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Most retirees who rent live in poverty. Here’s how boosting rent assistance could help lift them out of it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendan Coates, Program Director, Housing and Economic Security, Grattan Institute

Marlinde/Shutterstock

Most Australians can look forward to a comfortable retirement. More than three in four retirees own their own home, most report feeling comfortable financially, and few suffer financial stress.

But our new Grattan Institute report paints a sobering picture for one group: retirees who rent in the private market. Two-thirds of this group live in poverty, including more than three in four single women who live alone.



Retirees who rent often have little in the way of retirement savings: more than half have less than A$25,000 stashed away. And a growing number of older Australians are at risk of becoming homeless.

But our research also shows just how much we’d need to boost Commonwealth Rent Assistance to make housing more affordable and ensure all renters are able to retire with dignity.

Today’s renters, tomorrow’s renting retirees

Home ownership is falling among poorer Australians who are approaching retirement.

Between 1981 and 2021, home ownership rates among the poorest 40% of 45–54-year-olds fell from 68% to just 54%. Today’s low-income renters are tomorrow’s renting retirees.

Age pensioners need at least $40,000 in savings to afford to spend $350 a week in rent, together with the Age Pension and Rent Assistance. That’s enough to afford the cheapest 25% of one-bedroom homes in capital cities.

But Australians who are renting as they approach retirement tend to have little in the way of retirement savings. 40% of renting households aged 55-64 have net financial wealth less than $40,000.

Rent assistance is too low

Our research shows that Commonwealth Rent Assistance, which supplements the Age Pension for poorer retirees who rent, is inadequate.

The federal government has lifted the maximum rate of Rent Assistance by 27% – over and above inflation – in the past two budgets. But the payment remains too low.

Elderly woman sitting at table in kitchen at home holds domestic bills
A single retiree needs at least $379 per week to afford non-housing essentials.
marikun/Shutterstock

A typical single retiree needs at least $379 per week to afford essential non-housing costs such as food, transport and energy.

But we found a single pensioner who relies solely on income support can afford to rent just 4% of one-bedroom homes in Sydney, 13% in Brisbane, and 14% in Melbourne, after covering these basic living expenses.

With Rent Assistance indexed to inflation, rather than low-income earners’ housing costs, the maximum rate of the payment has increased by 136% since 2001, while the rents paid by recipients have increased by 193%.

A boost is needed

Our analysis suggests that to solve this problem, the federal government should increase the maximum rate of Rent Assistance by 50% for singles and 40% for couples.

The payment should also be indexed to changes in rents for the cheapest 25% of homes in our capital cities.

These increases would boost the maximum rate of Rent Assistance by $53 a week ($2,750 a year) for singles, and $40 a week ($2,080 a year) for couples.

This would ensure single retirees could afford to spend $350 a week on rent, enough to rent the cheapest 25% of one-bedroom homes across Australian capital cities, while still affording other essentials.

Similarly, retired couples would be able to afford to spend $390 a week on rent, enough to rent the cheapest 25% of all one- and two-bedroom homes.



Unlikely to push up rents

One common concern is that increasing Rent Assistance will just lead landlords to hike rents. But we find little evidence that this is the case.

International studies suggest that more than five in six dollars of any extra Rent Assistance paid would benefit renters, rather than landlords.



In Australia, there’s little evidence that recent increases in Rent Assistance have pushed up rents.

Our analysis of NSW rental bond lodgement data suggests areas with higher concentrations of Rent Assistance recipients did not see larger rent increases in the year after the payment was boosted.

That’s not surprising. Rent Assistance is paid to tenants, not landlords, which means tenants are likely to spend only a small portion of any extra income on housing.

Since rates of financial stress are even higher among younger renters, we propose that any increase to Rent Assistance should also apply to working-age households.

Boosting Rent Assistance for all recipients would cost about $2 billion a year, with about $500 million of this going to retirees.

These increases could be paid for by further tightening superannuation tax breaks, curbing negative gearing and halving the capital gains tax discount, or counting more of the value of the family home in the Age Pension assets test.




Read more:
Superannuation is complicated. A guaranteed government income in retirement would be simpler


The Conversation

Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the federal and Victorian governments, $4 million from BHP Billiton, and $1 million from NAB. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and contribute to funding Grattan Institute’s activities. Grattan Institute also receives funding from corporates, foundations, and individuals to support its general activities, as disclosed on its website.

ref. Most retirees who rent live in poverty. Here’s how boosting rent assistance could help lift them out of it – https://theconversation.com/most-retirees-who-rent-live-in-poverty-heres-how-boosting-rent-assistance-could-help-lift-them-out-of-it-249134

View from The Hill: Labor faces risk of Victorians using federal poll as referendum on both Allan and Albanese governments

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The weekend byelection in the outer suburban seat of Werribee saw the widely-anticipated slap-in-the-face to Victorian Labor, which is absolutely on the nose. The question is: to what degree were electors venting against federal Labor too?

With an abundance of caution, the Albanese government would do best to assume it was being given a substantial kick.

Even if the largest slice of the about 10% two-party swing was prompted by state factors, including the sheer arrogance of the byelection  (a state treasurer departing mid-term), we know federal Labor is doing badly in Victoria.

There is certainly enough of a message in the result in Werribee (which on present numbers Labor is expected to just retain) to flag a potential serious erosion of federal seats come the national election.

One challenge for federal Labor is to turn Victorian voters’ attention away from state matters, to focus squarely on the choice between Anthony Albanese and Peter Dutton.

Labor needs to minimise the extent to which Victorians use the federal election to take out their anger towards the Allan government. So far, only the Werribee voters have had the chance to get some of that frustration out of their systems. The federal opposition will seek to milk feelings about the Allan government.

Regardless of that, we know Dutton has become more acceptable in Victoria than he was a couple of years ago.

As things stand, Labor is set to lose federal seats in this state where the Liberals have struggled, and the state Liberal organisation has been a shambles. It is a matter of how many.

While the Liberals will be delighted with the Werribee result, the hardheads will note that although the Labor primary vote fell nearly 17% the Liberal vote only rose 3.7%. Partly this might reflect the fact that in Labor heartland, the disillusioned voters wanted to protest but not jump the aisle to the Liberals. Nevertheless, there is the message, applicable federally, that the Liberals need to be attracting more primary votes, not just relying on Labor losing them to independents and small parties.

Once again, we see reflected in this byelection the relative collapse of the two party system. Labor polled 28.7% of the primary vote; the Liberals 29%. fewer than six in ten voters supported one of the major parties.

Depending on your viewpoint, you can see the decline of the two party system as a portend of future instability in our politics, or the continued indication of a fresh new direction. Federally, the present money is on minority government.

In Saturday’s other Victorian byelection, the Liberals wrested the inner city seat of Prahran from the Greens. There was no Labor candidate.

The Greens, on 36.2% of the vote, attempt to take comfort that  the swing against them on primary votes was only 0.6%. But a loss is a loss, whatever the margin, and this setback, on top of those in the recent ACT and Queensland elections, must put fears into the party about the fate of the three Queensland federal seats it won in 2022.

With some Labor supporters deeply pessimistic and some Liberals wildly optimistic, both sides are trying to manage expectations  about where the election battle stands nationally.

Labor finds some heart from comparing Newspoll’s now and at comparable points before changes of government.

The Dutton opposition in the first Newspoll of 2025 was on 51% of the two-party vote.

By contrast, in the first Newspoll of 1996, the Howard opposition had a two-party vote of 54%.

Newspoll in August 2007 (about 100 days before  the election)  saw the Rudd opposition on 56%. In  May 2013, with about 100 days to voting, the Abbott opposition was polling 55% in two-party terms. The first Newspoll of 2022 had the Albanese opposition on 56%.

Governor Michele Bullock will deliver the next big marker on the political calendar when the Reserve Bank announces next week whether it will cut interest rates.

If it does, there will be a frenzy of speculation about the election being held in April, which would mean scrapping the scheduled March 25 budget.

Quite how Albanese would explain this, when he and his ministers say every other day how much work is being done on that budget, is unclear. Those in Labor who are in the camp of a May election say the government needs time for an interest rate cut to flow through.

Only one man determines the timing, and he’s on record recently saying the date remained “fluid”.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. View from The Hill: Labor faces risk of Victorians using federal poll as referendum on both Allan and Albanese governments – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-labor-faces-risk-of-victorians-using-federal-poll-as-referendum-on-both-allan-and-albanese-governments-249457

NZ must take robust Gaza stance – ‘stop tip-toeing’ around Trump, warns academic

By Rachel Helyer Donaldson, RNZ News journalist

New Zealand should be robust in its response to the “unacceptable” situation in Gaza but it must also back its allies against threats by the US President, says an international relations academic.

Otago University professor of international relations Robert Patman said the rest of the world also “should stop tip-toeing” around President Donald Trump and must stand up to any threats he makes against allies, no matter how outlandish they seem.

Trump doubled down on his proposal for a US takeover of Gaza on Friday, after the idea was rejected by Palestinians and leaders around the world.

Foreign Minister Winston Peters told RNZ that New Zealand would not comment on the plan until it was clear exactly what was meant, but said New Zealand continued to support a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine.

Dr Patman said the president’s plan was “truly shocking and absolutely appalling” in light of the devastation in Gaza in the last 15 months.

It was not only “tone deaf” but also dangerous, he added, with the proposal amounting to “the most powerful country in the world — the US — dismantling an international rules=based system that [it] has done so much to establish”.

“This was an extraordinary proposal which I think is reckless and dangerous because it certainly doesn’t help the immediate situation. It probably plays into the hands of extremists in the region.

“There is a view at the moment that we must all tiptoe round Mr Trump in order not to upset him, while he’s completely free to make outrageous suggestions which endanger people’s lives.”

Professor Robert Patman . . . Trump’s plan for Gaza “truly shocking and absolutely appalling”. Image: RNZ

Winston Peters’ careful position on a potential US takeover of Gaza was “a fair response . . . but the Luxon-led government must be clear the current situation is unacceptable” and oppose protectionism, he said.

“[The government ] wants a solution in the Middle East which recognises both the Israeli desire for security but also recognises the political right to self determination of the Palestinian people — in other words the right to have a state of their own.”

New Zealand should also speak out against Trump’s threats to annex Canada, “our very close ally”, he said.

He was “not suggesting New Zealand be provocative but it must be robust”, Dr Patman said.

Greens also respond to Trump actions
The Green Party said President Trump had been explicit in his intention to take over Gaza, and New Zealand needed to make its position crystal clear too.

Greens co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick said the Prime Minister needed to stand up and condemn the plan as “reprehensible”.

“President Trump’s comments have been pretty clear to anybody who is able to read or to listen to them, about his intention to forcibly displace, or to see displaced, about 1.8 million Gazans from their own land, who have already been made refugees in their own land.”

France, Spain, Ireland, Brazil and other countries had been “unequivocal” in their condemnation of Trump’s plan, and NZ’s Foreign Affairs Minister should be too, she added.

“New Zealanders value justice and they value peace, and they want to see our leadership represent that, on the international stage. So [these were] really disappointing and unfortunately unclear comments from our Deputy Prime Minister.”

Yesterday Foreign Minister Winston Peters told RNZ that New Zealand still supported a two-state solution, but said he would not comment on Trump’s Gaza plan until officials could grasp exactly what this meant.

Trump sanctions International Criminal Court
Meanwhile, an international law expert says New Zealand’s cautious position following Trump’s sanctions on International Criminal Court (ICC) staff is the right response — for now.

Dozens of countries have expressed “unwavering support” for the ICC in a joint statement, after the US President imposed sanctions on its staff.

The 125-member ICC is a permanent court that can prosecute individuals for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the crime of aggression against the territory of member states or by their nationals.

The United States, China, Russia and Israel are not members.

Trump has accused the court of improperly targeting the US and its ally, Israel.

Neither New Zealand nor Australia had joined the statement, but in a statement to RNZ the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it had always supported the ICC’s role in upholding international law and a rules-based system.

University of Victoria law professor Alberto Costi said currently New Zealand is at little risk of sanctions and there’s no need for a stronger approach.

“At this stage there is no reason to be stronger. New Zealand is perceived as a state that believes in a rules-based order and is supportive of the work of the ICC.

“So there’s not much need to go further but it’s a space to watch in the future, should these sanctions become a reality.

“But as far as New Zealand is concerned, at the moment there is no need to antagonise anyone at this stage.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

PSNA’s Minto hits back at Gaza ‘genocide hotline’ critics, insists NZ should deny Israeli soldiers entry

Asia Pacific Report

A national Palestine advocacy group has hit back at critics of its “genocide hotline” campaign against soldiers involved in Israel’s war against Gaza, saying New Zealand should be actively following international law.

The Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) dismissed a “predictable lineup of apologists for Israel” for their criticisms of the PSNA campaign.

“Why is concern for the sensitivities of soldiers from a genocidal Israeli campaign more important than condemning the genocide itself?,” asked PSNA national chair John Minto in a statement.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs Winston Peters, the Chief Human Rights Commissioner Stephen Rainbow and the New Zealand Jewish Council have made statements “protecting” Israeli soldiers who come to New Zealand on “rest and recreation” from the industrial-scale killing of 47,000 Palestinians in Gaza until a truce went into force on January 19.

“We are not surprised to see such a predictable lineup of apologists for Israel and its genocide in Gaza from lining up to attack a PSNA campaign with false smears of anti-semitism,” Minto said.

He said that over 16 months Peters had done “absolutely nothing” to put any pressure on Israel to end its genocidal behaviour.

“But he is full of bluff and bluster and outright lies to denounce those who demand Israel be held to account.”

Deny illegal settler visas
Minto said that if Peters was doing his job as Foreign Minister, he would not only stop Israeli soldiers coming to Aotearoa New Zealand — as with Russian soldiers in the Ukraine war — he would also deny visas to any Israeli with an address in an illegal Israeli settlement in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

The Human Rights Commission had issued a “disingenuous media release”, he said.

Whlle the commission said it had received 90 complaints about the hotline, it had also received eight complaints about immigration policy allowing Israeli soldiers to enter New Zealand under the visa waiver scheme that applies to Israel.

“Our campaign has nothing to do with Israelis or Jews — it is a campaign to stop Israeli soldiers coming here for rest and recreation after a campaign of wholesale killing of Palestinians in Gaza,” Minto said.

“To imply the campaign is targeting Jews is disgusting and despicable.

“Some of the soldiers will be Druse, some Palestinian Arabs and others will be Jews.”

The five-year-old Palestinian girl Hind Rajab, shot 355 times by Israeli soldiers on 29 January 2024. Image: @Onlyloren/Instagram

Israeli soldiers are facing a growing risk of being arrested abroad for alleged war crimes committed in Gaza, with around 50 criminal complaints filed so far in courts in several countries around the world.

Earlier this month, a former Israeli soldier abruptly ended his holiday in Brazil and was “smuggled” out of the country after a Federal Court ordered police to open a war crimes investigation against him. The man fled to Argentina.

A complaint lodged by the Belgium-based Hind Rajab Foundation (HRF) included more than 500 pages of court records linking the suspect to the demolition of civilian homes in Gaza.

‘Historic’ court ruling against soldier
The foundation called the Brazilian court’s decision “historic”, saying it marked a significant precedent for a member country of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to enforce Rome Statute provisions domestically in the 15-month Israeli war on Gaza.

The foundation is named in honour of five-year-old Palestinian girl Hind Rajab who was killed on 29 January 2024 by Israel soldiers while pleading for help in a car after her six family members were dead.

According to The New Arab, the foundation has so far tracked and sent the names of 1000 Israeli soldiers to the ICC and Interpol, and has been pursuing legal cases in a number of countries, including Belgium, Brazil, Cyprus, France, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Thailand, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom.

In November, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, together with a former Hamas commander, citing allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Minto accused the New Zealand Jewish Council of being “deeply racist” and said it regularly “makes a meal of false smears of anti-semitism”.

“It’s deeply problematic that this Jewish Council strategy takes attention away from the real anti-semitism which exists in New Zealand and around the world.

“The priority of the Jewish Council is to protect Israel from criticism and protect it from accountability for its apartheid policies, ethnic cleansing and genocide.

“We are demanding that accountability.”

NZ ‘going through the motions’
In a later statement, PSNA said the government had begun to “go through the motions” of questioning Israeli soldiers at the border but it was just a “look busy policy – too little too late”.

NZ requires Israelis to disclose IDF service details as condition for entry – a similar policy to Australia. Image: Times of Israel screenshot APR

Immigration questioning Israeli of soldiers about their military service in Gaza at the New Zealand border was revealed in a Times of Israel report today which said:

“New Zealand’s government immigration authority has begun to require Israelis applying for a visa to report details of their military service as a condition for entry, and at least one person has been denied admission after doing so.”

PSNA’s Minto said the government must also uphold the ICJ advisory opinion of 19 July 2024 which called on global governments to end support for Israel’s illegal occupation.

“This means we should also deny entry to every Israeli wanting to visit here who has an address in an illegal Israeli settlement in the Occupied Palestinian Territories,” Minto added.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Mediawatch: NZ media in the middle of Asia-Pacific diplomatic drama

MEDIAWATCH: By Colin Peacock, RNZ Mediawatch presenter

By the time US President Donald Trump announced tariffs on China and Canada last Monday which could kickstart a trade war, New Zealand’s diplomats in Washington, DC, had already been deployed on another diplomatic drama.

Republican Senator Ted Cruz had said on social media it was “difficult to treat New Zealand as a normal ally . . .  when they denigrate and punish Israeli citizens for defending themselves and their country”.

He cited a story in the Israeli media outlet Ha’aretz, which has a reputation for independence in Israel and credibility abroad.

But Ha’aretz had wrongly reported Israelis must declare service in the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) as part of “new requirements” for visa applications.

Winston Peters replied forcefully to Cruz on X, condemning Ha’aretz’s story as “fake news” and demanding a correction.

Winston Peters puts Ted Cruz on notice over the misleading Ha’aretz story. Image: X/RNZ

But one thing Trump’s Republicans and Winston Peters had in common last week was irritating Mexico.

