post-colonial Sierra Leone. The new architectural vision for Sherbro Island City doesn’t reference this history – but within the shiny publicity material, there are some echoes of Hill Station’s relationship with Freetown.

Back in October 1902, the Public Works Department erected signs in the vicinity of the proposed site, with one reading: “Warning. Any person found squatting, erecting huts, or planting on this and adjacent lands from this date will be PROSECUTED and EJECTED.”

While Sherbro Island City will also be built on land used by existing communities, SAP claims the new city will benefit the island’s population of around 40,000 people. But Bankolay Theodore Turay, a Sierra Leonean scholar based at the Centre for Housing and Sustainable Development at the University of Lagos, Nigeria, is sceptical. He explained to me that he is “not aware of any compensation process that has taken place for communities that will be dispossessed of their land, and those that will be relocated from the community”.

Sherbro Island City will exist on a separate legal footing from the rest of the nation as a special economic zone, and promises huge tax incentives to investors. It appears that it will be a private city, even if not in name, managed by business people and shaped by the interests of foreign capital.

The architects’ images conform to an aesthetic of globalised modernity. Where the bungalows of Hill Station were constructed from imported prefabricated materials that conformed to a pan-imperial style, CGI renderings of Sherbro Island City imagine a hyper-modern city of glass and steel that appears to have little to do with its locale.

Foster + Partners says it has “not engaged in any detailed designs at this stage, which will be shaped by input from several stakeholders including local communities”. It adds that all of the designs “are rooted in sustainability and a respect for the communities we design for”.

Turay told me that, regardless of SAP’s claims that the city will have minimal environmental impact, “construction work does not come without environmental issues, without changing the special dynamics of the community” in an area with an “ecological footprint that is very, very low”.

In an interview in 2023, SAP’s co-founder Stevens described how the idea for the new city first germinated while he was on holiday at a luxury beach resort in Dubai. He recalled thinking: “I wish I could make my country like this one day.”

Siaka Stevens on working with Idris Elba and Sierra Leone’s president.

It looks like Sherbro Island City will, like Hill Station, be a city for the elite. Fosters + Partners’ preview book describes five “character profiles” of potential residents of, and visitors to, the city. These are a tourist family from Europe, two renowned health professionals and young parents, a South African digital nomad living between Dubai and Singapore, a recent Harvard graduate, and a successful actor and DJ.

These profiles suggest the city will be for diverse people from all over the world, but with one condition: they must be well-off.

Africa’s masterplanned cities

Sherbro Island City is not the first masterplanned city for Africa in the 21st century. Over the past 20 years, similar plans for new cities have cropped up throughout the continent.

Perhaps the most notable is Eko Atlantic City in Nigeria. First announced in 2003, the Eko Atlantic project has radically altered the geography of Nigeria’s largest city, Lagos. Built on 6.5 million square miles of reclaimed land, it protrudes into the Atlantic Ocean from what was Bar Beach. Its first few skeletal tower blocks have changed the skyline of downtown Lagos.

Other projects on the continent have been less successful. Kenya’s Konza Technopolis, conceived in 2009, is still a work-in-progress street grid 50 miles outside the capital, Nairobi. Meanwhile, Ghana’s Hope City project got no further than computer-generated images of glowing towers before being cancelled.

And then there is Senegal’s Akon City, the brainchild of Senegalese-American rapper Akon. Six years after it was announced with great fanfare, Akon City is little more than a half-built welcome centre. Some parallels to the Sherbro Island City project are evident: both are backed by global superstars, and both promise to transform the fortunes of small and often overlooked west African nations.

Turay said his first reaction to the Sherbro Island City plans was: “Is this is going to be another Akon city?” Such city-scale projects require vast amounts of capital and organisation, and many flounder facing this harsh reality.

However, not all of these projects are mirages. As South African professor of urban planning Vanessa Watson has described, cities in Africa have become the latest frontier for speculative real estate investment. This trend sped up hugely after the global financial crisis of 2007–08 as, since then, interest rates have generally been very low and capital has sought out riskier investments with potentially higher yields.

The rise of a foreign capital-led, speculative real estate market in African cities has been widely celebrated. Many urban residents across the continent see visions for modernity and new concrete structures as evidence of development, investment, and change for the better.

The first few skyscrapers of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos.
Kehinde Temitope Odutayo / Shutterstock

Comments on Eko Atlantic update videos, for example, show great pride in these ambitious plans from people who will probably never afford to live in the city’s luxury apartments. Similarly, in Sierra Leone, many people appear optimistic about the prospect of a hyper-modern city that promises development in the form of investment, jobs and infrastructure.

However, according to Braima Koroma: “There are also voices of caution. Community members and environmental activists have raised concerns about the potential displacement of residents and the environmental impact of large-scale construction.” He suggests these concerns “underline the importance of ensuring that the development is inclusive, and takes into account the needs and rights of local populations”.

Exit schemes

Beyond Sierra Leone, in countries where city-scale projects have progressed further, concerns about their potential for entrenching inequality have been communicated in different ways. The Nigerian photographer Christopher Obuh’s series of images of Eko Atlantic City, No City for Poor Man, asks viewers to reflect on the unevenness of this speculative urbanism by showing the process of construction that is usually obscured by slick videos, glossy CGI renderings and marketing speak.

In an article about Eko Atlantic, journalist Katie Jane Fernelius argued that this new city is less about developing innovative solutions to the pressing problems of a changing climate, urban overcrowding and a lack of investment, and more a place of elite moneymaking where capital can be made liquid and free-flowing. In her view, Eko Atlantic City is likely to further entrench the highly unequal status quo.

Inequality was vital to the colonial system. European empires depended on the construction of rigid hierarchies, most often around ideas of race. More recently, harsh inequalities have again become a defining feature of the world since the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s.

The speculative urbanism of the 21st century recycles colonial logics in the form of protected compounds, private suburbs and gated communities. These spatial fixes to the challenge of living amid the masses are supported by other fixes to the “problem” of regulation, such as special economic zones, freeports and tax havens.

In his 2022 book Adventure Capitalism, Raymond Craib describes libertarian schemes to carve out spaces beyond the regulatory systems of the nation-state, from private islands to seasteads and space colonies. These extreme forms of exit have largely remained imaginary – yet these exit plans are significant in themselves, as they tell us how the wealthy envision the future.

In using his stardom to mobilise investment in Sierra Leone, I’m sure Idris Elba genuinely wants to uplift the homeland of his father. But it feels problematic that many of the most ambitious attempts at urban development in Africa, and across the world, appear to manifest largely through “exit schemes”.

The Conversation has contacted representatives for Idris Elba, Sherbro Alliance Partners and Eko Atlantic, offering them the opportunity to comment on issues raised in this article. By the time of publication, we had not received a response from any of these parties.


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Milo Gough has received funding from the AHRC through CHASE DTP.

ref. From a colonial hill town to Idris Elba’s island masterplan, what can two Sierra Leone developments a century apart tell us about urban elitism? – https://theconversation.com/from-a-colonial-hill-town-to-idris-elbas-island-masterplan-what-can-two-sierra-leone-developments-a-century-apart-tell-us-about-urban-elitism-233714

‘Suspend Israel ties’ plea to global medical professionals – Auckland hospital protest vigil over Gaza

Asia Pacific Report

The UN’s Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the occupied Palestinian territory, Francesca Albanese, has called on “medical professionals worldwide” to suspend ties with Israel in an act of solidarity with the more than “1000 colleagues of yours” killed in Gaza over the past 14 months.

Countless more Palestinian medical workers “were arrested, tortured, disappeared”, Albanese said in a post on social media.

“Out of dismay [and] solidarity you should revolt, and urge suspension of ties with Israel until it stops the genocide [and] accounts for it. What are you waiting for,” she said.

Her appeal came as about 100 New Zealand protesters held a “silent vigil” outside the country’s largest medical institution, Auckland Hospital, declaring health workers were “not a target”.

Earlier on Friday, Albanese and the UN’s Special Rapporteur on the Right to Physical and Mental Health, Dr Tlaleng Mofokeng, issued a joint statement denouncing the “blatant disregard” for the right to health in the Gaza Strip following Israel’s attack on the Kamal Adwan Hospital and the detention of its director, Dr Hussam Abu Safia.

“For well over a year into the genocide, Israel’s blatant assault on the right to health in Gaza and the rest of the occupied Palestinian territory is plumbing new depths of impunity,” the UN experts said.

The Auckland protesters spread in a long line outside Auckland hospital with banners declaring “healthcare workers in Aotearoa call for a ceasefire” and “stop the genocide”, and placards with slogans such as “healthcare workers and hospitals are not a target”, “Free Dr Hussam Abu Saffiya” and “hands off Kamal Adwan [a northern Gaza hospital destroyed by Israeli forces last week].

New Zealand protesters against the genocide and attacks on the healthcare workers and hospitals in Gaza outside Auckland City Hospital today. Image: David Robie/APR

Palestinian Prisoners Society warn over ‘danger’ to Dr Hussam
The Palestinian Prisoners Society has warned of “a danger” to Dr Hussam Abu Safiyya, the director of Kamal Adwan Hospital in northern Gaza, following the Israeli military’s denial of any records proving his arrest, reports Anadolu Ajensi.