His fellow NZ First MP Shane Jones had bellowed “Send the Mexicans home” at Green MPs in Parliament.

Winston Peters then told two of them they should be more grateful for being able to live in New Zealand.

‘We will not be lectured’
On Facebook he wasn’t exactly backing down.

“We . . .  will not be lectured on the culture and traditions of New Zealand from people who have been here for five minutes,” he added.

While he was at it, Peters criticised media outlets for not holding other political parties to account for inflammatory comments.

Peters was posting that as a politician — not a foreign minister, but the Mexican ambassador complained to MFAT. (It seems the so-called “Mexican standoff” was resolved over a pre-Waitangi lunch with Ambassador Bravo).

But the next day — last Wednesday — news of another diplomatic drama broke on TVNZ’s 1News.

“A deal that could shatter New Zealand’s close relationship with a Pacific neighbour,” presenter Simon Dallow declared, in front of a backdrop of a stern-looking Peters.

TVNZ’s Pacific correspondent Barbara Dreaver reported the Cook Islands was about to sign a partnership agreement in Beijing.

“We want clarity and at this point in time, we have none. We’ve got past arrangements, constitutional arrangements, which require constant consultation with us, and dare I say, China knows that,” Peters told 1News.

Passports another headache
Cook Islands’ Prime Minister Mark Brown also told Barbara Dreaver TVNZ’s revelations last month about proposed Cook Island passports had also been a headache for him.

“We were caught by surprise when this news was broken by 1News. I thought it was a high-level diplomatic discussion with leaders to be open and frank,” he told TVNZ this week.

“For it to be brought out into the public before we’ve had a time to inform our public, I thought was a breach of our political diplomacy.”

Last week another Barabara Dreaver scoop on 1News brought the strained relationship with another Pacific state into the headlines:

“Our relationship with Kiribati is at breaking point. New Zealand’s $100 million aid programme there is now on hold. The move comes after President [Taneti] Maamau pulled out of a pre-arranged meeting with Winston Peters.”

The media ended up in the middle of the blame game over this too — but many didn’t see it coming.

Caught in the crossfire
“A diplomatic rift with Kiribati was on no one’s 2025 bingo card,” Stuff national affairs editor Andrea Vance wrote last weekend in the Sunday Star-Times.

“Of all the squabbles Winston Peters was expected to have this year, no one picked it would be with an impoverished, sinking island nation,” she wrote, in terms that would surely annoy Kiribati.

“Do you believe Kiribati is snubbing you?” RNZ Morning Report’s Corin Dann asked Peters.

“You can come to any conclusion you like, but our job is to try and resolve this matter,” Peters replied.

Kiribati Education Minister Alexander Teabo told RNZ Pacific there was no snub.

He said Kiribati President Maamau — who is also the nation’s foreign minister — had been unavailable because of a long-planned and important Catholic ordination ceremony on his home island of Onotoa — though this was prior to the proposed visit from Peters.

On Facebook — at some length — New Zealand-born Kiribati MP Ruth Cross Kwansing blamed “media manufactured drama”.

“The New Zealand media seized the opportunity to patronise Kiribati, and the familiar whispers about Chinese influence began to circulate,” she said.

She was more diplomatic on the 531pi Pacific Mornings radio show but insistent New Zealand had not been snubbed.

Public dispute “regrettable’
Peters told the same show it was “regrettable” that the dispute had been made public.

On Newstalk ZB Peters was backed — and Kiribati portrayed as the problem.

“If somebody is giving me $100m and they asked for a meeting, I will attend. I don’t care if it’s my mum’s birthday. Or somebody’s funeral,” Drive host Ryan Bridge told listeners.

“It’s always very hard to pick apart these stories (by) just reading them in the media. But I have faith and confidence in Winston Peters as our foreign minister,” PR-pro Trish Shrerson opined.

So did her fellow panellist, former Labour MP Stuart Nash.

“He’s respected across the Pacific. He’s the consummate diplomat. If Winston says this is the story and this is what’s happening, I believe 100 percent. And I would say, go hard. Winston — represent our interests.”

‘Totally silly’ response
But veteran Pacific journalist Michael Field contradicted them soon after on ZB.

“It’s totally silly. All this talk about cancelling $104 million of aid is total pie-in-the-sky from Winston Peters,” he said.

“Somebody’s lost their marbles on this, and the one who’s possibly on the ground looking for them is Winston Peters.

“He didn’t need to be in Tarawa in early January at all. This is pathetic. This is like saying I was invited to my sister’s birthday party and now it’s been cancelled,” he said.

Not a comparison you hear very often in international relations.

In his own Substack newsletter Michael Field also insisted the row reflected poorly on New Zealand.

“While the conspiracy around Kiribati and China has deepened, no one is noticing the still-viable Kiribati-United States treaty which prevents Kiribati atolls [from] being used as bases without Washington approval,” he added.

Kiribati ‘hugely disrespectful’
But TVNZ’s Barbara Dreaver said Kiribati was being “hugely disrespectful”.

In a TVNZ analysis piece last weekend, she said New Zealand has “every right to expect better engagement than it has been getting over the past year.”

Dreaver — who was born in and grew up in Kiribati and has family there — also criticised “the airtime and validation” Kwansing got in the media in New Zealand.

“She supports and is part of a government that requires all journalists — should they get a visa to go there — to hand over copies of all footage/information collected,” Dreaver said.

Kwansing hit back on Facebook, accusing Dreaver of “publishing inane drivel” and “irresponsible journalism causing stress to locals.”

“You write like you need a good holiday somewhere happy. Please book yourself a luxury day spa ASAP,” she told TVNZ’s Pacific Affairs reporter.

Two days later — last Tuesday — the Kiribati government made percent2CO percent2CP-R an official statement which also pointed the finger at the media.

“Despite this media issue, the government of Kiribati remains convinced the strong bonds between Kiribati and New Zealand will enable a resolution to this unfortunate standoff,” it said.

Copping the blame
Another reporter who knows what it’s like to cop the blame for reporting stuff diplomats and politicians want to keep out of the news is RNZ Pacific’s senior journalist and presenter Lydia Lewis.

Last year, Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese questioned RNZ’s ethics after she reported comments he made to the US Deputy Secretary of State at the Pacific Islands Forum in Tonga — which revealed an until-then behind closed doors plan to pay for better policing in the Pacific.

She’s also been covering the tension with Kiribati.

Is the heat coming on the media more these days if they candidly report diplomatic differences?

TVNZ Pacific senior journalist and presenter Lydia Lewis . . . “both the public and politicians are saying the media [are] making a big deal of things.” Image: RNZ Pacific

“There’s no study that says there are more people blaming the media. So it’s anecdotal, but definitely, both the public and politicians are saying the media (are) making a big deal of things,” Lewis told Mediawatch.

“I would put the question back to the public as to who’s manufacturing drama. All we’re doing is reporting what’s in front of us for the public to then make their decision — and questioning it. And there were a lot of questions around this Kiribati story.”

Lewis said it was shortly before 6pm on January 27, that selected journalists were advised of the response of our government to the cancellation of the meeting with foreign minister Peters.

Vice-President an alternative
But it was not mentioned that Kiribati had offered the Vice-President for a meeting, the same person that met with an Australian delegation recently.

A response from Kiribati proved harder to get — and Lewis spoke to a senior figure in Kiribati that night who told her they knew nothing about it.

Politicians and diplomats, naturally enough, prefer to do things behind the scenes and media exposure is a complication for them.

But we simply wouldn’t know about the impending partnership agreement between China and the Cook Islands if TVNZ had not reported it last Monday.

And another irony: some political figures lamenting the diplomatically disruptive impact of the media also make decidedly undiplomatic responses of their own online these days.

“It can be revealing in the sense of where people stand. Sometimes they’re just putting out their opinions or their experience. Maybe they’ve got some sort of motive. A formal message or email we’ll take a bit more seriously. But some of the things on social media, we just take with a grain of salt,” said Lewis.

“It is vital we all look at multiple sources. It comes back to balance and knowledge and understanding what you know about and what you don’t know about — and then asking the questions in between.”

Big Powers and the Big Picture
Kwansing objected to New Zealand media jumping to the conclusion China’s influence was a factor in the friction with New Zealand.

“To dismiss the geopolitical implications with China . . .  would be naive and ignorant,” Dreaver countered.

Michael Field pointed to an angle missing.

“While the conspiracy around Kiribati and China has deepened, no one is noticing the still viable Kiribati-United States treaty which prevents Kiribati atolls being used as bases without Washington approval,” he wrote in his Substack.

In the same article in which Vance called Kiribati “an impoverished, sinking island nation” she later pointed out that its location, US military ties and vast ocean territory make it strategically important.

Questions about ‘transparency and accountability’
“There’s a lot of people that want in on Kiribati. It has a huge exclusive economic zone,” Lewis said.

She said communication problems and patchy connectivity are also drawbacks.

“We do have a fuller picture now of the situation, but the overarching question that’s come out of this is around transparency and accountability.

“We can’t hold Kiribati politicians to account like we do New Zealand government politicians.”

“I don’t want to give Kiribati a free pass here but it’s really difficult to get a response.

“They’re posting statements on Facebook and it really has raised some questions around the government’s commitment to transparency and accountability for all journalists . . .  committed to fair media reporting across the Pacific.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Mark Brown on China deal: ‘No need for NZ to sit in the room with us’

By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

Cook Islands Prime Minister Mark Brown says New Zealand is asking for too much oversight over its deal with China, which is expected to be penned in Beijing next week.

Brown told RNZ Pacific the Cook Islands-New Zealand relationship was reciprocal.

“They certainly did not consult with us when they signed their comprehensive partnership agreement [with China] and we would not expect them to consult with us,” he said.

“There is no need for New Zealand to sit in the room with us while we are going through our comprehensive agreement with China.

“We have advised them on the matter, but as far as being consulted and to the level of detail that they were requiring, I think that’s not a requirement.”

Brown is going to China from February 10-14 to sign the “Joint Action Plan for a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership”.

The Cook Islands operates in free association with New Zealand. It means the island nation conducts its own affairs, but Aotearoa needs to assist when it comes to foreign affairs, disasters, and defence.

NZ seeks more consultation
New Zealand is asking for more consultation over what is in the China deal.

Foreign Minister Winston Peters said neither New Zealand nor the Cook Island people knew what was in the agreement.

“The reality is we’ve been not told [sic] what the nature of the arrangements that they seek in Beijing might be,” he told RNZ Morning Report on Friday.

In 2023, China and Solomon Islands signed a deal on police cooperation as part of an upgrade of their relations to a “comprehensive strategic partnership”.

Brown said he had assured New Zealand “over and over” that there would be no impact on the countries’ relationship and “no surprises”, especially on security aspects.

“But the contents of this agreement is something that our team are working on with our Chinese counterparts, and it is something that we will announce and provide once it is signed off.”

He said it was similar to an agreement New Zealand had signed with China in 2014.

Deep sea mining research
Brown said the agreement was looking for areas of cooperation, with deep sea mining research being one area.

However, he said the immediate area that the Cook Islands wanted help with was a new interisland vessel to replace the existing ageing ship.

Brown has backed down from his controversial passport proposal after facing pressure from New Zealand.

He said the country “would essentially punish any Cook Islander that would seek a Cook Islands passport” by passing new legislation that would not allow them to also hold a New Zealand passport.

“To me that is a something that we cannot engage in for the security of our Cook Islands people.

“Whether that is seen as overstepping or not, that is a position that New Zealand has taken.”

A spokesperson for Peters said the two nations did “not see eye to eye” on a number of issues.

Relationship ‘very good’
However, Brown said he always felt the relationship was very good.

“We can agree to disagree in certain areas and as mature nation states do, they do have points of disagreement, but it doesn’t mean that the relationship has in any way broken down.”

On Christmas Day, a Cook Islands-flagged vessel carrying Russian oil was seized by Finnish authorities. It is suspected to be part of Russia’s shadow fleet and cutting underwater power cables in the Baltic Sea near Finland.

Peters’ spokesperson said the Cook Islands shipping registry was an area of disagreement between the two countries.

Brown said the government was working with Maritime Cook Islands and were committed with aligning with international sanctions against Russia.

When asked how he could be aligned with sanctions when the Cook Islands flagged the tanker Eagle S, Brown said it was still under investigation.

“We will wait for the outcomes of that investigation, and if it means the amendments and changes, which I expect it will, to how the ship’s registry operates then we will certainly look to make those amendments and those changes.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Victorian byelections: Liberals gain Prahran from Greens and Labor ahead in Werribee

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

Byelections occurred on Saturday in the Victorian state seats of Prahran and Werribee. The Liberals gained Prahran from the Greens by a 51.6–48.4 margin, a 13.6% swing to the Liberals since the 2022 state election.

Primary votes were 36.2% Liberals (up 4.8%), 36.2% Greens (down 0.6%), 12.8% for independent Tony Lupton, the Labor member for Prahran from 2002 to 2010, and 5.3% for another independent. Labor did not contest after winning 26.8% in 2022.

The primary vote swings between the Greens and Liberals only explain 2.7% of the 13.6% two-candidate swing. In 2022, Labor preferences would have flowed strongly to the Greens, but at the byelection Lupton recommended preferences to the Liberals on his how-to-vote material. The Greens’ share of overall preferences plunged from nearly 80% in 2022 to 44%.

In Werribee, Labor leads the Liberals by 50.6–49.4, a 10.4% swing to the Liberals since 2022. Primary votes are 29.0% Liberals (up 3.7%), 28.7% Labor (down 16.7%), 14.7% for independent Paul Hopper (up 8.8%), 7.5% Greens (up 0.7%), 7.3% Victorian Socialists (up 3.7%), 5.5% Legalise Cannabis (new) and 4.4% Family First (up 1.9%).

Labor’s primary vote slumped in Werribee, but the Liberals were not the main beneficiary. There were just enough preferences from left-wing sources (Greens, Socialists and Legalise Cannabis) to put Labor over the line.

The large majority of outstanding votes at these byelections will be postals. In postals counted so far in Werribee, the Liberals lead by 53–47, and they will need to increase that margin on remaining postals to erase Labor’s current lead. But later postals are usually better for left-wing parties than earlier ones.

In Prahran, the Liberals lead the Greens on postals counted so far by 65–35. Later postals will probably be better for the Greens, but the Liberals will still win this byelection.

In Prahran, the Greens should have been able to overcome a shift against them on preferences with an improved primary vote. Losing this seat, which they have held since the 2014 state election, is a dismal result for the Greens.

Labor is likely to retain Werribee, but the slump in the Labor primary vote validates the recent Victorian Resolve poll that had Labor’s statewide primary vote at just 22% and the Liberals in a clear election-winning position.

Victorian upper house reform delayed again

Since winning government at the November 2014 election, Labor has done nothing to reform the upper house electoral system. The upper house still uses group ticket voting (GTV), which is no longer used in any other Australian jurisdiction.

GTV was scrapped in New South Wales before the 2003 election, federally before 2016, in South Australia before 2018 and in Western Australia before this year’s March election. Other jurisdictions have never used GTV.

The artificially strong preference flows produced by GTV can allow parties with very low vote share to win seats through preference deals by overtaking parties with a much higher vote. In a system where voters direct their own preferences, this does not occur.

Analyst Kevin Bonham wrote on Friday that the parliamentary Victorian Electoral Matters Committee had recommended scrapping GTV, but the government has delayed any response until after the Committee publishes its final report in December. By this time, it will be difficult to make changes so that they can be implemented for the November 2026 election.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Victorian byelections: Liberals gain Prahran from Greens and Labor ahead in Werribee – https://theconversation.com/victorian-byelections-liberals-gain-prahran-from-greens-and-labor-ahead-in-werribee-249446

‘Journalism has become a blood sport. It is harder and harder to tell the truth’

A investigative journalism programme — Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) — that has pubiished exposes about the South Pacific and has not been impacted on by the “freeze” of USAID funding has hit back in an editorial calling for support of independent media.

EDITORIAL: By the OCCRP editors

“OCCRP is a deep state operation.
“OCCRP is connected to the CIA.
“OCCRP was tasked by USAID to overthrow President Donald Trump.”

How did we end up getting this kind of attention? Old fashioned investigative journalism.

We wrote a simple story in 2019 about how Rudy Giuliani went to Ukraine for some opposition research and ended up working with people connected to organised crime who misled him.

Unbeknown to us, a whistleblower found the story online and added it to a complaint that was the basis of President Trump’s first impeachment. We also wrote a story about Hunter Biden‘s business partners and their ties to organised crime but that hasn’t received the same attention.

Journalism has become a blood sport. It’s harder and harder to tell the truth without someone’s interests getting stepped on.

OCCRP prides itself on being independent and nonpartisan. No donor has any say in our reporting, but we often find ourselves under attack for our funding.

It’s not just political interests but organised crime, businesses, enablers, and other journalists who regularly attack us. What’s common in all of these attacks is that the truth doesn’t matter and it will not protect you.

Few attack the facts in our reporting. Instead we’re left perplexed by how to respond to wild conspiracy theories, outright disinformation, and hyperbolic hatred.

At the same time, we’ve lost 29 percent of our funding because of the US foreign aid freeze. This includes 82 percent of the money we give to newsrooms in our network, many of which operate in places [Pacific Media Watch: Such as in the Pacific] where no one else will support them.

This money did not only fund groundbreaking, prize-winning collaborative journalism but it also trained young investigative reporters to expose wrongdoing. It’s money that kept journalists safe from physical and digital attacks and supported those in exile who continued to report on crooks and dictators back in their home countries.

OCCRP now has 43 less journalists and staff to do our work.

No attack or funding freeze will stop us from trying to fulfill our mission. Just in the past week, OCCRP and its partners revealed how Russia’s shadow fleet sources its ships, how taxes haven’t been paid on Roman Abramovich’s yachts, and how Syrian intelligence spied on journalists.

Next week, we’ll take on another set of powerful actors to defend the public interest. And another set the week after that.