Munir al-Bursh, the Director-General of Gaza’s Health Ministry, said the ministry submitted a request through the Physicians for Human Rights organisation to inquire about Abu Safiyya’s fate, but the Israeli occupation responded by saying that it had no detainee by that name.

Al-Bursh told the Al Jazeera news channel that there was concern that the Israeli occupation may execute Dr Abu Safia after his arrest about a week ago.

In a statement, the Palestinian Prisoners Society said that Dr Abu Safiyya “is one of thousands of detainees from Gaza facing the crime of enforced disappearance”.

The group said that “despite clear evidence of Dr Abu Safia’s arrest on December 27, 2024, the occupation is denying what it had previously stated and is also dismissing the evidence, including photos and videos it published as well as testimonies from some detainees who were released.”

It held the Israeli authorities fully responsible for his fate.

It also reiterated its call for the “international human rights system to save what remains of its role amid the ongoing genocide, after its function has eroded due to a frightening state of impotence.”

Last Saturday, Gaza’s Health Ministry announced the arrest of Dr Abu Safiyya by the Israeli military in northern Gaza.

The Auckland City Hospital silent vigil protest today over the genocide in Gaza. Image: David Robie/APR

‘Proud’ of 15 months of NZ protest
Meanwhile, the national chair of New Zealand’s Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) issued a statement today critical of the government’s inaction in the face of the ongoing genocide and the destruction of Gaza’s healthcare system as protests continued across the country.

“While the stench of decaying morality hangs over [New Zealand’s] coalition government and its MPs after 15 months of complicity with genocide, nationwide protests against Israel’s genocide continue in 2025,” said national chair John Minto.

“Over 15 months of weekly nationwide protests is unprecedented in New Zealand history on any issue at any time.

“We are enormously proud of New Zealanders who stand with the vast mass of humanity against Israel’s systematic, indiscriminate killing of Palestinians in Gaza.

“This week’s protests are the first of New Year and they will continue while our government cowers under the bedclothes and refuses to sanction Israel for genocide.”

The Gaza death toll stands at more than 45,000 — the majority killed being women and children.

“Today’s death toll of innocents killed is a repeating nightmare” for Palestine, he said while Western media highlighted “Israeli propaganda to justify the endless massacres while ignoring Palestinian voices”.

The United Nations has denounced the targeting of hospitals in the Gaza Strip, saying that medical facilities need “to be off limits”.

UN deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq said that there were more than 12,000 people in Gaza who need medical evacuation.

A protester chalks a “Boycott Israel, boycott genocide” sign on the pavement near Auckland Hospital today. Image: David Robie/APR

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘Crime against journalism’: Gaza journalists slam PA’s Al Jazeera ban

By Maram Humaid in Deir el-Balah, Gaza

Journalists gathered at Gaza’s Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Hospital expressed outrage and confusion about the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) decision to shut down Al Jazeera’s office in the occupied West Bank.

“Shutting down a major outlet like Al Jazeera is a crime against journalism,” said freelance journalist Ikhlas al-Qarnawi.

“Al Jazeera coverage has documented Israeli crimes against Palestinians, especially during the ongoing genocide,” the 28-year-old journalist told Al Jazeera at the hospital, the most reliable internet connection in the Strip to file stories from.

Yesterday, the PA temporarily suspended Al Jazeera in the occupied West Bank for what they described as broadcasting “inciting material and reports that were deceiving and stirring strife” in the country.

The decision came after Fatah, the Palestinian faction which dominates the PA, banned Al Jazeera from reporting from the governorates of Jenin, Tubas and Qalqilya in the occupied West Bank, citing its coverage of clashes between the Palestinian security forces and Palestinian armed groups in the area.

Al Jazeera criticised the PA ban, saying the move is “in line with the [Israeli] occupation’s actions against its staff”.

‘Obscuring the truth’
Since the beginning of the war, about 150 journalists have been working from the journalists’ tents at Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Hospital, for 20 local, international and Arab media outlets.

Journalists, including those from Al Jazeera, have been forced to work from hospitals after their headquarters and media offices were destroyed.


PA decision ‘shocking but hardly surprising’.   Video: Al Jazeera

Al-Aqsa TV correspondent Mohammed Issa said from the hospital that the PA’s ban contradicts international laws that guarantee journalistic freedom and could further endanger journalists.

“The PA’s decision obscures the truth and undermines the Palestinian narrative, especially a leading network like Al Jazeera,” Issa said, adding that the ban reinforces Israel’s narrative that “justifies the targeting of Palestinian journalists”.

Independent journalist Wafa Hajjaj . . . the PA’s move against Al Jazeera “worsens the situation” Image: Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera

“All media workers in Gaza reject this decision that silences the largest Arab and global outlet during critical times in years.”

Wafaa Hajjaj, an independent journalist working with TRT and Sahat, said the ban made her both “sad” and “disappointed”.

“At a time when Israel is deliberately targeting and killing … journalists in Gaza, with our Jazeera colleagues at the forefront, with no international or institutional protection, the PA’s move in the West Bank comes to worsen the situation,” Hajjaj said as she and her team walked into the hospital to interview the wounded.

Israel has killed at least 217 journalists and media workers in Gaza since the beginning of its war on Gaza on October 7, 2023.

Four of them were Al Jazeera journalists: Samer Abudaqa, Hamza al-Dahdouh, Ismail al-Ghoul and Ahmed al-Louh.

‘Trust Al Jazeera will persist’
Although frustrated, Hajjaj told Al Jazeera that she was hopeful the PA would drop its ban “as soon as possible”.

“I trust Al Jazeera will persist despite all sanctions, as it has for years.”

Yousef Hassouna, a photojournalist with 22 years of experience, also criticised the shutting of Al Jazeera along with “any other media outlet” targeted by such bans.

“This is a violation against all of us Palestinian journalists,” he said, adding that Al Jazeera was “an essential platform” covering Israel’s war on Gaza.

“Now more than ever, we Palestinian journalists need international support and protection, not limitations or restrictions,” Hassouna said.

Freelance journalist Ikhlas al-Qarnawi  . . . the closure of Al Jazeera in thde West Bank is a “crime against journalism”. Image: Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera

‘Critical mistakes’
Ismail al-Thawabtah, spokesperson for the government media bureau in Gaza, said the Palestinian Authority had committed two serious mistakes over the past few weeks.

“The first: the attack on Jenin and the resulting military confrontation with our honourable Palestinian people and the resistance forces, and the second: the closure of the Al Jazeera office,” he said, adding that the move represents “serious violations of freedom of the press”.

Al-Thawabtah said both incidents required the PA to conduct a comprehensive review of policies and positions in line with supreme national interests and respect for the “rights of our Palestinian people and their basic freedoms”.

As for the journalists gathered at Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Hospital, they were united in their call to end the ban.

“We as journalists are completely against it. I hope that action will be taken to stop this decision immediately.” said the freelance journalist al-Qarnawi, adding that the ban hurts more than just journalists.

“Our Palestinian people are the biggest losers.”

Republished from Al Jazeera under Creative Commons.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Katrina Mitchell-Kouttab: The Palestine tragedy – why it should matter to you and our world

Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific.

COMMENTARY: By Katrina Mitchell-Kouttab

As 2024 came to a close and we have stepped into a new year overshadowed by ongoing atrocities, have you stopped to consider how these events are reshaping your world?

Did you notice how your future — and that of generations to come — is being profoundly and irreversibly altered?

The ongoing tragedy in Palestine is not an isolated event. It is a crisis that reverberates far beyond borders, threatening your safety, the well-being of your children and family.

Palestinian advocate Katrina Mitchell-Kouttab . . . a powerful address in Auckland last weekend about how people in New Zealand can help in the face of Israel’s genocide. Image: David Robie/APR

Even fragile ecosystems and creatures have been obliterated and affected by the fallout from Israel’s chemicals and pollution from its weapons.

The deliberate targeting of civilians, rampant violations of international law, and the obliteration of the rights of children are not distant horrors. They are ominous warnings of a world unravelling — consequences that are slowly seeping into the comfort of your home, threatening the very foundations of the life you thought was secure.

But here’s the hard truth: these outcomes don’t just happen in a a vacuum. They persist because of the silence, indifference, or complicity of those who choose not to act.

The question is, will you stand up for a better future, or will you look away? And how could Palestine possibly affect you and your family? Read on.

Israel acting with impunity for decades
Israel has been acting with impunity for decades, flouting the norms of our legal agreements, defying the United Nations and its rulings and requests to act within the agreed global rules set after the Holocaust and the Nazis disregard for humanity.

The Germans, under Nazi rule, pursued a racist ideology to restructure the world according to race, committing crimes against humanity and war crimes that resulted in a devastating world war and the deaths of millions of people, including millions of Jews. A set of rules were formed from the ashes of these victims to ensure this horror would never happen again. It’s called international law.

However, after the Nazis defeat, it took less than a few years before atrocities began again, perpetrated by the very people who had just been brutally massacred and targeted.

European Jews, including holocaust survivors, armed by Czechoslovakia, funded by the Nazis (Havaara agreement), aided militarily by Britain, the US, Italy and France among others, arrived on foreign shores to a land that did not belong to them.

Once there, they began to disregard the very rules established to protect not only them, but the rest of humanity — rules designed to prevent a repeat of the Holocaust, safeguard against the resurgence of ideologies like Nazism, and ensure impunity for such actions would never occur again.