We are determined to stay in the fight and keep reporting on organised crime and the corrupt who enable and benefit from it. But it’s getting harder and we need help.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Trump’s foreign aid freeze throws independent journalism into chaos

Pacific Media Watch

President Donald Trump has frozen billions of dollars around the world in aid projects, including more than $268 million allocated by Congress to support independent media and the free flow of information.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has denounced this decision, which has plunged NGOs, media outlets, and journalists doing vital work into chaotic uncertainty — including in the Pacific.

In a statement published on its website, RSF has called for international public and private support to commit to the “sustainability of independent media”.

Since the new American president announced the freeze of US foreign aid on January 20, USAID (United States Agency for International Development) has been in turmoil — its website is inaccessible, its X account has been suspended, the agency’s headquarters was closed and employees told to stay home.

South African-born American billionaire Elon Musk, an unelected official, whom Trump chose to lead the quasi-official Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), has called USAID a “criminal organisation” and declared: “We’re shutting [it] down.”

Later that day, Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced that he was named acting director of the agency, suggesting its operations were being moved to the State Department.

Almost immediately after the freeze went into effect, journalistic organisations around the world — including media groups in the Pacific — that receive American aid funding started reaching out to RSF expressing confusion, chaos, and uncertainty.

Large and smaller media NGOs affected
The affected organisations include large international NGOs that support independent media like the International Fund for Public Interest Media and smaller, individual media outlets serving audiences living under repressive conditions in countries like Iran and Russia.

“The American aid funding freeze is sowing chaos around the world, including in journalism. The programmes that have been frozen provide vital support to projects that strengthen media, transparency, and democracy,” said Clayton Weimers, executive director of RSF USA.

President Donald Trump . . . “The American aid funding freeze is sowing chaos around the world, including in journalism,” says RSF. Image: RSF

“President Trump justified this order by charging — without evidence — that a so-called ‘foreign aid industry’ is not aligned with US interests.

“The tragic irony is that this measure will create a vacuum that plays into the hands of propagandists and authoritarian states. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) is appealing to the international public and private funders to commit to the sustainability of independent media.”

USAID programmes support independent media in more than 30 countries, but it is difficult to assess the full extent of the harm done to the global media.

Many organisations are hesitant to draw attention for fear of risking long-term funding or coming under political attacks.

According to a USAID fact sheet which has since been taken offline, in 2023 the agency funded training and support for 6200 journalists, assisted 707 non-state news outlets, and supported 279 media-sector civil society organisations dedicated to strengthening independent media.

The USAID website today . . . All USAID “direct hire” staff were reportedly put “on leave” on 7 February 2025. Image: USAID website screenshot APR

Activities halted overnight
The 2025 foreign aid budget included $268,376,000 allocated by Congress to support “independent media and the free flow of information”.

All over the world, media outlets and organisations have had to halt some of their activities overnight.

“We have articles scheduled until the end of January, but after that, if we haven’t found solutions, we won’t be able to publish anymore,” explains a journalist from a Belarusian exiled media outlet who wished to remain anonymous.

In Cameroon, the funding freeze forced DataCameroon, a public interest media outlet based in the economic capital Douala, to put several projects on hold, including one focused on journalist safety and another covering the upcoming presidential election.

An exiled Iranian media outlet that preferred to remain anonymous was forced to suspend collaboration with its staff for three months and slash salaries to a bare minimum to survive.

An exiled Iranian journalist interviewed by RSF warns that the impact of the funding freeze could silence some of the last remaining free voices, creating a vacuum that Iranian state propaganda would inevitably fill.

“Shutting us off will mean that they’ll have more power,” she says.

USAID: the main donor for Ukrainian media
In Ukraine, where 9 out of 10 outlets rely on subsidies and USAID is the primary donor, several local media have already announced the suspension of their activities and are searching for alternative solutions.

“At Slidstvo.Info, 80 percent of our budget is affected,” said Anna Babinets, CEO and co-founder of this independent investigative media outlet based in Kyiv.

The risk of this suspension is that it could open the door to other sources of funding that may seek to alter the editorial line and independence of these media.

“Some media might be shut down or bought by businessmen or oligarchs. I think Russian money will enter the market. And government propaganda will, of course, intensify,” Babinets said.

RSF has already witnessed the direct effects of such propaganda — a fabricated video, falsely branded with the organisation’s logo, claimed that RSF welcomed the suspension of USAID funding for Ukrainian media — a stance RSF has never endorsed.

This is not the first instance of such disinformation.

Finding alternatives quickly
This situation highlights the financial fragility of the sector.

According to Oleh Dereniuha, editor-in-chief of the Ukrainian local media outlet NikVesti, based in Mykolaiv, a city in southeast Ukraine, “The suspension of US funding is just the tip of the iceberg — a key case that illustrates the severity of the situation.”

Since 2024, independent Ukrainian media outlets have found securing financial sustainability nearly impossible due to the decline in donors.

As a result, even minor budget cuts could put these media outlets in a precarious position.

A recent RSF report stressed the need to focus on the economic recovery of the independent Ukrainian media landscape, weakened by the large-scale Russian invasion of February 24, 2022, which RSF’s study estimated to be at least $96 million over three years.

Moreover, beyond the decline in donor support in Ukraine, media outlets are also facing growing threats to their funding and economic models in other countries.

Georgia’s Transparency of Foreign Influence Law — modelled after Russia’s legislation — has put numerous media organisations at risk. The Georgian Prime Minister welcomed the US president’s decision with approval.

This suspension is officially expected to last only 90 days, according to the US government.

However, some, like Katerina Abramova, communications director for leading exiled Russian media outlet Meduza, fear that the reviews of funding contracts could take much longer.

Abramova is anticipating the risk that these funds may be permanently cut off.

“Exiled media are even in a more fragile position than others, as we can’t monetise our audience and the crowdfunding has its limits — especially when donating to Meduza is a crime in Russia,” Abramova stressed.

By abruptly suspending American aid, the United States has made many media outlets and journalists vulnerable, dealing a significant blow to press freedom.

For all the media outlets interviewed by RSF, the priority is to recover and urgently find alternative funding.

How Fijivillage News reported the USAID crackdown by the Trump administration. Image: Fijivillage News screenshot APR

Fiji, Pacific media, aid groups reel shocked by cuts
In Suva, Fiji, as Pacific media groups have been reeling from the shock of the aid cuts, Fijivillage News reports that hundreds of local jobs and assistance to marginalised communities are being impacted because Fiji is an AUSAID hub.

According to an USAID staff member speaking on the condition of anonymity, Trump’s decision has affected hundreds of Fijian jobs due to USAID believing in building local capacity.

The staff member said millions of dollars in grants for strengthening climate resilience, the healthcare system, economic growth, and digital connectivity in rural communities were now on hold.

The staff member also said civil society organisations, especially grantees in rural areas that rely on their aid, were at risk.

Pacific Media Watch and Asia Pacific Report collaborate with Reporters Without Borders.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Rebels are continuing their march in eastern Congo – what is their long-term goal?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amani Kasherwa, School of Nursing, Midwifery and Social Work, The University of Queensland

In late January, a rebel group that has long caused mayhem in the sprawling African nation of Democratic Republic of Congo took control of Goma, a major city of about 2 million people on the border with Rwanda in the country’s east.

Nearly 3,000 people were killed in one of the deadliest weeks in the history of this mineral-rich country. The dead include 100 female prisoners who were reportedly raped by male inmates at a prison and then burned alive.

As someone born and raised in the region, I’ve witnessed first-hand the devastating impact of this protracted war on communities. I’ve been in contact with residents in Goma, who have described unprecedented chaos – looting, criminality and a breakdown of essential services. One resident said:

I’m feeling unsafe in my own house. Last night live bullets penetrated my kitchen, and thank God none of us were there at the time.

More violence may lay ahead. The M23 rebel group, backed by neighbouring Rwanda, is marching south towards Bukavu, another major city, the provincial capital of South Kivu.

Though unlikely, it has vowed to topple the government of President Felix Tshisekedi in the capital, Kinshasa, some 2,600 kilometres away.

Tshisekedi has ruled out entering into dialogue with the rebel group, saying his government would not be “humiliated or crushed”.

What is M23?

Founded in 2012, M23 claims to protect the Tutsi ethnic minority group in Congo from discrimination, but it has recently begun pursuing broader political and economic ambitions. It is believed to have about 6,500 fighters, supported by another 4,000 troops from Rwanda.

Last year, the group was restructured to include other Rwanda-backed militias and politicians in the region. Together, they formed the River Congo Alliance, led by Corneille Nangaa, the former head of Congo’s electoral body. It now appears the group has “longer-term objectives in holding and potentially expanding their territorial control”, one analyst says.

A military court has issued an arrest warrant for Nangaa this week, alleging he is behind massacres in eastern Congo.

Congo has one of the richest reserves of critical minerals in the world, including cobalt, copper, coltan, uranium and gold. M23’s advances have given it control over many lucrative mines and supply lines to Rwanda.

In May 2024, M23 seized the mine in Rubaya, one of the world’s largest coltan reserves, which generates more than US$800,000 (A$1.2 million) in revenue a month.

As of this week, M23 has also gained control over mining sites in North and South Kivu regions, where children and young people are forced to work in life-threatening conditions. Others have been recruited as child soldiers.

Potential for a regional conflict

The current situation echoes the tumult caused in 2012 when M23 briefly seized Goma. Back then, the international community reacted more diligently, suspending around US$200 million (A$318 million) in aid to Rwanda. US President Barack Obama personally called Rwandan President Paul Kagame, urging him to stop supporting the rebel group.

In contrast, the current offensive has been met with a less coordinated international response.

The resurgence of M23 has been largely attributed to the failure of regional peace talks, notably the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes.

Rwanda has leveraged the legacy of the 1994 genocide to secure a continuous flow of Western aid, enabling its involvement in proxy wars in the Congo with little to no repercussions.

Its involvement in supporting M23 is well documented, with evidence from reports by UN expert groups showing the group is receiving weapons, troops and logistical aid from the country.

Uganda is also believed to be supporting the rebels, while Burundi is backing the Congolese government.

This has many worried the current fighting could spiral into a regional conflict.

What the world can do

The ongoing crisis in Congo has been catastrophic for the local population, with more than 6.9 million people internally displaced and 1.1 million people fleeing to neighbouring countries.

The crisis has disproportionately affected women and children. It has caused shortages of water, electricity and food supplies and the collapse of medical care, particularly for newborns and critically ill patients. There are also concerns about a new Ebola outbreak in the region.

Rebel bombings, some launched from Rwanda, have targeted refugee camps, schools and hospitals. According to the UN and human rights groups, M23 is responsible for a massacre in the village of Kishishe, resulting in scores of killings and mass rapes.

The international community has long ignored this region, providing only a bare minimum of aid to help the millions in need.

An immediate ceasefire and massive influx of humanitarian aid are urgently needed. But a lasting peace will remain elusive if the main actors don’t address the root causes of the conflict and work towards sustainable, structural solutions that go beyond military interventions.

In the past, Amani Kasherwa received funding from the Open Society Foundation for his academic research on the role of youth organisations in the peacebuilding process in the African Great Lakes Region (including DR Congo and Burundi).

ref. Rebels are continuing their march in eastern Congo – what is their long-term goal? – https://theconversation.com/rebels-are-continuing-their-march-in-eastern-congo-what-is-their-long-term-goal-248672

Misleading and false election ads are legal in Australia. We need national truth in political advertising laws

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yee-Fui Ng, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Monash University

An ad falsely depicting independent candidate Alex Dyson as a Greens member. ABC News/Supplied

The highly pertinent case of a little-known independent candidate in the Victorian seat of Wannon has exposed a gaping hole in Australia’s electoral laws, which allow for misleading political advertisements in the lead-up to an election campaign. It’s all entirely legal and is already being exploited to try to shape the outcome of the coming federal election.

Conservative activist group Advance Australia has widely distributed digitally altered flyers attacking independent Alex Dyson, who is challenging senior frontbencher Dan Tehan.

It’s part of a campaign to damage Dyson’s electoral prospects after he helped slash the Liberal Party’s margin in the seat at the last election to less than 4%.

The material depicts Dyson ripping open his shirt in a “Superman” pose, to reveal a t-shirt bearing the official Greens party logo.

Dyson is not a Greens candidate. So why are the ads permissible? And what does it tell us about the urgent need for truth in political advertising laws to prohibit material that lies to voters?

Why are misleading ads allowed?

Section 329 of the Electoral Act prohibits the publication of material likely to mislead or deceive an elector in casting their vote.

But in a narrow interpretation by the Electoral Commission, the ban only applies after an election has been called by the prime minister.

That means the Wannon ad, and maybe countless others like them from across the political spectrum, could be distributed for months without repercussion.

Advance Australia has form when it comes to misleading material.

At the 2022 election, it displayed placards that falsely depicted independents David Pocock and Zali Steggall as Greens candidates.

In that case, the Electoral Commission ruled that because the corflutes were deployed during the campaign proper, they breached the electoral laws.

It is absurd and dangerous to democracy to have a law that only bans ads that mislead voters in casting their vote during the official election period, and allows them to proliferate unchecked at other times.

It should not be permissible to lie to voters just because of a technicality. In an era of permanent campaigning, voters can be influenced by political messages received well before a campaign officially starts.

Furthermore, there is little justification for allowing political parties to mislead while banning corporations from engaging in misleading and deceptive conduct. If consumers and shareholders are protected from fraudulent and dishonest claims, why not electors, who have the solemn task of deciding who runs the country?

How can the electoral laws be fixed?

There are available remedies to the problem, starting with reforming the Electoral Act. It should be clearly specified that the provision on misleading electors applies to any material calculated to affect the result of an election, regardless of when it is distributed.

Broader truth in political advertising provisions should also be introduced. This would cover a wider range of factually misleading ads beyond the existing narrow ambit of misleading a voter in the casting of their vote.

If the Electoral Commission determines the material is false or misleading to a material extent, it would order a withdrawal and a retraction.

Importantly, the laws would be confined to false or misleading statements of fact. Parties and other political players would still be free to express their opinions. Freedom of speech would not be impeded.

Parliamentary stalemate

The Albanese government has taken tentative steps to fix the problem. Truth in advertising laws introduced to parliament last year would have forced Advance Australia to retract and correct its dishonest flyers in Wannon.

However, the bill was pulled due to a lack of support.

Any doubters on the opposition benches should look to the experience in South Australia and the ACT, which have both enacted truth in advertising laws.

My research has shown these laws operate effectively in both jurisdictions.

What’s at stake

Spreading political lies has the potential to cause harm on multiple fronts.

The first is the damage to the candidate or political party in terms of their reputation and electoral prospects.

The second danger is to the integrity of the electoral process if lies cause people to switch their votes to such an extent that it changes election outcomes.

The spread of disinformation has become prevalent in an era of “fake news” and “alternative facts”, exacerbated by the rise of social media.

In 2024, the World Economic Forum’s Global Risks Report ranked misinformation and disinformation as the most severe risk facing the world over the next two years.

False information can alter elections, affect voting participation, silence minorities, and polarise the electorate. It is time to reform our electoral laws to mitigate the significant dangers to our democratic system.

Yee-Fui Ng received funding from the Susan McKinnon Foundation on a project regarding the operation and effectiveness of truth in political advertising laws.

ref. Misleading and false election ads are legal in Australia. We need national truth in political advertising laws – https://theconversation.com/misleading-and-false-election-ads-are-legal-in-australia-we-need-national-truth-in-political-advertising-laws-249279

Are eggs good or bad for our health?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Ball, Professor of Community Health and Wellbeing, The University of Queensland

Nik/Unsplash

You might have heard that eating too many eggs will cause high cholesterol levels, leading to poor health.

Researchers have examined the science behind this myth again, and again, and again – largely debunking the claim.

A new study suggests that, among older adults, eating eggs supports heart health and even reduces the risk of premature death.

Let’s unpack the details.

What was the study?

Researchers examined data from a large, ongoing study that is following older adults and tracking their health (the ASPREE study).

In their analysis of more than 8,000 people, they examined the foods people usually eat and then looked at how many participants died over a six-year period and from what causes, using medical records and official reports.

Researchers collected information on their diet through a food questionnaire, which included a question about how frequently participants ate eggs in the past year:

  • never/infrequently (rarely or never, 1–2 times per month)
  • weekly (1–6 times per week)
  • daily (daily or several times per day).

Overall, people who consumed eggs 1–6 times per week had the lowest risk of death during the study period (29% lower for heart disease deaths and 17% lower for overall deaths) compared to those who rarely or never ate eggs.

Eating eggs daily did not increase the risk of death either.

How reputable is the study?

The research was published in a peer-reviewed journal, meaning this work has been examined by other researchers and is considered reputable and defensible.

Study participants reported their egg intake on an questionnaire.
Sincerely Media/unsplash

In the analysis, factors such as socioeconomic, demographic, health-related and clinical factors, and overall dietary quality were “adjusted” for, as these factors can play a role in disease and the risk of early death.

Researchers received funding from a variety of national funding grants in the United States and Australia, with no links to commercial sources.

What are the limitations of this study?

Due to the type of study, it only explored egg consumption patterns, which participants self-reported. The researchers didn’t collect data about the type of egg (for example, chicken or quail), how it was prepared, or how many eggs are consumed when eaten.

This analysis specifically looked for an association or link between egg consumption and death. Additional analyses are needed to understand how egg consumption may affect other aspects of health and wellbeing.

Lastly, the population sample of older adults were relatively healthy, limiting how much findings can be applied to older adults with special needs or medical conditions.

The study didn’t look at the type of eggs or serving sizes.
Jakub Kapusnak/Unsplash

What is ASPREE?

ASPREE (ASPirin in Reducing Events in the Elderly) is an ongoing, large, randomised, placebo-controlled clinical trial involving more 19,000 participants in Australia and the US. This means some people in the trial were given an intervention and others weren’t but neither the participants nor the researchers knew who received the “placebo”, or dummy treatment.