These rules were a shared commitment by countries to conduct themselves with agreed norms and regulations designed to respect the right of all to live in safety and security, including children, women and civilians in general. Rules that were designed to end war and promote peace, justice, and a better life for all humankind.

Rules written to ensure the sacred understanding, implementation and respect of equal rights for all people, including you, were followed to prevent us from never returning to the lawlessness and terror of World War Two.

But the creation of Israel less than 80 years ago flouted and violated these expectations. The mass murder of children, women and men in Palestine in 1948, which included burning alive Palestinians tied to trees and running them over as they lay unable to move in the middle of town squares, was only the beginning of this disrespectful dehumanisation.

Terrorised by Jewish militia
Jewish militia terrorised Palestinians, lobbing grenades into Palestinian homes where families sheltered in fear, raping women and girls, and forcing every man and boy from whole villages to dig their own trenches before being shot in the back so they fell neatly into their graves.

Pregnant Palestinian women had their bellies sliced open, homes were stolen along with everything in it — including my families — and many family members were murdered.

This included my great grandmother who was shot, execution style, in front of my mother as she carried a small mattress from our home for her grandchildren when they were forcibly displaced. I still don’t know what happened to her body or where she is buried. I do know where our house is still situated in Jerusalem, although currently occupied.

These atrocities enabled Israel’s birth, shameful atrocities behind its creation. There is not one Israeli town or village that is not built on top of a Palestinian village, or town, on the blood and bones of murdered Palestinians, a practice Israel has continued.

As I write, plans to build more illegal settlements on the buried bodies of Palestinians in Gaza have already been drawn up and areas of land pre-sold.

These horrific crimes have continued over decades, becoming worse as Israel perfected and industrialised its ability to exterminate human souls, hearts and lives. Israel’s birth from its inception was only possible through terrorist actions of Jewish militia. These militia Britain designated as terrorist organisations, a designation that still stands today.

Jewish militia such as (Haganah, Irgun and Stern Gang) formed into what is now known as the Israeli Defence Force, although they aren’t defending anything; Palestine was not theirs to take in the first place.

There was never a war of independence for Israel because the state of Israel did not exist to liberate itself from anyone. Instead, Britain illegally handed over land that already belonged to the Palestinians, a peaceful existing people of three pillars of faith — Palestinian Christians Muslims and Jews. If there were any legitimate war of independence, it would be that of the Palestinian people.

Free pass to act above the law
Israel continues to rely on the Holocaust’s memory to give it a free pass to act above the law, threatening world peace and our shared humanity, by using the memory of the horrors of 1945 and the threat of antisemitism to deter people from criticising and speaking out against the state’s unlawful and inhumane actions.

Yet Israel echoes the horrors of Nazi Germany and its destruction with its behaviour, the difference being the industrialisation of mass killing, modern warfare and weapons, the use of AI as a killing machine, the creation of chemical weapons and huge concentration and death camps which far surpass Germany’s capabilities.

Jews around the world have been deeply divided by Israel’s assertion that it represents all Jewish people. Not all Jews religiously and politically support Israel, many do not feel a connection to or support Israel, viewing its actions and policies as separate from their Jewish identity. For them, Israel’s claims do not define what it means to be Jewish, nor do they see its conduct as aligned with Jewish values.

This is not a “Jewish question” but a political one and conflating the two undermines the diverse perspectives within Jewish communities globally and is harmful to Jewish people. It is important to maintain a clear distinction between Judaism and the political actions of Israel.

How does a genocide across the world affect you?
The perpetration of genocide and gross violations of human rights, facilitated or supported by Western powers, erodes the very foundations of the global legal framework that protects us all. This assault weakens democracy, undermines international law, and destabilises the structures you rely on for a secure future.

“The perpetration of genocide and gross violations of human rights, facilitated or supported by Western powers, erodes the very foundations of the global legal framework that protects us all.” Image: Al Jazeera headline APR

It leaves your defences crumbling, your safety compromised, and your vulnerabilities exposed to the chaos that follows such lawlessness as a global citizen of this world under the same protections and with the same equality as the Palestinians.

Palestinian children are no less deserving of safety and rights than any other children. When their rights are ignored and violated, it undermines protections for children worldwide, creating a precedent of vulnerability and injustice. If violations are deemed acceptable for some, they risk becoming acceptable for all.

Sitting safely in Aotearoa does not guarantee protection. The actions of Israel and the US, Western countries — massacring and flattening entire neighbourhoods — send a dangerous message that such horrors are only for “others”, for “brown people” who speak a different language.