ASPREE started in 2010 to investigate whether low-dose aspirin (100 micrograms daily) could help prolong older adults’ health and lifespan, specifically by preventing heart disease and stroke. The first findings were published in 2018.

One of the fundamental conclusions of the ASPREE trial was there was no benefit from taking aspirin to prevent cardiovascular disease (heart disease or stroke).

ASPREE is still ongoing as a longitudinal study, which means it provides information on other aspects of healthy living and long-term outcomes in older adults – in this case, the link between egg intake and the chance of death.

Why the focus on eggs?

Eggs are a good source of protein, and contain B vitamins, folate, unsaturated fatty acids, fat-soluble vitamins (A, D, E and K), choline, and minerals.

The fuss over eggs comes down to their cholesterol content and how it relates to heart disease risk. A large egg yolk contains approximately 275 mg of cholesterol — near the recommended daily limit of cholesterol intake.

In the past, medical professionals warned that eating cholesterol-rich foods such as eggs could raise blood cholesterol and increase heart disease risk.

But newer research shows the body doesn’t absorb dietary cholesterol well, so dietary cholesterol doesn’t have a major effect on blood cholesterol levels.

Rather, foods such as saturated and trans fats play a major role in cholesterol levels.

The body doesn’t absorb the cholesterol from eggs very well.
Nichiiro/Unsplash

Given these changing recommendations over time, and the nuances of nutrition science, it’s understandable that research on eggs continues.

What does this mean for me?

Whether you prefer boiled, scrambled, poached, baked or fried, eggs provide a satisfying source of protein and other key nutrients.

While the science is still out, there’s no reason to limit egg intake unless specifically advised by a recognised health professional such as an accredited practising dietitian. As always, moderation is key.

Lauren Ball receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Queensland Health and Mater Misericordia. She is a Director of Dietitians Australia, a Director of Food Standards Australia and New Zealand, a Director of the Darling Downs and West Moreton Primary Health Network and an Associate Member of the Australian Academy of Health and Medical Sciences.

Karly Bartim is a member of Dietitians Australia and the Australian Association of Gerontology and is an Accredited Practising Dietitian.

ref. Are eggs good or bad for our health? – https://theconversation.com/are-eggs-good-or-bad-for-our-health-249168

What is botulism? How this ‘nerve-paralysing illness’ can be linked to dodgy botox

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thomas Jeffries, Senior Lecturer in Microbiology, Western Sydney University

Tijana Simic/Shutterstock

The news last week that three people in Sydney were hospitalised with botulism after receiving botox injections has raised questions about the regulation of the cosmetic injectables industry.

The three women allegedly received injections of unregulated anti-wrinkle products from the same provider at a Western Sydney home in January.

The provider, who is not a registered health practitioner, is allegedly also linked to a case of botulism that occurred following a botox injection in Victoria in 2024.

The provider has been banned from performing cosmetic procedures in New South Wales and Victoria while the incidents are investigated. Meanwhile, health authorities in both states have issued warnings about the practitioner.

So, what exactly is botulism? And how can it be linked to botox?

Botox and botulism

Botox, or botulinum toxin, is a drug made from a toxin produced by the bacterium Clostridium botulinum.

The botox toxin is a neurotoxin, which means it prevents the functioning of cells in the central nervous system. Specifically, it blocks the messages your nerves send to your muscles telling them to contract. In this way it can temporarily reduce wrinkles.

While botox is best known for its cosmetic applications, it can also be used in the treatment of certain medical conditions, such as chronic migraines and muscle spasms.

The toxin is used in a highly diluted form in botox injections. Notwithstanding the possibility of side effects (such as temporary pain and swelling at the injection site), botox is generally considered safe when conducted by licensed health practitioners.

Botulism is likewise caused by a toxin produced by the bacteria C. botulinum.

Instances of botulism linked to botox injections in the past have been attributed to counterfeit or mishandled product. Mishandling might include contamination from the toxin source in the diluted product, leading to a higher dose of the toxin, or improper refrigeration. Poor injection technique can also be a factor.

When the botulinum toxin is not handled properly, the toxin can enter the bloodstream. This is how botulism occurs.

Botulism can also be a food-borne illness

C. botulinum can form spores and survive in tough conditions, meaning it can withstand many food preparation techniques.

People who consume homemade preserved foods such as vegetables, particularly those that are not cooked during preparation, can be at a higher risk of food-borne botulism. Lower levels of salt and acid, as is the case with mild fermentation, can also increase the risk of the toxin being present.

Mason jars containing home-made foods lined up on a shelf.
Botulism can be picked up from food.
Dale Jackson/Pexels

C. botulinum can also survive in soil and water. In this way, botulism can also be caused by bacteria from the environment. This can present as wound infections, or intestinal infection with C. botulinum in infants specifically.

Intravenous drug users are at a higher risk of wound-borne botulism, while infants tend to suffer from gastrointestinal botulism because their gut microbiomes are still developing.

It’s extremely rare

Botulism is very unusual, with generally only about one case reported annually in Australia.

However it’s very serious. It’s commonly referred to as a nerve-paralysing illness.

Symptoms can develop within a few hours to several days after exposure to the toxin, and include drooping eyelids, difficulty breathing, facial weakness, blurred vision, difficulty swallowing and slurred speech. In infants it can cause floppy limbs and a weak cry.

It’s treated by supporting breathing if necessary, and urgently administering a botox antitoxin, which binds to the toxin, preventing it from attaching to nerve cells in the body.

Usually patients recover, although in some cases they may need to be in hospital for months, and sometimes symptoms such as fatigue and trouble breathing can last years.

Botulism is fatal in 5–10% of cases.

A person lying in a hospital bed.
Botulism is a serious illness.
Jason Grant/Shutterstock

Is there anything people can do to stay safe?

The cosmetic injectables industry is estimated to be worth A$4.1 billion in Australia and forecast to grow by almost 20% annually until 2030. These recent incidents in NSW and Victoria highlight the need for stronger regulation in this booming industry.

If you’re considering a cosmetic botox injection, make sure it’s administered by a trusted professional, ideally someone registered with the Australian Health Practitioner Regulation Agency.

Asking your practitioner about the injectable they’re using, and ensuring the specific product is registered with the Therapeutic Goods Administration, can further limit any risk associated with botox procedures.

If you make your own preserved foods, careful food production techniques and hygiene, as well as the addition of fermentation, acid, salt or heat treatment can limit the risk of food-borne botulism.

The Conversation

Thomas Jeffries does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is botulism? How this ‘nerve-paralysing illness’ can be linked to dodgy botox – https://theconversation.com/what-is-botulism-how-this-nerve-paralysing-illness-can-be-linked-to-dodgy-botox-248765

Taking the ‘forever’ out of ‘forever chemicals’: we worked out how to destroy the PFAS in batteries

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jens Blotevogel, Principal Research Scientist and Team Leader for Remediation Technologies, CSIRO

Mino Surkala, Shutterstock

Lithium-ion batteries are part of everyday life. They power small rechargeable devices such as mobile phones and laptops. They enable electric vehicles. And larger versions store excess renewable energy for later use, supporting the clean energy transition.

Australia produces more than 3,000 tonnes of lithium-ion battery waste a year. Managing this waste is a technical, economic and social challenge. Opportunities exist for recycling and creating a circular economy for batteries. But they come with risk.

That’s because lithium-ion batteries contain manufactured chemicals such as PFAS, or per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances. The chemicals carry the lithium – along with electricity – through the battery. If released into the environment, they can linger for decades and likely longer. This is why they’ve been dubbed “forever chemicals”.

Recently, scientists identified a new type of PFAS known as bis-FASIs (short for bis-perfluoroalkyl sulfonimides) in lithium-ion batteries and in the environment. Bis-FASIs have since been detected in soils and waters worldwide. They are toxic – just one drop in an Olympic-size swimming pool can harm the nervous system of animals. Scientists don’t know much about possible effects on humans yet.

Bis-FASIs in lithium-ion batteries present a major obstacle to recycling or disposing of batteries safely. Fortunately, we may have come up with a way to fix this.

There’s value in our battery wastes

Currently, Australia only recycles about 10% of its battery waste. The rest is sent to landfill.

But landfill sites could leak eventually. That means disposal of battery waste in landfill may lead to soil and groundwater contamination.

We can’t throw away lithium-ion batteries in household rubbish because they can catch fire.

So once batteries reach the end of useful life, we must handle them in a way that protects the environment and human health.

What’s more, there’s real value in battery waste. Lithium-ion batteries contain lots of valuable metals that are worth recycling. Lithium, cobalt, copper and nickel are critical and finite metal resources that are in high demand. The recoverable metal value from one tonne of lithium-ion battery waste is between A$3,000 and $14,000.

As more lithium-ion batteries explode in flames, waste chiefs say change is necessary (7.30)

What does this mean for recycling of batteries?

Battery recycling in Australia begins with collection, sorting, discharging and dismantling, before the metal is recovered.

Metal recovery can be done via mechanical, high-temperature, chemical or biological methods. But this may inadvertently release bis-FASI, threatening recycling workers and the environment.

Pyrometallurgy is the most common technique for recycling lithium-ion batteries. This involves incinerating the batteries to recover the metals. Bis-FASIs are incinerated at the same time.

Yet PFAS chemicals are stable and can withstand high temperatures. The exact temperature needed to destroy PFAS is the biggest unknown in lithium-ion battery recycling.

Determining this temperature was the focus of our research.

The solution is hot – very hot!

We teamed up with chemistry professor Anthony Rappé at Colorado State University in the United States. We wanted to work out the temperature at which bis-FASIs can be effectively incinerated.

But figuring this out is tricky, not only because of the danger of working with high temperatures.

The inside of incinerators is a hot mess. Molecules get torn apart. Some recombine to form larger molecules, and others interact with ashes produced during the burning process. This could produce toxic new substances, which then exit through a smokestack into the air outside.

Close up of dense white smoke coming out of an industrial factory chimney against a blue sky background.
We don’t want PFAS going out through the smokestack.
HJBC, Shutterstock

To make matters worse, it’s not possible to measure all the substances that bis-FASIs break down into, because many of them are unknown.

To help, we applied the science of quantum mechanics and solved the problem on a computer without ever going into the lab. The computer can accurately simulate the behaviour of any molecules, including bis-FASIs.

We found that at 600°C, bis-FASI molecules start to separate into smaller fragments. But these fragments are still PFAS chemicals and could be more harmful than their parent chemicals.

As a consequence, the absence of bis-FASIs in stack exhaust is not enough to deem the process safe. Much higher temperatures of 1,000°C and above are needed to break down bis-FASIs completely into harmless products. This is likely to be much higher than temperatures currently used, although that varies between facilities.

Based on these findings, we built an innovative model that guides recyclers on how to destroy bis-FASIs during metal recovery by using sufficiently high temperatures.

How do we avoid future risks?

We are now collaborating with operators of high-temperature metal recovery and incineration plants to use our model to destroy PFAS in batteries.

Recycling plants will have to use much higher temperatures to avoid problematic fumes and this will require more energy and financial investment.

After our new guidance is implemented, we will test the recovered metals, solid residues, and exhausts to ensure they are free from PFAS.

While we can tackle the PFAS problem now, it remains an expensive undertaking. Metal recovery processes must be upgraded to safely destroy bis-FASIs. Ultimately, consumers are likely to foot the bill.

However, sending lithium-ion battery waste to landfill will damage the environment and be more expensive in the long run. Landfilling of bis-FASI-containing waste should therefore be avoided.

Clearly, the battery recycling rate must improve. This is where everyday people can help. In the future, manufacturers should avoid using forever chemicals in batteries altogether. Development of safer alternatives is a key focus of ongoing research into sustainable battery design.

The Conversation

Jens Blotevogel receives funding from the United States Department of Defense’s Strategic Environmental Research and Development Program.

Naomi Boxall receives funding from the Australian Government under the National Environmental Science Program.

ref. Taking the ‘forever’ out of ‘forever chemicals’: we worked out how to destroy the PFAS in batteries – https://theconversation.com/taking-the-forever-out-of-forever-chemicals-we-worked-out-how-to-destroy-the-pfas-in-batteries-242769

Belle Gibson built a ‘wellness’ empire on a lie about cancer. Apple Cider Vinegar expertly unravels her con

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Edith Jennifer Hill, Associate Lecturer, Learning & Teaching Innovation, Flinders University

Netflix

Netflix’s new limited series, Apple Cider Vinegar, tells the story of the elaborate cancer con orchestrated by Australian blogger Annabelle (Belle) Gibson.

The first episode opens with Gibson’s character (played by Kaitlyn Dever) breaking the wall between the performance and the audience, saying:

This is a true story based on a lie. Some names have been changed to protect the innocent. Belle Gibson has not been paid for the recreation of her story.

And from these first few seconds, we know, Gibson herself is not innocent.

A familiar story

For anyone who followed Gibson during her rise to fame in the 2010s – or her spectacular fall – the show feels eerily familiar.

From the clothing, to the makeup, to the food, Apple Cider Vinegar excels in set design and staging. Every effort has been made to ensure this true story, based on a lie, looks like it did when it was unfolding on our phone screens in 2010s.

As someone who followed Gibson closely and spent months hunting down the recalled cookbook to see if the health claims were as outlandish as I’d heard (they were), this show was a treat to watch.

The scenes are cut with recreations of Belle’s stylised Instagram pictures of green juices, beaches and food with “no nasties”. Belle’s account was removed from Instagram after the massive public ousting of her hoax.

Apple Cider Vinegar has done an incredible job recreating this account and breathing life back into the deleted content.

Even after being caught out, the real Gibson claimed ‘unscrupulous natural therapists duped her into believing she was dying’, according to 60 Minutes.
Netflix

The cancer con

While the core story of Apple Cider Vinegar is unpacking Gibson’s lies and path to destruction, it also shows us a very real and heartbreaking side to cancer.

Other prominent characters include fellow influencer, Milla Blake (played by Alycia Debnam-Carey) and follower Lucy (played by Tilda Cobham-Harvey). Both of these women are battling cancer. We learn about their relationships with Gibson and how her lies so easily bled into their lives.

We witness how alluring Gibson’s lies were for people who were desperately looking to feel “well”. We understand her magnetism, and just as easily to feel the rage of the families who watched as their loved ones deteriorated. In the words of Lucy’s partner:

I’m not letting some influencer with a nose ring undercut years of medical research.

Apple Cider Vinegar demonstrates how one can be taken down a path of cancer treatment quackery. The allure of alternative medicine is presented compellingly when contrasted with the painful realities of traditional cancer treatment.

Milla, suffering from an aggressive form of cancer, seeks out alternative options after doctors recommend an amputation. She says:

I didn’t know the words to describe the rage I felt when the doctors looked at my body and only saw disease.

While holistic approaches to many diseases can be helpful when combined with traditional treatment, Apple Cider Vinegar illustrates how toxic it can be to “moralise” health.

When people assign moral properties to neutral health conditions such as cancer, AIDS or COVID, this can lead to stigmatisation and feelings of being “bad”. Some characters in the show talk about how their behaviours led them to sickness and how “healthy” actions would save them (rather than medical treatment).

The show also regularly uses language that is prominent in online health communities, such as referring to certain foods as “good” or “toxic”. In one scene, we see a character fall into a panic and call a holistic health professional after her parent takes a pain killer.

The real story

Apple Cider Vinegar is based on the book The Woman Who Fooled the World by Beau Donelly and Nick Toscano, two journalists who were instrumental in uncovering Gibson’s lies.

Creator Samantha Strauss crafts this story expertly. We see Gibson’s story from all sides. We feel sympathy for her – for her childhood and loneliness – before being put in the shoes of someone whose partner is dying because they followed Gibson’s advice.

Some characters and scenes have clearly been fabricated, such as when Gibson claims to see a doctor named “Dr Phil”. But these fabrications seem acceptable, because we are told from the beginning that’s what this show would do: create and fictionalise some characters.

Other scenes feel very real. The character Milla Blake, a fellow influencer, is heavily inspired by the real woman who died in 2015 from epithelioid sarcoma.

She made a platform online by sharing how she rejected traditional cancer treatment in favour of alternative treatments (Gerson therapy). Like Belle, she was a part of the inspirational speaking and author circuit at the time.

Alycia Debnam-Carey (left) plays Milla Blake, a character based on a real woman who died from epithelioid sarcoma in 2015.
Netflix

In their book The Woman Who Fooled the World, Donelly and Toscano speculate about how Belle got close to this influencer (to follow her pattern of success online) and to other cancer patients, including a young boy and his family (to mimic symptoms and appear more authentic).

Apple Cider Vinegar shows us hints of this behaviour. We see Belle begin to mimic the language of other people sharing their experiences with cancer and act in similar ways.

Whether or not you are already familiar Gibson’s story, Apple Cider Vinegar is a compelling watch. You’ll especially love it if you enjoy non-fiction productions that play with ideas of truth such as iTonya, the Tinder Swindler and Inventing Anna.

Apple Cider Vinegar is streaming now on Netflix.

The Conversation

Edith Jennifer Hill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Belle Gibson built a ‘wellness’ empire on a lie about cancer. Apple Cider Vinegar expertly unravels her con – https://theconversation.com/belle-gibson-built-a-wellness-empire-on-a-lie-about-cancer-apple-cider-vinegar-expertly-unravels-her-con-248999

An ‘earthquake swarm’ is shaking Santorini. It could persist for months

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dee Ninis, Earthquake Scientist, Monash University

Greece’s government has just declared a state of emergency on the island of Santorini, as earthquakes shake the island multiple times a day and sometimes only minutes apart.

The “earthquake swarm” is also affecting other nearby islands in the Aegean Sea. It began gradually with numerous very minor (less than magnitude 3) and mostly imperceptible earthquakes in late January. However, at the start of February, the seismic activity intensified as the quakes became larger and more frequent.

So far, several thousand quakes have been recorded in the last two weeks. As many as 30 a day have been above magnitude 4.0 – most of them at less than 10km depth, which is large and shallow enough to be felt by people living on local islands.