But Western countries are the global minority. Many nations now view the West with growing disdain, especially in light of Israel and America’s actions, coupled with the glaring double standards and inaction of the West, including New Zealand, as they stand by and witness a genocide in progress.

When children become a legitimate target, the safety of all children is compromised. Your kids are at risk too. Just because you live on the other side of the world does not mean you are immune or beyond the reach of those who see such actions as justification for retaliation.

If such disregard for human life is deemed acceptable for one people, it will inevitably become acceptable for others. Justice and equality must extend to all children, regardless of nationality, to ensure a safer world for everyone.

But why should you care?
Because Israel and the US are undermining the framework that protects you. Israel’s violations of International and humanitarian law including laws on occupation, war crimes and bombing protected institutions such as hospitals, schools, UN facilities, civilian homes and areas of safety, undermines these and sets a dangerous precedent for others to follow. Israel does not respect global peace, civilians, human rights nor has respect for life outside of its own. This lawlessness and lack of accountability is already giving other states the green light to erode the norms that protect human rights, including the decimation of the rights of the child.

The West’s support for Israel, namely the US, the UK, Canada, much of Europe, Australia and New Zealand, despite its clear violations of international law, exposes a fundamental hypocrisy. This weakens the credibility of democratic nations that claim to champion human rights and justice.

The failure of institutions like the UN to hold Israel accountable erodes trust in these bodies, fostering widespread disillusionment and scepticism about their ability to address other global conflicts. This has already fuelled an “us versus them” mentality, deepening the divide between the Global South and the Global North.

This division is marked by growing disrespect for Western governments and their citizens, who demand moral authority and adherence to the rule of law from nations in the East and South yet allow one of their “own” to brazenly violate these principles.

This hypocrisy undermines the hope for a new, respectful world order envisioned after the Holocaust, leaving it damaged and discredited.

Israel, despite its claims, has no authentic ties to the Middle East. What was once Palestinian land deeply rooted in Middle Eastern culture, has been overtaken and reshaped into to an artificial state imposed by mixed European heritage. It now stands as a Western outpost in stark contrast and isolated from surrounding Eastern cultures.

The failure of the West and the international community to stop the Palestinian genocide has begun a new period of genocide normalisation, where it becomes acceptable to watch children being blown up, women and men being murdered, shot and starved to death.

This acceptance then becomes a part of a country’s statecraft. Palestinian genocide, while it might be a little “uncomfortable” for many, has still been tolerable. If genocide is tolerable for one, then its tolerable for another.

Bias and prejudice
If you can comfortably go about your day, knowing the horror other innocent human beings are facing then perhaps it might be time to reflect on and confront any underlying biases or prejudices you hold.

An interesting thought experiment is to transform and transfer what is happening in Palestine to New Zealand.

Imagine Nelson being completely flattened, and all the inhabitants of Auckland, plus some, being starved to death.

Imagine all New Zealand hospitals being destroyed, Wellington hospital with its patients still inside is blown up. All the babies in the neonatal unit are left to die and rot in their incubators, patients in the ICU units and those immobile or too sick to move are also left to die, this includes all children unable to walk in the Starship hospital.

Electricity for the whole country is turned off and all patients and healthcare workers are forced to leave at gunpoint. New Zealand doctors and nurses are stripped down to their underwear and tortured, this includes rape, and some male doctors are left to die bleeding in the street after being raped to death with metal poles and electrodes.

Water is then shut down and unavailable to all of you. You cannot feed your family, your grandchildren, your parents, your siblings, your best friends.

Imagine New Zealanders burying bodies of their children and loved ones in makeshift mass graves, while living in tents and then being subjected to chemical weapon strikes, quad copters or small drones’ attacks that drop bombs and exterminate, shooting people as they try to find food, but targeting mostly women and children.

Imagine every single human being in Upper Hutt completely wiped out. Imagine 305 New Zealand school buses full of dead children line the streets, that’s more than 11,000 killed so far. Each day more than 10 New Zealand kids lose a limb, including your children.

This number starts to increase with the hope to finally ethnically cleanse Aotearoa to make way for a new state defined by one religion and one ethnicity that isn’t yours, by a new group of people from the other side of the world.

These people, called settlers, are given weapons to hurt and kill New Zealanders as they rampage through towns evicting residents and moving into your homes taking everything that belongs to you and leaving you on the street. All your belongings, all your memories, your pets, your future, your family are stolen or destroyed.

Starting from January 2025, up to 15 New Zealanders will die of starvation or related diseases EVERY DAY until the rest of the world decides if it will come to your aid with this lawlessness. Or maybe you will die in desperation while others watch you on their TV screens or scroll through their social media seeing you as the “terrorist” and the invaders as the “victims”.