These larger earthquakes have resulted in rock falls along the islands’ coastal cliffs, as well as minor damage to vulnerable buildings. The largest earthquake so far was magnitude 5.1 on February 6, which was also felt in the capital city, Athens, as well as in Crete and in parts of Turkey more than 240km away.

Usually a popular tourist destination, Santorini is now virtually empty. Over the past week, some 11,000 holidaymakers and locals have left the island, with many fearing the seismic activity may presage a volcanic eruption.

So how exactly does an “earthquake swarm” happen? And what might happen in the coming days and weeks?

No stranger to earthquakes

This area of the world is no stranger to earthquakes. Greece is one of the most seismically active regions in Europe.

The current seismic activity is located near Anydros, an uninhabited islet about 30km northeast of Santorini. This region lies within the volcanic arc of the “Hellenic subduction zone”, where the African tectonic plate is slowly sliding beneath the Eurasian plate (and specifically the Aegean microplate). The region hosts volcanoes as well as numerous weak zones in the crust – what earth scientists often call “faults”.

Santorini itself is a mostly submerged caldera – a crater formed as a result of volcanic activity over the past 180,000 years, with its last eruption in the 1950s. Earthquakes can be connected to volcanic activity – specifically, the movement of magma beneath the surface.

However, this earthquake sequence is not located beneath Santorini. And local scientists monitoring Santorini have reported no change to indicate the current seismic activity is a forerunner of another Santorini eruption. Instead, the earthquakes appear to align with faults lying between Santorini and the neighbouring island Amorgos.

Nearby faults are known to have produced earthquakes before. For example, in 1956, a 7.8 magnitude earthquake here also produced a damaging tsunami and was soon followed by a magnitude 7.2 aftershock. More than 53 people died as a result of this earthquake and the aftershock and tsunami. Many more were injured.

Map of Aegean Sea region covered in purple and pink dots.
Earthquakes, shown as coloured circles, of the January-February 2025 Anydros swarm, near Santorini, Greece (Source: seismo.auth.gr) and known active faults, depicted as black lines (Source: https://zenodo.org/records/13168947).
Dee Ninis & Konstantinos Michailos

No single stand-out event

Tectonic earthquakes occur when accumulating stress in Earth’s crust is suddenly released, causing a rupture along a fault and releasing energy in the form of seismic waves.

Typically, moderate to major earthquakes (known as mainshocks) are followed by smaller quakes (known as aftershocks) that gradually diminish in magnitude and frequency over time. This is what seismologists call the mainshock–aftershock sequence.

Some sequences behave differently and do not exhibit a single stand-out event. Instead, they involve multiple earthquakes of a similar size that take place over days, weeks, or even months. These types of sequences are what seismologists call “earthquake swarms”.

The 1956 earthquake was a mainshock–aftershock sequence, with aftershocks lasting at least eight months after the mainshock. However, the current ongoing seismic activity near Santorini, at least as of February 7, features thousands of earthquakes, many with magnitudes ranging between 4.0 and 5.0.

This suggests it is most likely an earthquake swarm.

Earthquake swarms are often associated with fluid movement in the earth’s crust and the resulting seismic activity is usually less dramatic than the sudden movement of a strong mainshock.

Seismologists are interested in distinguishing between mainshock–aftershock sequences and earthquake swarms as it can help them better understand the processes that drive these phenomena.

A larger quake is still possible

We cannot predict exactly what will come from the earthquake activity near Santorini. Global observations of earthquakes tell us that only a small fraction (about 5%) of earthquakes are foreshocks to larger earthquakes.

That said, there could still be a possibility that a larger and potentially damaging earthquake could occur there soon.

Although swarms typically involve earthquakes of lower magnitudes, they can last for days to weeks, or persist for months. They can even slow down, and then intensify again, unsettling locals with intermittent ground shaking.

The Conversation

Dee Ninis works at the Seismology Research Centre, is Vice President of the Australian Earthquake Engineering Society, and a Committee Member for the Geological Society of Australia – Victoria Division.

Konstantinos Michailos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. An ‘earthquake swarm’ is shaking Santorini. It could persist for months – https://theconversation.com/an-earthquake-swarm-is-shaking-santorini-it-could-persist-for-months-249278

WA Labor has thumping Newspoll lead a month before election; federal Labor improves

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

The Western Australian state election will be held on March 8. A Newspoll, conducted January 29 to February 4 from a sample of 1,039, gave Labor a 56–44 lead, from primary votes of 42% Labor, 32% Liberals, 3% Nationals, 12% Greens, 4% One Nation and 7% for all Others.

At the March 2021 WA election, Labor won 53 of the 59 lower house seats on a two-party vote of 69.7–30.3, a record high for either major party at any state or federal election. Labor won 59.9% of the primary vote.

A 56–44 result in Labor’s favour would still be a thumping victory, but it would represent a 14% swing to the Liberals from 2021. Labor will lose many seats, but they are very likely to easily retain a lower house majority.

Labor Premier Roger Cook had a net approval of +18, with 55% satisfied and 37% dissatisfied. Liberal leader Libby Mettam had a net approval of -2, with 41% dissatisfied and 39% satisfied. Cook led Mettam as better premier by 54–34.

While this Newspoll is very good for state Labor, only 35% of WA voters said the Anthony Albanese federal Labor government deserved to be re-elected, while 50% said it was “time to give someone else a go”.

Federal Essential poll: Coalition remains ahead on respondent preferences

A national Essential poll, conducted January 29 to February 2 from a sample of 1,150, gave the Coalition a 49–47 lead by respondent preferences including undecided (48–47 in mid-January). The Coalition has led by one or two points in the past four Essential polls.

Primary votes were 36% Coalition (down one), 30% Labor (steady), 12% Greens (steady), 8% One Nation (up one), 1% UAP (down one), 9% for all Others (up two) and 4% undecided (down one). These primary votes imply a Labor lead by about 50.5–49.5 by 2022 election preference flows.

The poll graph below includes the latest polls from Essential and Morgan, but not the DemosAU poll. In the last two weeks, the Morgan poll has trended to Labor, with Labor’s two-party share using 2022 flows increasing from 48% to 50.5%.

On action to combat antisemitism, 9% thought the government was doing too much, 30% said it was doing enough and 43% believed it was not doing enough. On the importance of antisemitism, 40% said it was a major issue, 48% a minor issue and 12% not an issue. Issue salience will be greatly overstated by questions that ask about one issue; it’s best to ask about various issues.

By 37–31, respondents supported tax discounts of $20,000 for small businesses to pay for meals and entertainment for staff and clients. The question did not mention that this idea was proposed by Opposition Leader Peter Dutton.

By 77–16, voters thought there should be laws requiring equal salaries for men and women in the same position, but by 49–45 they said gender equality has come far enough already. On social and economic inequality, 57% (down two since May 2024) thought it is increasing, 29% (up three) staying about the same and 10% (up one) decreasing.

Core inflation dropped in December quarter

The Australian Bureau of Statistics released inflation data for the December quarter on January 29. Headline inflation was up 0.2% in December, unchanged from the September quarter, with annual inflation down from 2.8% to 2.4%. The peak annual inflation was 7.8% in December 2022.

Core (trimmed mean) inflation increased 0.5% in December, down from 0.8% in September, for an annual rate of 3.2%, down from 3.6% in September. Annual core inflation peaked at 6.8% in December 2022.

The ABC’s report said financial markets thought there was now a 90% chance of an interest rate cut when the Reserve Bank board meets on February 17–18. A rate cut would be good news for the government.

Morgan and DemosAU polls are tied

A national Morgan poll, conducted January 27 to February 2 from a sample of 1,694, had a 50–50 tie by headline respondent preferences, a two-point gain for Labor since the previous poll. This is the first time the Coalition has not led in a Morgan poll since late November.

Primary votes were 38.5% Coalition (down two), 30% Labor (up 0.5), 11.5% Greens (steady), 5.5% One Nation (down 0.5), 10.5% independents (up 1.5) and 4% others (up 0.5). By 2022 election flows, Labor led by 50.5–49.5, a 1.5-point gain for Labor.

The previous Morgan poll, conducted January 20–26 from a sample of 1,567, gave the Coalition a 52–48 lead by respondent preferences, unchanged from the January 13–19 poll.

Primary votes were 40.5% Coalition (down 1.5), 29.5% Labor (up one), 11.5% Greens (down 1.5), 6% One Nation (up two), 9% independents (up 0.5) and 3.5% others (down 0.5). By 2022 election flows, the Coalition led by 51–49, a one-point gain for Labor.

A DemosAU national poll, conducted January 28 to February 1 from a sample of 1,238, had a 50–50 tie, unchanged since November. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (steady), 33% Labor (up one), 12% Greens (steady), 7% One Nation (steady) and 10% for all Others (down one).

DemosAU is using 2022 election flows for its polls. The primary votes would be expected to give Labor a 51–49 lead, so rounding probably contributed to the tie.

Freshwater breakdowns of young men and young women

The Financial Review had breakdowns of voting intentions and other questions from the last three national Freshwater polls on January 28. These polls were conducted from November to January from an overall sample of 3,160. This analysis focused on differences between men and women aged 18–34.

Among young women, Labor and the Greens each had 32% of the primary vote, while the Coalition was at just 25%. Among young men, Labor had 36%, the Coalition 32% and the Greens 20%. I estimate young women would vote Labor by about 65–35 and young men by 59–41 after preferences.

While there is a difference between young men and women, Labor would easily win the overall youth vote in this poll. Labor’s problems in the overall polls are due to older voters skewing to the Coalition.

Young women preferred Albanese as PM to Dutton by 58–27, while young men preferred Albanese by 55–37. With young women, Albanese was at net -11 approval and Dutton at net -22. With young men, Albanese was at net +6 approval and Dutton at net -6. Young men were much more positive than young women about the direction of the country and the economy.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. WA Labor has thumping Newspoll lead a month before election; federal Labor improves – https://theconversation.com/wa-labor-has-thumping-newspoll-lead-a-month-before-election-federal-labor-improves-248437

‘A relentlessly dull world’ – the case for adding more colour to NZ’s grey prisons

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christine McCarthy, Senior Lecturer in Interior Architecture, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Interior of Auckland South Men’s Prison. Getty Images

Prisons are not colourful places. Typically, they are grey or some variation of a monochrome colour scheme. But increasingly, such a limited palette is being questioned for its impact on health and rehabilitation.

As the US journalist and broadcaster Michael Montgomery once wrote of the supermax unit of Pelican Bay prison in California:

I saw a relentlessly dull world; just concrete and steel […] The monochrome landscape seemed to permeate even the faces of the inmates here; men […] had a pasty, ghostly pallor. It was difficult to imagine any kind of sustained life here.

Prison greyness is partly due to the predominance of steel and concrete, especially in high- and maximum-security units. But the furniture and fixtures – tables, seats and toilets – are also often stainless-steel grey. In New Zealand, even sentenced prisoners’ clothing is grey.

One reason for this is the Department of Corrections’ concern about gang colours. New Zealand prisoners cannot keep any item of property with gang-related colours. These prohibitions can be zealously but inconsistently enforced.

As a prisoner once explained to me (when I was president of the Wellington Howard League), a calculator he used for correspondence classes was allowed in one unit but banned in another, simply because it had a blue strip on it.

Something similar was reported by the Prison Inspectorate in a 2019 report. In that case, staff withheld “black underwear containing small amounts of blue stitching. Staff confirmed this was their approach.”

Worlds without colour

Does colour matter in human environments? The answer appears to be yes. Examples include red increasing heart rates, blue and green creating calm, and yellow evoking hope. According to Australian researcher Thomas Edwards:

yellow may be appropriate in contexts where high motivation and a future-focus are required. By contrast, green and blue may be relevant to settings where low motivation, a present focus, and prosocial behaviours are favoured.

Colour can also help with legibility and way-finding, and differentiate surfaces to prevent trip hazards – an increasingly important factor as the prison population ages.

Other over-represented groups in prison can also benefit. For example, Israeli research published in 2022 concluded that soft natural colours and low contrast can improve environments for people with autism spectrum disorder.

Ultimately, a colourless world is not a good one. Grey and neutral colours reduce visual stimulation, demotivate, increase boredom and can lead to depression. Colour takes on particular importance for people who spend most or all of the day indoors, such as the prisoners in high- and maximum-security units.

Murals are on the wall in a prison unit with patterned tables.
Murals are on the wall and patterned tables in a Californian prison unit.
Getty Images

The need for variety

Colour has a graduated spectrum – there isn’t only one blue, for example. Tints, tones and shades add another level of complexity. Coloured surfaces are affected by their material and degree of sheen. Different combinations of colours and different light sources also affect how a colour looks and its likely impact on people.

This means there are many possible variants to consider. But most research is highly specific and the findings are rarely universally applicable. The impact of context, cultural differences, our personal preferences and colour associations can also be difficult to measure.

But this theoretical complexity shouldn’t prevent the use of more colour in prison architecture. Variety in colour, rather than the use of specific colours, is the fundamental change that is needed. Likewise, concerns about gang colours can be mitigated if pattern and colour combinations are astutely used.

In 2019, Edinburgh College of Art researchers led a project involving dementia patients, adding colour to corridors at the Royal Edinburgh Hospital. Multicoloured strips of block colours were painted on the white corridor walls to relieve the monotony of these spaces.

Fewer aggressive incidents between patients or with staff were reported after the project. The specific reason is unclear, but it appears better demarcation of spaces led to fewer patients congregating and causing conflict in circulation areas.

Another example at a semi-open prison in Bosnia saw prisoners painting diagonal lines on walls, creating triangles painted in different colours. Researchers concluded that “bright colours are recommended in the prison, with green and blue […] being the best rated because people perceive them as soothing, stimulating, pleasant and safe”.

Brighter futures

There are many other instances in healthcare settings throughout New Zealand where decals of photographic or other images have transformed walls, lifting the atmosphere of a space.

Increasing the amount of colour on a wall is an inexpensive way to improve prison environments for both staff and prisoners. It can easily create variety and relieve the tedium of otherwise indistinguishable spaces.

Housing prisoners in a dreary architecture of grey walls, grey furniture and people in grey jumpsuits must make it difficult for them to imagine and prepare for a positive future in the community.

This can be inferred from studies of prisoners in solitary confinement which have established that living in extremely monotonous environments can cause depression, paranoia, anxiety, aggression and self-harm.

The new expansion to Waikeria Prison, and its 100-bed mental health unit Hikitia, is an opportunity to significantly shift this attitude to prison interior architecture – but it shouldn’t stop there.

All prisons would benefit from replacing the typically monochromatic palette of prison architecture with something more colourful.

The Conversation

Christine McCarthy is a past President of the Wellington Howard League for Penal Reform (2018–20).

ref. ‘A relentlessly dull world’ – the case for adding more colour to NZ’s grey prisons – https://theconversation.com/a-relentlessly-dull-world-the-case-for-adding-more-colour-to-nzs-grey-prisons-248665

Gaza: we analysed a year of satellite images to map the scale of agricultural destruction

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lina Eklund, Associate Senior Lecturer, Lund University

Part of North Gaza in November 2023, and again in July 2024.

SkySat imagery © 2025/Planet Labs PBC

The ceasefire agreed between Israel and Hamas makes provisions for the passage of food and humanitarian aid into Gaza. This support is much needed given that Gaza’s agricultural system has been severely damaged over the course of the war.

Over the past 17 months we have analysed satellite images across the Gaza Strip to quantify the scale of agricultural destruction across the region. Our newly published research reveals not only the widespread extent of this destruction but also the potentially unprecedented pace at which it occurred. Our work covers the period until September 2024 but further data through to January 2025 is also available.

Before the war, tomatoes, peppers, cucumbers and strawberries were grown in open fields and greenhouses, and olive and citrus trees lined rows across the Gazan landscape. The trees in particular are an important cultural heritage in the region, and agriculture was a vital part of Gaza’s economy. About half of the food eaten there was produced in the territory itself, and food made up a similar portion of its exports.

By December 2023, only two months into the war, there were official warnings that the entire population of Gaza, more than 2 million people, was facing high levels of acute food insecurity. While that assessment was based on interviews and survey data, the level of agricultural damage across the whole landscape remained out of view.

Most olive and citrus trees are gone

To address this problem, we mapped the damage to tree crops – mostly olive and citrus trees – in Gaza each month over the course of the war up until September 2024. Together with our colleagues Dimah Habash and Mazin Qumsiyeh, we did this using very high-resolution satellite imagery, detailed enough to focus on individual trees.

We first visually identified tree crops with and without damage to “train” our computer program, or model, so it knew what to look for. We then ran the model on all the satellite data. We also looked over a sample of results ourselves to confirm it was accurate.

Our results showed that between 64% and 70% of all tree crop fields in Gaza had been damaged. That can either mean a few trees being destroyed, the whole field of trees completely removed, or anything in between. Most damage took place during the first few months of the war in autumn 2023. Exactly who destroyed these trees and why is beyond the scope of our research or expertise.

In some areas, every greenhouse is gone

As greenhouses look very different in satellite images, we used a separate method to map damage to them. We found over 4,000 had been damaged by September 2024, which is more than half of the total we had identified before the start of the war.

annotated map of Gaza
Greenhouses and the date of initial damage between October 2023 and September 2024.
Yin et al (2025)

In the south of the territory, where most greenhouses were found, the destruction was fairly steady from December 2023 onwards.

But in north Gaza and Gaza City, the two most northerly of the territory’s five governorates, most of the damage had already taken place by November and December 2023. By the end of our study period, all 578 greenhouses there had been destroyed.

North Gaza and Gaza City have also seen the most damage to tree crop fields. By September 2024, over 90% of all tree crops in Gaza City had been destroyed, and 73% had been lost in north Gaza. In the three southern governorates, Khan Younis, Deir al-Balah and Rafah, around 50% of all tree crops had been destroyed.