If this thought horrifies you, if it makes you feel shocked or upset, then so too should others having to endure such illegal horrors. None of what is happening is acceptable, as a fellow human being you should be fighting for the right of all of us. Perhaps you might think of our own tangata whenua and Aotearoa’s own history.

What could this mean for New Zealand?
We are not creating a bright future for a country like New Zealand, whose remote location, dependence on trade, and its aging infrastructure, leaves it vulnerable to changing global dynamics. This is especially concerning with our energy dependence on imported oil, our dependence on global supply chains for essential goods including medicine (Israel’s pager attack against Hezbollah has compromised supply chains in a dangerous and horrific violation that New Zealand ignored), our economic marginalisation, and our security challenges.

All of this while surrounded by rising tensions between superpowers like the US and China which will affect New Zealand’s security and economic partnerships. Balancing economic and political ties is complicated by this government’s focus on strengthening strategic alliances with Western nations, mainly the US, whose complicity in genocide, war crimes, and disrespect for the rule of law is weakening its standing and threatens its very future.

Targeting marginalised groups
The precedent set in Palestine will embolden oppressive regimes elsewhere to target minority groups, knowing that the world will turn a blind eye. Israel is a violent, oppressive apartheid state, operating outside of international law and norms and has been compared to, but is much worse than the former apartheid South Africa.

This will have a huge impact felt all over the world with the continued refugee crisis. Multicultural nations such as New Zealand will struggle to cope with the support needed for the families of our citizens in need.

An increase of the far right reminiscent of Nazi ideology and extremism
Israel is a pariah state fuelled by radicalisation and extremism with an intolerance to different races, colour and ethnicity and indigenous populations. This has created a fertile ground for extremist ideologies, destabilising regions far beyond the Middle East as we have seen in Europe with the rejuvenation of the far-right movement.

Israel’s genocidal onslaughts will continue to be the cause for ongoing instability in the region, affecting global energy supplies, trade routes, and security. The Palestinian crisis will not be answered with violence, oppression and war. We aren’t going anywhere, and neither should we.

Weaponising aid and healthcare
Israel’s deliberate restriction of food, water, and medical supplies to Gaza weaponises humanitarian aid, violating basic principles of humanity. A new weapon in the arsenal of pariah states and radical violent countries and a new Israeli tactic to be copied and used elsewhere. Targeting hospitals, healthcare workers, distribution centres, ambulances, the UN, and collectively punishing whole populations has never been and will never be acceptable.

If it is not acceptable that this happens to you in Aotearoa, then nor is it acceptable for Palestinians in Palestine. It is intolerable for other “terror regimes” to commit such acts, so why is it deemed acceptable when carried out by Israel and the US?

Undermining the rights to free speech, peaceful protest and freedoms
During the covid pandemic, many New Zealanders were concerned with government-imposed restrictions that could be used disproportionately or as pretexts for authoritarian control. This included limitations on freedom of movement, speech, assembly, and privacy.

And yet Palestinians endure military checkpoints, curfews, restricted movement within and between their own territories, and the suppression of their right to protest or voice opposition to occupation — all due to Israel’s oppressive and illegal control. This is further enabled by the political cover and tacit support provided by this government’s failure to speak out and strongly condemn Israel’s actions.

Through its failure to take meaningful action or fulfil its third-party state obligations, this government continues to maintain normal relations with Israel across diplomatic, cultural, economic, and social spheres, as well as through trade. Moreover, it wrongly asserts on its official foreign affairs websites and policies that an occupying power has the right to self-defence against a defenceless population it has systematically abused and terrorised for decades.

The silencing of pro-Palestinian activists and criminalisation of humanitarian aid also create a chilling effect, discouraging global solidarity movements and undermining the moral fabric of societies. The use of victimhood to shroud the aggressor and blame the victim is a low point in our harrowed history. As is the vilification of moral activism and those that dare to stand against the illegal and sickening mass killing of civilians.

The attempt to persecute brave students standing up to Zionist and Israeli-run organisations and those supporting Israel (including academic and cultural institutions), by both trigger-happy billionaire Jewish investors and elite families and company investors whose answer to peaceful resistance is violence, demonstrates how far we have fallen from democracy and the rights of the citizen.

I find it completely bizarre that standing up against a genocide of helpless, unarmed civilians is demonised in order to protect the thugs, criminals and psychopaths that make up the Israeli state and its criminal actors, and the elite families and corporations profiting from this war.

Even here in Aotearoa, protesters have been vilified for drawing attention to Israel’s war crimes and double standards at the ASB Classic tennis tournament. Letting into New Zealand an IDF soldier who is associated with an institution directly implicated in war crimes and crimes against humanity should be questioned.

These protesters were falsely labelled as “pro-Hamas” by Israeli and Western media. They were portrayed negatively, seen as a nuisance. Their messages about supporting human rights and stopping a horrific genocide from continuing were not mentioned.

The focus was the effect their chants had on the tennis match and the Israeli tennis player, who was upset. Exercising their legal rights to demonstrate, the protesters were not a security issue. Yet Lina Glushko, the Israeli tennis player, claimed she needed extra security to combat a dozen protesters, many over the age of 60, who were never in any proximity of the controversial player nor were ever a threat.

No mention that Lina Glushko lives in an illegal settlement in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, or that she was in service from 2018-2020 during the Great March of Return. Or that this tennis player has made public statements mocking the suffering of Palestinians, inconsistent with Aotearoa’s commitment to combating hate speech and promoting inclusivity and respect.

Her presence erodes the integrity of international sports and sends a dangerous message that war crimes and human rights violations carry no meaningful consequences despite international law and the recent UNGA (UN General Assembly) and ICJ (International Court of Justice) resolutions and advisory opinions.

Allowing IDF soldiers entry into New Zealand disregards the pain and suffering of Palestinians and the New Zealand Palestinian community, dehumanising their plight. It sends a message of complicity to the broader international community, one that was ignored by most Western media.

Similarly, Israel’s attempts to not just control the Western media but to shut down and kill journalists, is not only a war crime, but is terrifying. Journalists’ protection is enshrined in international law due to the essential nature of their work in fostering accountability, transparency, and justice. They expose corruption, war crimes, and human rights abuses. Real journalism is vital for democracy, ensuring citizens are informed about government actions and global events.

Israel’s targeting of journalists undermines the rule of law and emboldens it and other perpetrators to commit further atrocities without fear of scrutiny or consequences.

The suffering of Palestinians is a human rights issue that transcends borders. Allowing genocide and oppression to continue undermines the shared humanity that binds us all.
Israel’s actions reflect the dehumanisation of an entire population and our failure to enforce accountability for these crimes weakens international systems designed to protect your family and you.

Israel’s influence is far reaching, and New Zealand is not immune. Any undue influence by foreign states, including Israel, threatens New Zealand’s sovereignty and ability to make independent decisions in its national interest. Lobbying efforts by organisations like the Zionist Federation or the Jewish National Fund (JNF), the Jewish Council and the Holocaust Centre of New Zealand push policies that do not align with New Zealand’s broader public interest.

Aligning with a state that is violating rights and in a court of law on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, leaves citizens wide open to the same controls and concerns we are now seeing Americans and Europeans face at the mercy of AIPAC and Israeli influence.

Palestine is a test of the international community’s commitment to justice, human rights, and the rule of law. If Israel is allowed to continue acting with impunity, the global system that protects us all will be irreparably weakened, paving the way for more injustice, oppression, and chaos. It is a fight for the moral and legal foundations of the world we live in and ignoring it will have far-reaching consequences for everyone.

So, as you usher in 2025, don’t sit there and clink your glasses, hoping for a better year while continuing to ignore the suffering around you. Act to make 2025 better than the horrific few years the world has been subjected to, if not for humanity, then for yourself and your family’s future. Start with the biggest threat to world peace and stability — Israel and US hegemony.

What you can do
You can make a difference in the fight against Israel’s illegal occupation and violations of human rights, including the deliberate targeting of children by taking simple yet impactful steps. Here’s how you can start today:

Boycott products supporting oppression:
Remove at least five products from your weekly supermarket shopping list that are linked to companies supporting Israel’s occupation or that are made in Israel. Use tools like the “No Thanks” app to identify these items or visit the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) website for detailed advice and information.

Hold the government accountable:
Write letters to your government representatives demanding action to uphold democracy and human rights. Remind them of New Zealand’s obligations under international law to stand against human rights abuses and violations of global norms. Demand fair and equitable foreign policies designed to protect us all.

Educate yourself:
Learn about the history of the Palestine-Israel conflict, especially the events of 1948, to better understand the roots of the ongoing crisis. Knowledge is a powerful tool for advocacy and change.

Seek alternative news sources:
Expand your perspective by accessing a wide range of news sources including from platforms such as Al Jazeera, Double Down News, and Middle East Eye.

Be a citizen, not a bystander:
Passive spectatorship allows injustice to thrive. Take a stand. Whether by boycotting, writing letters, educating yourself, or raising awareness, your actions can contribute to a global movement for justice for us all.

Together, we can challenge systems of oppression and demand accountability for crimes against humanity. Let 2025 not just be another year of witnessing suffering but one where we collectively take action to restore justice, uphold humanity, and demand accountability.
The time to act is now.

Katrina Mitchell-Kouttab is a New Zealand Palestinian advocate and writer.

This article was first published on Café Pacific.