Agricultural damage is common in armed conflict, and has been documented with satellite analysis in Ukraine since the 2022 Russian invasion, in Syria and Iraq during the ISIS occupation in 2015, and in the Caucasus during the Chechen wars in the 1990s and 2000s.

The exact impact can differ from conflict to conflict. War may directly damage lands, as we have seen in Gaza, or it may lead to more fallow areas as infrastructure is damaged and farmers are forced to flee. A conflict also increases the need for local agricultural production, especially when food imports are restricted.

Our assessment shows a very high rate of direct and extensive damage to Gaza’s agricultural system, both compared to previous conflict escalations there in 2014 and 2021, and in other conflict settings. For example, during the July-August war in 2014, around 1,200 greenhouses were damaged in Gaza. This time round at least three times as many have been damaged.

Agricultural attacks are unlawful

Attacks on agricultural lands are prohibited under international law. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court from 1998 defines the intentional use of starvation of civilians through “depriving them of objects indispensable to their survival” as a war crime. The Geneva conventions further define such indispensable objects as “foodstuffs, agricultural areas for the production offoodstuffs, crops, livestock, drinking water installations and supplies and irrigation works”.

Our study provides transparent statistics on the extent and timing of damage to Gaza’s agricultural system. As well as documenting the impacts of the war, we hope it can help the massive rebuilding efforts that will be required.

Restoring Gaza’s agricultural system goes beyond clearing debris and rubble, and rebuilding greenhouses. The soils need to be cleaned from possible contamination. Sewage and irrigation infrastructure need to be rebuilt.

Such efforts may take a generation or more to complete. After all, olive and citrus trees can take five or more years to become productive, and 15 years to reach full maturity. After previous attacks on Gaza the trees were mostly replanted, and perhaps the same will happen again this time. But it’s for good reason they say that only people with hope for the future plant trees.

The Conversation

Lina Eklund receives funding from the Swedish National Space Agency and the Strategic Research Area: The Middle East in the Contemporary World (MECW) at the Centre for Advanced Middle Eastern Studies, Lund University, Sweden.

He Yin receives funding from NASA.

Jamon Van Den Hoek receives funding from NASA.

ref. Gaza: we analysed a year of satellite images to map the scale of agricultural destruction – https://theconversation.com/gaza-we-analysed-a-year-of-satellite-images-to-map-the-scale-of-agricultural-destruction-248796

Whalesong patterns follow a universal law of human language, new research finds

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jenny Allen, Postdoctoral research associate, Griffith University

A humpback whale mother and calf on the New Caledonian breeding grounds.

Mark Quintin

All known human languages display a surprising pattern: the most frequent word in a language is twice as frequent as the second most frequent, three times as frequent as the third, and so on. This is known as Zipf’s law.

Researchers have hunted for evidence of this pattern in communication among other species, but until now no other examples have been found.

In new research published today in Science, our team of experts in whale song, linguistics and developmental psychology analysed eight years’ of song recordings from humpback whales in New Caledonia. Led by Inbal Arnon from the Hebrew University, Ellen Garland from the University of St Andrews, and Simon Kirby from the University of Edinburgh, We used techniques inspired by the way human infants learn language to analyse humpback whale song.

We discovered that the same Zipfian pattern universally found across human languages also occurs in whale song. This complex signalling system, like human language, is culturally learned by each individual from others.

Learning like an infant

When infant humans are learning, they have to somehow discover where words start and end. Speech is continuous and does not come with gaps between words that they can use. So how do they break into language?

Thirty years of research has revealed that they do this by listening for sounds that are surprising in context: sounds within words are relatively predictable, but between words are relatively unpredictable. We analysed the whale song data using the same procedure.

Photo of a humpback whale breaching from the water.
A breaching humpback whale in New Caledonia.
Operation Cetaces

Unexpectedly, using this technique revealed in whale song the same statistical properties that are found in all languages. It turns out both human language and whale song have statistically coherent parts.

In other words, they both contain recurring parts where the transitions between elements are more predictable within the part. Moreover, these recurring sub-sequences we detected follow the Zipfian frequency distribution found across all human languages, and not found before in other species.

Whale song recording (2017)
Operation Cetaces916 KB (download)
A chart showing the different frequencies of sound in whale song.
Close analysis of whale song revealed statistical structures similar to those found in human language.
Operation Cetaces

How do the same statistical properties arise in two evolutionarily distant species that differ from one another in so many ways? We suggest we found these similarities because humans and whales share a learning mechanism: culture.

A cultural origin

Our findings raise an exciting question: why would such different systems in such incredibly distant species have common structures? We suggest the reason behind this is that both are culturally learned.

Cultural evolution inevitably leads to the emergence of properties that make learning easier. If a system is hard to learn, it will not survive to the next generation of learners.

There is growing evidence from experiments with humans that having statistically coherent parts, and having them follow a Zipfian distribution, makes learning easier. This suggests that learning and transmission play an important role in how these properties emerged in both human language and whale song.

So can we talk to whales now?

Finding parallel structures between whale song and human language may also lead to another question: can we talk to whales now? The short answer is no, not at all.

Our study does not examine the meaning behind whale song sequences. We have no idea what these segments might mean to the whales, if they mean anything at all.

Photo of whale backs and tails visible above the surface of the sea.
A competitive pod of humpback whales on the New Caledonian breeding grounds.
Operation Cetaces

It might help to think about it like instrumental music, as music also contains similar structures. A melody can be learned, repeated, and spread – but that doesn’t give meaning to the musical notes in the same way that individual words have meaning.

Next up: birdsong

Our work also makes a bold prediction: we should find this Zipfian distribution wherever complex communication is transmitted culturally. Humans and whales are not the only species that do this.

We find what is known as “vocal production learning” in an unusual range of species across the animal kingdom. Song birds in particular may provide the best place to look as many bird species culturally learn their songs, and unlike in whales, we know a lot about precisely how birds learn song.

Equally, we expect not to find these statistical properties in the communication of species that don’t transmit complex communication by learning. This will help to reveal whether cultural evolution is the common driver of these properties between humans and whales.

The Conversation

Ellen Garland received funding from the following grants for this work:
Royal Society University Research Fellowship (UF160081 and
URFR221020), Royal Society Research Fellows Enhancement
Award (RGFEA180213), Royal Society Research Grants for
Research Fellows 2018 (RGFR1181014), National Geographic
Grant (NGS-50654R-18), Carnegie Trust Research Incentive Grant
(RIG007772), British Ecological Society Small Research Grant
(SR18/1288), and School of Biology Research Committee funding.

Inbal Arnon, Jenny Allen, and Simon Kirby do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Whalesong patterns follow a universal law of human language, new research finds – https://theconversation.com/whalesong-patterns-follow-a-universal-law-of-human-language-new-research-finds-249271

The transformation of Jordan Mailata: from rugby league in Sydney to a second NFL Super Bowl

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Justin Keogh, Associate Dean of Research, Faculty of Health Sciences and Medicine, Bond University

Jordan Mailata is an Australian-born NFL star who plays for the Philadelphia Eagles as an offensive left tackle. This position favours very tall, heavy and strong athletes who also possess good footwork, agility and tactical awareness.

His main job is to protect his quarterback and provide gaps for his running backs to run through.

Mailata is one of four Australians to play in a Super Bowl, with the others being punters (kickers) Ben Graham, Arryn Siposs and Mitch Wishnowsky.

Unfortunately, no Australian has won the game that matters most every year but Mailata has a chance in his second Super Bowl, against the Kansas City Chiefs on Monday morning.

So, how did Mailata reach the pinnacle of his “new” sport?




Read more:
It’s the most American of sports, so why is the NFL looking to Melbourne for international games?


A rugby league giant

Mailata’s initial sporting success came in rugby league.

He played in the Canterbury Bankstown Bulldogs under-18 team and was offered a contract by the South Sydney Rabbitohs under-20 team. Both of these clubs are part of the elite National Rugby League (NRL) competition.

Mailata, who still hadn’t reached his 21st birthday when offered the Rabbitohs contract, stood out as a giant even in professional rugby league circles at 203cm and 147 kilograms.

But after fainting during a rugby league training session, he was diagnosed with a heart condition that required surgery. He then became even bigger, reportedly tipping the scales at close to 170kg.

Ultimately, this resulted in some of the South Sydney staff and sport agents suggesting American football might be a better option for someone of his stature and physical capacities.

Tranasferring his talent

This brings us to what is known as “talent transfer”.

In high-performance sport, talent transfer refers to a high-level athlete from one sport transferring to another based on their existing skills and physical capacities.

This can be done for a number of reasons, like injury, burnout, loss of interest, or, in the case of Mailata, finding another sport that would suit their physicality better.

Examples of talent transfer include sprinting to bobsleigh (Jana Pittman), rowing to cycling (Bridie O’Donnell and Rebecca Romero) or Sonny Bill Williams, who was highly successful at rugby league, rugby union and heavyweight boxing.

For talent transfer to be successful, there needs to be a lot of similarities between the two sports in areas such as skill requirements (kicking, passing, tackling), physical traits (height, mass) and physiological demands (aerobic vs anaerobic).

These similarities can allow athletes to capitalise on their previous training to succeed in their new sport faster and to a higher level than their competitors.

The similarities between American football and rugby (league and union) – such as catching and kicking an oval-shaped ball, evading or running through defenders and full-body tackling – would have benefited a mature athlete like Mailata to transfer from one code to another.

A whole new ball game

His transition from a monster-sized rugby league player in Australia to a more regular-sized offensive tackle in the NFL was initially facilitated through the NFL International Player Pathway (IPP) program.

The IPP was established in 2017 to provide high performance adult athletes from all over the world (like Mailata) the opportunity to learn the complexities of American football and increase the number of international players in the NFL.

The program has been highly successful, with 37 international players signing with NFL teams, of which 18 are currently on NFL rosters.

When Mailata was drafted to the NFL in 2018, he had to work on many aspects of his body to meet the physical challenges of playing in the NFL against other exceptionally massive and strong athletes.

He also had to learn a range of sport-specific technical and tactical skills.

As a part of the IPP, he started working with coaches including Jeff Stoutland, the Philadelphia Eagles offensive line coach.

Stoutland took Mailata into the classroom, teaching him the intricacies of offensive line play including protection and run schemes. These lessons extended into what footwork patterns he would need to master, where and how to position his body when initiating contact and how to use his hands to control the defensive line.

Such skills are the bread and butter of the offensive line – these athletes provide the quarterback time to make key passing decisions and increase the chance of their running backs making big yards on their carries.

Mailata has also mentioned how Strickland taught him the importance of critically watching NFL games, initially to learn the technicalities of the sport and now to further refine his performance against the best defensive lines.

The next wave

In addition to the IPP that looks at talent transfer from adult athletes, the NFL has developed the NFL Academy for school-aged children.

The first academy was based at Loughborough University in the United Kingdom and the second was developed at A.B. Patterson College on the Gold Coast.

These academies combine full-time education with intensive American football training in the hope of promoting pathway opportunities at US colleges.

Hopefully, these academies will see more young Australians transferring their skills and following Mailata into the NFL.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The transformation of Jordan Mailata: from rugby league in Sydney to a second NFL Super Bowl – https://theconversation.com/the-transformation-of-jordan-mailata-from-rugby-league-in-sydney-to-a-second-nfl-super-bowl-248658

Choking during sex: many young people mistakenly believe it can be done safely, our study shows

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heather Douglas, Professor of Law and Deputy Director of the Centre of Excellence for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (CEVAW), The University of Melbourne

Lysenko Andrii/Shutterstock

Around 50% of Australian young people have engaged in choking, or strangulation, during sex. This practice involves one person putting pressure on the neck of another, restricting breathing or blood flow (or both).

Strangulation during sex carries a variety of risks. These range from effects such as bruising and vomiting to brain injury and death.

Although rare, strangulation is the leading cause of death in consensual BDSM play.

There’s no evidence there is any safe way to undertake strangulation. Notably, strangulation can cause injury without leaving any marks and sometimes negative consequences don’t develop until well after the choking episode.

In a new study, we’ve found part of the reason why strangulation during sex is so common may be because many people mistakenly believe that, while risky, it can be made safe through moderating pressure and appropriate communication.

But stopping blood flow to the brain can take less pressure than opening a can of soft drink. And research shows strangulation can result in serious harms even when it’s consensual.

Surveying young Australians

In 2023, we surveyed a representative sample of 4,702 Australians aged between 18 and 35 about their experiences and opinions of strangulation during sex.

In 2024, we published a study about the prevalence of sexual strangulation based on the results of this survey. We found 57% of participants reported they had been strangled during sex, and 51% had strangled a partner.

At the end of the survey, we asked respondents:

What are your thoughts or insights regarding choking during sex?

For this new study, we wanted to understand perceptions around sexual strangulation. More than 1,500 participants commented on issues related to safety in their responses, and we analysed these.

A young woman on a laptop.
We surveyed young people in Australia about sexual strangulation.
ImYanis/Shutterstock

Many mistakenly believed choking could be safe

It was concerning to us that many of the respondents seemed to believe sexual strangulation can be done safely. Most commonly, participants perceived it to be safe when done with a low level of pressure applied to the sides of the neck.

One participant, a 31-year-old straight man, said:

My partner likes a firm hand on the throat but more so not choking off the windpipe, but lightly restricting the blood flow when she can feel an orgasm building up.

A 24-year-old straight woman commented:

I think there should be a conversation before hand about how hard and how much pressure.

Some respondents suggested it was safe to hinder blood flow, rather than oxygen flow. However, restricting blood flow to the brain can also have serious health implications.

While not all pressure on the neck will be fatal, research shows even relatively low pressure can cause death by strangulation.

Also, if the person using strangulation or being strangled has used alcohol and other drugs, differences in pressure may be more difficult to discern, increasing the risks for the person being strangled.




Read more:
More than half of Australian young people are using strangulation during sex: new research


Communication and consent

Participants also linked safety – whether emotional or physical – to consenting to sexual strangulation. As a 32-year-old straight woman wrote:

If between two consensual adults who have discussed it prior with a safety plan in place then I do not see any harm in the act however I have been subjected to non consensual choking in a previous sexual encounter which left me angry and scared.

A 23-year-old bisexual woman said:

As long as both parties agree to it and the amount of pressure, it can be an enjoyable experience. Consent must be given.

In general, consent was seen as an ongoing process, where it could be withdrawn at any point. A 32-year-old straight man said:

Should be strictly base on consensus, be aware of your partner body language and breathing and ask them whether they want to continue the activity or not if they say no respect it and back off.

However, research has found a person being strangled may not be able to withdraw their consent using gestures or words, despite wanting to.

Several participants did comment on the limitations of consent as a harm-reduction mechanism, acknowledging that even where it was consensual, strangulation during sex could cause damage.

Two men talking at home.
Many participants discussed consent in relation to sexual strangulation.
LightField Studios/Shutterstock

Worryingly, several respondents expressed concern that consent was often overlooked, intentionally or accidentally. A 35-year-old straight woman said:

The amount of men who just initiate it without asking the woman is scary and they feel entitled to do so.

Some respondents – usually women, but not always – identified pressure to engage in strangulation (both to be strangled and to strangle their partner). A 24-year-old straight man said:

I get scared to do it but my partner kinda makes me feel like i have to sometimes.

A need for better education

Studies from other countries such as the United States have also shown a misunderstanding of the potential dangers of sexual strangulation, and a false perception that it can be safe if undertaken with the “proper precautions”.

Previous research has shown young people commonly learn about sexual strangulation through online pornography, social media and each other. Information from these sources is often misleading.

While consent is a crucial part of any sexual activity, it doesn’t make strangulation safe. Neither does relying on regulating the pressure applied.

It was positive to see many respondents in our survey identified a desire for more information about sexual strangulation. Accurate information about the risks associated with sexual strangulation should be easily available both online and through public health campaigns.

The Conversation

Heather Douglas receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Leah Sharman receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Choking during sex: many young people mistakenly believe it can be done safely, our study shows – https://theconversation.com/choking-during-sex-many-young-people-mistakenly-believe-it-can-be-done-safely-our-study-shows-248867

Habitat restoration is a long-haul job. Here are 3 groups that have endured

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nigel Tucker, Research Associate in Environment and Sustainability, James Cook University

TREAT volunteers planting trees TREAT

Like ferns and the tides, community conservation groups come and go. Many achieve their goal. Volunteers restore a local wetland or protect a patch of urban bush and then hang up the gardening gloves with a warm inner glow. Some groups peter out while others endure, tackling the ecological problems facing today’s Australia.

One of those problems is fragmentation. Let’s say you have a national park in one spot and another large tract of habitat ten kilometres away. It’s too hard for many wildlife species to make it across open ground to get there. Over time, this means wild areas can effectively become islands.

This is where habitat corridors come in. Potentially, if you restore habitat between two isolated areas, wildlife can begin to safely move between the two. Over time, these corridors allow seeds, pollen, native birds and animals to disperse across today’s landscapes.

In my work as a restoration ecologist, I’ve come across many of Australia’s community groups devoted to the job. Three of these are LUCI – Lockyer Upland Catchments Inc, which began in 2015, the Big Scrub Rainforest Conservancy, founded in 1993 and TREAT – Trees for the Evelyn and Atherton Tablelands Inc, which began in 1982. Each of these has gone the distance. Here are some reasons why.

native fruit from Australia, colourful assemblage.
Native fruit from the trees in the remnant Big Scrub.
Big Scrub Rainforest Conservancy

Where are wildlife corridors most needed?

Australia’s Wet Tropics are especially threatened by fragmentation. This region is World Heritage listed due to its remarkable biodiversity. Tropical forests have grown here for at least 130 million years. Fragmentation directly threatens this.

In the tropical uplands of the Atherton Tablelands, there are three popular national parks – the Crater Lakes of Eacham and Barrine and the Curtain Fig Tree. But while visitors might see them as pristine, each is an island surrounded by pasture and settlement. Over time, this will take its toll on the species within.

view of farmland and forest mountain in far north Queensland.
Fragmented landscapes are common on the Atherton Tablelands.
FiledIMAGE/Shutterstock

Staying the course

For a volunteer group to reverse the effects of fragmentation, and embark on a long term project such as this, it needs three things.

First the group has leaders committed to a long term cause, usually scientists or naturalists as well as locals with knowledge and drive. Leaders have to be able to work with governments and group members of all persuasions.

Second, the group has to be guided by science. You need current information on local plants, animals and habitats to make sure on-ground work has direct conservation benefits.

And third, networking skills. Harnessing the technical expertise of other groups, government and experts in project planning, execution and monitoring is vital.

Each of these three groups has these traits, even though they take different approaches to the challenge.

LUCI is an alliance of private landholders in Queensland’s Lockyer Valley, west of Brisbane, who work to protect remnant vegetation and expand habitat. Their work on threatened species monitoring, protection of remnant vegetation on private land and community engagement reflects their emphasis on education.

Before European settlement, lowland subtropical rainforest covered 75,000 hectares of land in what is now Byron Bay’s hinterland. But 99% was cut down. In response, Big Scrub members have replanted around 600 hectares – doubling the size of what was left – and established an innovative genetics program to assist in maintaining and enhancing the gene pool of trees planted.

rainforest in background, cows in foreground.
Only a tiny fraction of the Big Scrub is still intact, at reserves such as the Andrew Johnston Big Scrub reserve. Farmland and acreage surrounds it.
Peter Woodard/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

TREAT is based on the Atherton Tablelands in far north Queensland. This region has long been prized for agriculture, which comes at a cost to habitat. In response, TREAT has worked to reconnect isolated tracts of rainforest. The group collaborates with Queensland Parks and Wildlife to grow many thousands of native rainforest tree seedlings for planting each year.

seedlings of tropical trees
TREAT grows tens of thousands of seedlings annually, alongside Queensland Parks and Wildlife. Pictured: Hicksbeachia seedlings.
TREAT

All three groups recognise the importance of countering habitat fragmentation. This slicing and dicing forests into smaller and isolated patches severely threatens Australia’s biodiversity.

Wildlife corridors are deceptively simple in theory. But as I know from long experience restoring habitat, it’s harder than it seems.

Does it work?

Planting corridors sounds like a sure thing. But success is not guaranteed. For one thing, it takes work and time. You need baseline surveys, expert analysis of data and monitoring, ideally over decades. Given these challenges, it’s unsurprising that wildlife corridor restoration is little-studied.

In the 1990s, TREAT volunteers planted 17,000 trees to reconnect a 498 hectare fragment around Lake Barrine to the 80,000ha Wooroonooran National Park 1.2 kilometres away. This corridor is now more than 20 years old. It’s known as the Donaghy’s Corridor Nature Refuge, after the Donaghy family who donated the land for corridor restoration.

My research has found this corridor is proving successful, using good data collected before, during and after establishment. Ground mammals are moving along the corridor, and breeding has taken place. We could see this in the exchange of genes between two previously separated populations of the native bush rat (Rattus fuscipes).

More recent studies have shown the corridor has been colonised by many species, ranging from threatened and endemic plants to birds, ground mammals, reptiles, amphibians and microbats. While promising, this is just one corridor. Much more data would be needed to prove this approach is broadly effective.

As habitat fragmentation continues and the effects of climate change ramp up, more and more species will need to move. The work of volunteer groups such as LUCI, Big Scrub and TREAT in reconnecting scattered pieces of habitat is only going to get more important.

The Conversation

Nigel Tucker has received funding from the Queensland government’s Nature Refuge Landholder Grants program. He is a Life Member of TREAT.

ref. Habitat restoration is a long-haul job. Here are 3 groups that have endured – https://theconversation.com/habitat-restoration-is-a-long-haul-job-here-are-3-groups-that-have-endured-248133

A new school year can see friendships change – this is tough on kids, but parents can help

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karyn Healy, Honorary Principal Research Fellow in Psychology, The University of Queensland

Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

The start of the school year means new classes, routines, after-school activities and sometimes even a new school.

This can be a really exciting time for kids, but these changes can also disrupt existing friendships. Students might feel stressed about not having certain friends with them in class or confused about why old friends are behaving differently.

How can you coach your child through changing friendship dynamics?

How parents help

Research shows supportive friendships play an important role in maintaining students’ wellbeing. Having good friends is linked to better mental health as well as better school attendance and academic achievement.

Research also shows us parenting plays an important role in helping children make and keep friends.

Our research has found parents can improve how well a child is accepted by peers by doing three things:

  • listening and asking questions to help their child think through a situation

  • helping their child plan how to address the issue

  • supporting their child to have contact with peers.

A woman talking to a child on a bed.
Parents can play an important role in their child’s friendships.
Alena Ozerova/ Shutterstock

Listening to your child

It’s helpful to check in with your child regularly so you can provide support if they need it.

When children tell you about a conflict or problem, simply start by listening actively. This means reflecting back in your own words what your child said, including feelings. For example,

So it sounds like you are feeling upset Shelley wants to hang out with kids in her new class?

It’s also helpful to empathise with your child about how they feel:

I think I would feel sad too if that happened to me.

This helps your child feel like someone else understands them – and they are not dealing with this on their own.

For older children and teenagers, you may want to check if the child wants your help to work out how to solve the problem. Sometimes listening is all that is needed.

Working out what to do next

If needed, parents can then coach children how to manage any concerns. They can start by helping a child understand why another child may have acted as they did.

For example, if the parent says “Why do you think Shelley said this?”, perhaps the child might respond that “Shelley doesn’t like me anymore”. The parent could offer an alternative explanation – perhaps Shelley is worried about making friends in her new class.

The parent could ask the child what they want – in the above example, the child may want to still be friends with Shelley. The parent can then prompt the child to think of a range of ways to improve the situation, weigh up what might work best and encourage the child to give this a go. Often children can think of solutions themselves, if asked

What could you do to improve things? What else could you do?.

In our example, this might include organising a play with Shelley on the weekend. Alternatively, the child might plan to check in again with Shelley after a few days.

This type of coaching is helpful as it supports the child thinking through the problem and coming up with their own solution, which they are more likely to put in place than if simply told what to do.

Parents can also support their child to strengthen friendships by helping them connect with friends outside school through activities, play dates and online contact.

Four kids lie on the grass with their legs in the air.
Play dates can help if friends are not seeing each other at school.
Patrick Foto/ Shutterstock

Friendships may change over time

We hear a lot about “BFFs”. However, it is not unusual for friendship groups to change over time, as children mature and develop particular interests.

When children are placed in a new class or school with no close friends, children often cope through what researchers call “transitional friendships”.

For example, it’s common for children to start high school with no firm friends, but still know some peers from primary school. These acquaintances can provide companionship until children form closer friendships.

Parents can help their child in making close friends at high school by supporting them to catch up and connect with new friends out of school.

Similarly, if a child is missing their old friends, a parent can coach their child in finding ways to stay in touch – like texting, a weekend sleepover or joining an out-of-school activity together.

If you still have concerns

If friendship concerns or worries are having an ongoing, negative impact on your child’s mental health, parents should seek further support from a health professional.

You can start with your GP, who may suggest a referral to a psychologist. You may also like to talk to your child’s teacher – they may be able to help your child get to know potential friends through class activities.


If this article has raised issues for you or someone you know, you can call Lifeline on 13 11 14 or Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800. There is also free access to Australian evidence-based parenting programs such as Triple P.

The Conversation

Karyn Healy has received funding from QIMR Berghofer Medical Research Institute, the Australian Research Council and Australian government Emerging Priorities Program. Karyn is a co-author of the Resilience Triple P parenting program. Resilience Triple P and all Triple P programs are owned by the University of Queensland. The university has licensed Triple P International Pty Ltd to publish and disseminate Triple P programs worldwide. Royalties stemming from published Triple P resources are distributed to the Parenting and Family Support Centre, School of Psychology, Faculty of Health and Behavioural Sciences and contributory authors. No author has any share or ownership in Triple P International Pty Ltd.

ref. A new school year can see friendships change – this is tough on kids, but parents can help – https://theconversation.com/a-new-school-year-can-see-friendships-change-this-is-tough-on-kids-but-parents-can-help-248751

Do investment tax breaks work? A new study finds the evidence is ‘mixed at best’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kerrie Sadiq, Professor of Taxation, QUT Business School, and ARC Future Fellow, Queensland University of Technology

The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) released a discussion paper this week on investment tax breaks. The study looks at whether tax incentives, such as instant asset write-offs for utes, boost business investment.

Business investment is an important contributor to overall economic growth, and has been sluggish in recent years.

The authors conclude the evidence for these tax breaks is “mixed at best”. They say that income tax breaks used during the global financial crisis increased investment significantly, however:

[there is] no substantial evidence that other policies, including those implemented during the pandemic, increased investment.

In an election year, further promises of tax breaks for businesses are likely. The Coalition has already announced a tax break for meals and entertainment. But are they a good idea, and at what cost do these promises come?

Small business in Australia

Small businesses with fewer than 20 employees make up 97% of all Australian businesses. More than 92% of Australian businesses have an annual turnover of less than A$2 million. It is these businesses that are doing it tough.

These businesses are offered tax breaks for spending on capital assets such as equipment or vehicles. For the 2023-24 tax year, they can immediately write off the cost of eligible assets up to $20,000. In the May 2024 Budget, the government announced that the tax break would be extended to the 2024-25 tax year.

When a small business is operated as a company, the base tax rate is 25%. This effectively means that the business still contributes 75% of the cost of the asset. This requires businesses to have the cash flow to invest. Even if there is cash flow, businesses may not want to spend on large purchases.

It’s a question of trade-offs

Investment tax breaks are also costly in terms of government tax revenue. Each year, the Treasury estimates the cost of tax breaks. These tax breaks are known as tax expenditures.

For the 2023-34 tax year, the instant write-off tax break for small businesses is estimated to cost more than $4 billion by reducing taxes collected.

Tax expenditures are normally designed to offer incentives to one group of taxpayers. However, they come at the expense of broader groups of taxpayers and at a cost of lost revenue to the government. This is money that could be spent through direct spending programs.

Tax expenditures can be thought of as government spending programs hidden in plain sight.

The true cost of tax breaks

Tax expenditures play a central role in Australia’s collection of taxes and redistribution. During the pandemic, the instant asset write-off was increased to $150,000.

The current government introduced the latest instant asset write-off to improve cash flow and reduce compliance costs for small business. As the RBA discussion paper notes, these types of incentives are also designed to encourage additional business investment.

However, that study indicates this is not being achieved. They suggest the reasons may be the tax policies themselves or differences in the economic environment. Put simply, businesses may not want to invest.

If the stated benefits are not realised, the result is less tax collected. Take the $4 billion cost above. Without the incentive, the government would have an additional $4 billion to spend. The $4 billion in 2023-24 could have been directed to funding small businesses through a direct spending program.

Targeted programs

The RBA discussion paper highlights the need to determine whether investment tax breaks achieve their intended benefits. Many factors must be considered, and assessing the influence on the economy is vital.

However, evaluating these measures within the tax system means that important questions are not asked. This includes whether the benefits are distributed fairly, whether the program targets the right group of taxpayers, and whether there are unintended distorting effects.

The latest Treasury Tax Expenditures and Insights Statement provides data on 307 separate measures. This number continues to grow.

The government’s “Future Made in Australia” contains two examples. Its economic plan to support Australia’s transition to a net zero economy contains two tax incentives, one for hydrogen production and another for critical minerals.

The proposed hydrogen production tax incentive is estimated at a cost to the budget of $6.7 billion over ten years. The measure will provide a $2 incentive per kilogram of renewable hydrogen produced for up to ten years. Eligible companies will get a credit against their income tax liability.

The proposed critical minerals production tax incentive is estimated to cost the budget $7 billion over ten years. Eligible companies will get a refundable tax offset of 10% of certain expenses relating to processing and refining 31 critical minerals listed in Australia.

Support for tax breaks

Tax breaks for businesses, such as the immediate write-off, disproportionately benefit those that spend. Often, this is by design. If this is a government objective, supported by the general population, then it is viewed as a good use of public money.

The same principle applies to tax breaks in the Government’s Future Made in Australia plan. A government objective is to transition to a net zero economy. A stated priority is to attract “investment to make Australia a leader in renewable energy, adding value to our natural resources and strengthening economic activity”.

The question remains as to whether tax breaks are the best way to achieve this. The answer often changes when viewed as a direct spending program.

The Conversation

Kerrie Sadiq currently receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She has previously received research grants from CPA and CAANZ.

Ashesha Weerasinghe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Do investment tax breaks work? A new study finds the evidence is ‘mixed at best’ – https://theconversation.com/do-investment-tax-breaks-work-a-new-study-finds-the-evidence-is-mixed-at-best-249148

Current cultural citizens: the importance of creating spaces in art galleries for young people

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Naomi Zouwer, Visual Artist and Lecturer in Teacher Education, University of Canberra

Galleries and art museums can be intimidating and alienating even for adults. Imagine it from a child’s point of view. Stern security guards in uniforms stationed the doors, bags checked, snacks banned and people hushed. It’s no wonder that kids groan when an excursion to the gallery comes up.

An increasing number of galleries are rethinking their approach, asking what it takes to be welcoming and engaging for the younger generation. Children should be welcomed and visible in gallery spaces. Their experiences now shape the citizens they will become in the future. Viewing art helps develop their identity and creativity, and a more nuanced understanding of the world.

The first step in making change is to recognise that children are current and active cultural citizens who can offer valuable perspectives, ideas and youthful energy. Through thoughtful design and programming, the younger generation is told their presence in the gallery is valued.

Here are some ways galleries are rising to the challenge and making children more welcome – and more valued – in our cultural spaces.

Setting the tone

The entrance to a gallery sets the tone for a young visitor. Are they greeted warmly and made to feel welcome, or does their arrival feel like an intrusion?

Some simple adjustments such as less intimidating bag checks, clear signage, and designated stroller parking create a more welcoming environment. Replacing uniformed security guards with friendly guides and training reception staff to acknowledge and engage with young visitors make a huge difference.

Children in a white room, sticking colourful dots on a fridge.
Visitors in Obliteration Room 2002, the Kids for Kusama exhibition at NGV International, Melbourne until 21 April 2025. © YAYOI KUSAMA.
Photo: Eugene Hyland

Inciting curiosity and interaction at the front door is another way to invite children into the space. Displaying eye-catching and intriguing sculptural works at the entry or in the foyer builds a sense of anticipation and interest.

The iconic water wall at the National Gallery of Victoria signals to children that there are wonders to touch and explore inside.

Children don’t come alone

Children come to galleries with parents, siblings, schools or community groups. Galleries that consider how these varied age groups move through the space can greatly enhance the overall experience.

Programming designed with the whole family in mind means parents and kids can share cultural experiences. Well designed workshops, interactive exhibits and events appeal to mixed aged groups.

Children watch a band play.
Lucky Lartey and friends perform as part of the Hive Festival 2024 at the Art Gallery of New South Wales.
Photo © Art Gallery of New South Wales, Christopher Snee

The Art Gallery of New South Wales regularly stages all-ages concerts with popular DJs and live music, building positive associations with the gallery for the whole family.

Incorporating a variety of spaces and experiences extend the duration and frequency of family visits. Some children need low sensory sessions with reduced stimuli to enjoy their visit. Others can use adjacent outdoor spaces and robust sculpture gardens to burn off excess energy, share lunch or even splash in some pink water.

Is there a place for me?

Does your local gallery have a dedicated children’s gallery?

These spaces are designed with kids in mind, engaging the senses and creating participatory ways of experiencing art. The way children encounter the work helps young children learn about the diverse and creative approaches and perspectives of artists in an engaging context.

The interactive experiences and programming mean children can explore their imagination and creativity and form a personal connections with the arts.

What about the older kids? Can they see themselves in the gallery? Teens need to connect, collaborate and to be included in cultural narratives in ways that are relevant to them.

Programs tailored for teens, such as workshops or art-making sessions, move beyond passive observation and encourage self expression and participation.

A woman walks through a gallery.
Installation view of Top Arts 2024 on display at The Ian Potter Centre: NGV Australia from 14 March to 14 July.
Photo: Kate Shanasy

Ambitious teen programs, like the out-of-hours teen parties in the National Gallery of Victoria or the youth council at the National Gallery of Australia, empower young people to interact with art and the institution in ways that are meaningful for them.

Exhibiting the best artwork from the year 12 graduating students is another effective way to demonstrate to teens their perspectives and presence matters. Seeing creative work by their age group displayed in a gallery builds confidence and demonstrates to older adults how much the younger generation have to contribute.

Growing lifelong learners

Galleries are unique learning environments, able to engage with and activate the school curriculum and develop essential skills like social and emotional capabilities and creative and critical thinking skills.

New institutions can consider how to meaningfully engage with children in the design phase, but even existing galleries can reconfigure and retrofit their spaces and exhibitions to enable kids to learn.

Teenagers drawing in an art gallery.
Neo at the Art Gallery of South Australia, Adelaide.
Photo: Sam Roberts

Specifically designed studios, creative technology, classrooms and presentation areas open the doors to cultural exploration. Positive exposure fosters a sense of stewardship ensuring that future generations value and support the arts.

Galleries are doing a great job welcoming kids but even more can be done. By embracing children as current cultural citizens, galleries can create a more inclusive, creative, and culturally aware society.

Intentionally designed spaces and programming ensure that children are not only welcomed but inspired to return – again and again – throughout their lives.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Current cultural citizens: the importance of creating spaces in art galleries for young people – https://theconversation.com/current-cultural-citizens-the-importance-of-creating-spaces-in-art-galleries-for-young-people-235599

Grattan on Friday: we don’t need an inquiry into the caravan affair but we do need some answers

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The battle to contain antisemitism in Australia finds both sides of politics embracing measures they’d otherwise abhor.

Spectacularly, the government capitulated this week to include mandatory minimum sentences of between one and six years in its hate speech legislation that passed the parliament on Thursday.

That flip flop was done in a day. You need a longer memory to recall the Coalition’s insistence that free speech had to be preeminent over dealing with hate speech.

Way back, when Tony Abbott was prime minister, there was a big (ultimately unsuccessful) push against Section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. This civil law prohibits acts “likely to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate someone because of their race or ethnicity”. At the very least, libertarian Liberals wanted it reworded to remove “offend” and “insult”.

Before entering parliament, James Paterson worked for the right wing Institute of Public Affairs, which spearheaded attacks on 18C. Even after becoming a senator in 2016, Paterson remained a strong critic of 18C (although he says he always supported laws against incitement to violence).

Now as home affairs spokesman Paterson has been at the forefront of the opposition efforts to make the new hate speech law as strong as possible.

Until mid week the government firmly ruled out giving in to opposition’s demands for mandatory sentences for hate crimes. The government’s resistance was unsurprising. The Labor party platform rules out mandatory sentences.

But then late on Wednesday, leader of the house Tony Burke went into parliament with amendments including mandatory minimum sentences of between one and six years for various crimes under the anti-hate legislation.

Teal MP Zoe Daniel, from the Victorian seat of Goldstein, was among several crossbenchers who voted against that amendment.

She said later she supported the legislation but described the mandatory sentencing as “overreach”. “Community safety is paramount, and so is good policy-making. Mandatory minimum sentences do not reflect good parliamentary practice or good governance. Nor do they respect the sanctity of Australia’s constitution and separation of powers, and the importance of judicial independence.”

The antisemitism crisis is, on a number of fronts, leading to the actual or advocated curtailment of civil liberties. The federal government has outlawed the Nazi salute and hate symbols. The NSW government is to bring in more anti-hate provisions.

There is constant debate about the desirability of curbs of one sort or another on demonstrations. The antisemitism envoy, Jillian Segal, has said, “There should be places designated away from where the Jewish community might venture where people can demonstrate”.

In our history we repeatedly see how government actions to confront perceived emergencies collide with civil liberties.

For example, strong security laws introduced in the wake of September 11 2001 triggered arguments about the extent to which they struck down people’s rights. Going back to the Menzies era, the Communist threat prompted the government to try (and fail) to carry a referendum to ban the Communist Party.

People of good intent will differ about the extent to which particular responses to a crisis are necessary and appropriate, or go too far, either being bad policy or an unjustified curb on civil liberties. Historical judgements may also differ from those made at the time.

This is not to dispute that we should be taking the strongest action against antisemitism. It’s merely to point out that with each particular measure, it’s important to be confident the end justifies the means, taking into account possible unintended or adverse consequences as well as what is to be achieved.

Having had a victory over mandatory minimum sentences, the opposition is pushing for an inquiry into when Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was told about the caravan found at Dural, NSW filled with explosives and containing indications Sydney’s Great Synagogue and a Jewish museum could be targets.

The caravan was parked for several weeks on a street before it came to police attention. NSW police alerted Premier Chris Minns the following day. But it is unclear when the prime minister found out.

Albanese has steadfastly refused to say, citing operational reasons. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton suggested (without producing any evidence) the NSW police might have made a deliberate decision not to advise the Commonwealth “so that the prime minister wasn’t advised because they were worried he would leak the information”.

Dutton is calling for an “independent inquiry” into the circumstances by “an eminent Australian from the criminal intelligence and law enforcement intelligence community”.

The inquiry call is politically driven. The government is right in arguing it would have the downside of diverting resources. But nevertheless there are questions that need answering.

There seems no logical reason why the PM cannot reveal when he was first briefed on the caravan, other than to avoid disclosing some embarrassing timing gap. Any explanation around operational reasons would surely not explain why Minns was briefed but Albanese was not. Alternatively, if Albanese was briefed promptly, why doesn’t he say so?

When pressed at a parliamentary committee on Thursday, Australian Federal Police Force Commissioner Reece Kershaw would not be drawn, saying it was not appropriate to provide information about an ongoing investigation at a public hearing.

Later Greens member of the committee, senator David Shoebridge, said: “The AFP telling us when they informed the PM could in no way prejudice any ongoing police investigation. We had half a dozen senior AFP officials [before the committee] including the Commissioner and zero serious answers.

“This whole circus would be shut down by any half competent government by telling us when the PM knew with a simple explanation for any delay. Instead we get these bizarre performances from both the PM and the AFP.”

One question that should be answered by the authorities is why Jewish leaders, including those connected with the synagogue and the museum, were not informed. Though operational reasons might be relevant, surely safety considerations suggest the Jewish leaders should have been told.

The authorities believe the antisemitic attacks are not simply unconnected incidents. They say people are being paid to make them, suggesting some master minding behind them.

Of course that justifies secrecy while investigations proceed, but operational needs should not be a cover for refusing to provide enough information to give the public confidence the various authorities are working effectively together.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grattan on Friday: we don’t need an inquiry into the caravan affair but we do need some answers – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-we-dont-need-an-inquiry-into-the-caravan-affair-but-we-do-need-some-answers-249275

Hospitals will get $1.7 billion more federal funding. Will this reduce waiting times?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Henry Cutler, Professor and Director, Macquarie University Centre for the Health Economy, Macquarie University

This week, the federal government announced it will pay states and territories an extra, one-off, A$1.7 billion for public hospitals.

This has been billed as a way to fix some ailing hospitals, and shorten waits for care in emergency departments and for elective surgery. But will it really make a difference?

How are hospitals funded?

Australian public hospitals are funded through a collaborative arrangement involving state, territory and federal governments. The federal government provides 37% of public hospital funding annually, primarily through the National Health Reform Agreement. States and territories fund nearly all the rest.

Most federal government funding for public hospitals is determined by an “activity based funding” formula. Funding is based on the number of patients treated and the price of treatment, the latter calculated from average public hospital costs.

State and territory governments manage public hospitals. The federal government has little say on how public hospital money is spent. The exception is when funding relates to something specific, like a new hospital ward.

How the extra funding compares

The federal government will spend $30.19 billion on public hospitals this financial year. The extra funding will grow its public hospital spending by 12% in 2025–26.

Extra funding will likely impact Northern Territory hospitals the most. It will receive $51 million more, a 30% increase.

While larger states will receive additional funding, they have more public hospitals and patients. For example, New South Wales will receive $407 million, but this equates to only an 11% increase from the federal government.

The extra funding is less impressive when compared to total public hospital spending. That was $86 billion in 2022–23, suggesting the extra $1.7 billion will represent less than 2% in additional total funding to public hospitals in 2025–26.

But this extra spending is not in isolation. The federal government has already committed nearly $600 million to establish 87 urgent care clinics around Australia. Their primary purpose is to alleviate pressure on emergency departments and fill gaps in access to after-hours primary care.

Public hospitals are funded mostly by the states and territories, but receive some funding from the federal government.
khuncho24/Shutterstock

Pressure in public hospitals

Public hospital pressure has been building for over a decade. Emergency departments are often clogged, leading to long wait times, mostly because of staff shortages. Around 10% of patients wait more than two hours. There is little slack in the system to counter unpredictable surges in demand for care.

The proportion of emergency department patients seen on time has declined since COVID. The proportion of patients requiring urgent emergency department care seen on-time, for example, has decreased from 67% to 61%. More non-urgent and semi-urgent patients are also not receiving care on time.

Patients are also waiting longer for elective public hospital surgery since COVID, despite an increase in the number of admissions from elective surgery waiting lists.

Proportion of patients seen on time in public hospital emergency departments


Australian Institute of Health and Welfare

Waiting times vary by state and territories. Queensland has the lowest proportion of patients waiting more than 365 days for public hospital elective surgery at 3.9% in 2023–24, while the ACT had the highest at 8.9%.

Encouragingly, waiting times decreased for nearly all elective surgeries compared to 2022–23, suggesting public hospitals may be making inroads into the post-COVID load.

Proportion of patients waiting more than 365 days for public hospital elective surgery

Note: Data for the NT was unavailable.
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare

Will the money help?

While additional funding will help, there is no magic wand. Public hospitals need to substantially reorganise their staff, workflows, beds and buildings. This in an environment that has workforce shortages, burnout, and wage pressures, making major health system changes particularly difficult.

Some hospitals may reduce their waiting times substantially, if states and territories allocate their extra funding to poor performers.

However, poor performance can be related to systemic issues out of the hospital’s control, such as workforce shortages. Without an increase in total health-care workforce size, these poor performing hospitals may look for additional staff from other public hospitals, worsening their performance.

Whether any improvements last is another question.

Public hospitals face increased demand for emergency department care, only mitigated by the potential success of urgent care clinics.




Read more:
Labor’s urgent care centres are a step in the right direction – but not a panacea


Public hospitals also face an increase in demand for elective surgery, as the population ages and chronic disease prevalence increases.

The extra $1.7 billion is only a one off. Funds to reduce waiting times will mostly be spent on more staff, such as nurses, clinicians and administration staff.

Public hospitals will need additional, ongoing funding to keep up with demand, otherwise any initial improvement will dissipate.

Funds to reduce waiting times will mostly be spent on more staff.
Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

What else needs to happen?

All governments need to invest more in prevention programs to slow the growth in public hospital demand.

More Australians are obese, as a proportion of the population, compared to other OECD countries. This has created a heavy burden.

Reducing financial waste in the health-care system is of huge importance. Savings could be used for long-term improvements in waiting times once the extra funding runs out.

Around 40% of health care is of low value or causes harm. Reducing unnecessary medical tests, speeding up discharges, and reducing avoidable admissions is a good start.

Other changes that could help include:

  • setting national performance targets for states and territories to reduce their waiting lists
  • stronger monitoring of performance
  • holding public hospital managers more accountable for achieving their waiting time targets.

A new National Health Reform Agreement is due to take effect in 2026. Whoever wins this year’s federal election will have to finalise this agreement with the states and territories.

The Commonwealth and states are yet to commit to all of the recommendations from the mid-term review of the current agreement released in October 2023. The extent to which governments accept these recommendations has the potential to create a much greater, long-term impact on waiting times than this extra, one-off payment.

Henry Cutler has previously received funding from Northern Territory Health.

ref. Hospitals will get $1.7 billion more federal funding. Will this reduce waiting times? – https://theconversation.com/hospitals-will-get-1-7-billion-more-federal-funding-will-this-reduce-waiting-times-249170

We know how hard it is for young people to buy a home – so how are some still doing it anyway?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Ong ViforJ, John Curtin Distinguished Professor & ARC Future Fellow, Curtin University

PrasitRodphan/Shutterstock

For young Australians, breaking into the housing market feels tougher than ever. Many now fear they’ll never be able to own a home.

Despite public debates on whether it’s truly harder to buy a house than it was decades ago, falling homeownership rates across generations suggest the market has indeed shifted significantly against those just starting out.

But if it’s so difficult, how are some young people still managing to buy homes? Our newly published study set out to investigate the major barriers – and the factors – that might tip the scales in favour of ownership.

Despite the challenges imposed by high home prices relative to incomes, some young Australians are still finding a way onto the property ladder.

While being a good saver helps, a boost from the “bank of mum and dad” can be a game changer.

A fading dream

Using 14 years of data from the 2006-2020 government-funded Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey, we tracked independent adults aged 25-44 who were not homeowners.

Our calculations from the HILDA survey show for those aged 25-44 , average house prices across major cities in 2006 were 4.5 times the average household income.

In Sydney, for example, the average price of properties faced by these young people was about A$600,000 in 2006 while the average household income was $102,000.

Across major cities, this ratio rose steadily to 6 times income in 2018, before dropping slightly to 5.4 times income at the start of the pandemic.

For young people in cities, house prices are spiralling upward at faster rates than their incomes.

A generous ‘bank’ available to some

As property markets have become more unaffordable, the share of non-homeowning young people receiving help from the “bank of mum and dad” has climbed.

We estimated from the HILDA survey that in 2006, 3.1% of this group received more than $5,000 in transfers or inheritance from their parents, rising to 5.3% by 2020.

Young people are good savers

Contrary to popular some commentary that young people are unable to purchase a house because they are spending their money on “smashed avocados”, young people are actually saving more.

In 2006, around two-thirds of non-homeowning adults aged 25-44 saved regularly by putting money aside each month, saved non-regular income, or saved money left over after they met their spending needs. This proportion increased to four in five of young non-homeowning adults in 2020.

In general, young non-homeowners are also financially planning further ahead. In 2006, 47% were planning more than a year ahead. By 2020, this share had risen to 55%.

How are some young people buying houses?

We looked at how the personal saving habits of young people influence their homeownership chances, taking each person’s finances and living situation into account.

Not surprisingly, saving regularly does improve the likelihood of eventually buying a house. However, being a regular saver is much less likely to offset the impact of rising prices than parental help.

Our research found that once prices exceed three times an individual’s income, their odds of becoming a homeowner are halved.

Poached eggs on toasted bread with avocado and herbs.
No, brunch is not to blame for the state of Australia’s housing market.
Tatiana Volgutova/Shutterstock

In much of Australia, prices are already well above that mark. In all state capitals, they’ve gone beyond six times annual household income – a line where the odds of homeownership fall to about a third.

However, we found having access to the “bank of mum and dad” can shift these odds dramatically.

We found receiving financial assistance of more than $5,000 quadruples the odds of becoming a homeowner.

Parents also help in indirect ways. Young people living in rent-free dwellings provided by family or friends had more than double the odds of private renters.

This puts those from well-off families at a distinct advantage. Those without parental assistance face steeper deposit hurdles and risk missing out on access to areas with better job prospects.

How governments can help

For those without parental assistance, governments have an important role to play. Property prices will continue to soar faster than incomes grow, unless policies are implemented to address both supply and demand challenges.

Loosening restrictions on mortgage borrowing could help some first homebuyers overcome the hurdle to homeownership. But there’s a worrying trade-off between making it easier to borrow and exposing young people to more financial risk.

Government grants that place more cash into the hands of first-time homebuyers will likely push house prices up further, unless supply of entry-level properties can keep up.

Such grants should also be carefully targeted to those without access to personal or family resources to help buy a home.

Finally, tax reforms could be used to increase the supply of dwellings in first homeowner entry markets, and hold back demand from multi-property owners who can crowd out first-time home buyers.




Read more:
Our housing system is broken and the poorest Australians are being hardest hit


The Conversation

Rachel Ong ViforJ is the recipient of an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (project FT200100422). She also receives funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute.

Christopher Phelps and Jack Hewton do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. We know how hard it is for young people to buy a home – so how are some still doing it anyway? – https://theconversation.com/we-know-how-hard-it-is-for-young-people-to-buy-a-home-so-how-are-some-still-doing-it-anyway-248666

Sweeping reform of the electoral laws puts democracy at risk. They shouldn’t be changed on a whim

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joshua Black, Visitor, School of History, Australian National University

The Albanese government is trying once more to legislate wide-ranging changes to the way federal elections are administered.

The 200-page Electoral Reform Bill, if passed, would transform the electoral donation rules by imposing donation and spending caps, increasing public funding, and improving transparency.

As noble as it sounds, the bill in its current form would undermine Australian democracy by favouring established parties over independent candidates and other new players.

Competitive disadvantage

The proposed donation caps are a case in point.

Donors could give A$20,000 per year, per recipient, to a branch of a party or candidate for electioneering purposes. In practice, that means donors could give no more than $20,000 per year to an independent but could contribute $180,000 to the Labor Party via each of its state and federal branches, or $160,000 to the Liberal Party (which has one less branch than the ALP).

The donation cap would reset annually and after each federal election, allowing a single donor to give $720,000 to the Labor Party in one election cycle or $640,000 to the Liberals, but no more than $20,000 to an independent who declares their candidacy in the year of an election.

Avoiding the American road

There are welcome components in the bill. Faster disclosure and lower donation thresholds would make the system more transparent. Given the large amount of undisclosed funding – “dark money ” – currently propping up political parties, this would be a significant improvement.

But democracy is not cheap.

Last year, the Financial Times reported Donald Trump and Kamala Harris spent a combined US$3.5 billion (A$5.6 billion) on their presidential races. This kind of money helps to sustain an American two-party system largely immune to challengers.

Australian campaigns look nothing like this, but there has been increased interest in the money spent in particular seats in recent years.

Former Labor minister Kim Carr revealed in his recent book Labor spent $1 million to defeat the Greens in the Melbourne electorate of Batman in 2018, while the LNP reportedly spent $600,000 campaigning to retain the affluent electorate of Fadden in 2023.

The bill before Parliament would cap election spending at $800,000 in each lower house seat. But the major parties could promote their generic party brand or a frontbench MP (in a seat other than their own) without affecting their capped spending.

These unfair discrepancies would reward the major parties while kneecapping independents whose first hurdle is to get their name “out there”.

Haunted by billionaires

The government argues its bill limits the influence of “big money” in politics, namely mining boss Clive Palmer, who spent $117 million at the last election.

For the Coalition, it is the community independents and their Climate 200 supporters who represent a kind of money “without precedent in the Australian political system” according to departing MP Paul Fletcher.

Rather than getting big money out of politics, this bill would make the major parties’ own funding pipelines the only money that matters.

The bill recognises “nominated entities” whose payments to associated political parties would not be limited by donation caps. Independents would not have this privilege.

Meanwhile, the long delay before the commencement of the bill in 2026 would give wealthy donors time to get their ducks in order. They could amass their own war chests before the new laws are due to come in to force and then register them as nominated entities at a later date.

Who pays? The taxpayer, of course!

Parties and candidates with more than 4% of the primary vote currently receive public election funding. The Hawke government introduced this measure as a “small insurance” against corruption.

The bill would raise the return to $5 per vote, which would mean an extra $41 million in funding, on top of the $71 million handed over after the 2022 election. Most of this money would go to the major parties.

The windfall would come with no extra guardrails or guidelines about how those funds could be spent. There are no laws to guarantee truth in political advertising at the federal level. Voters may well be paying for more political advertising that lies to them.

Closed consultations

Labor’s current strategy is to seek Coalition support for these changes to the rules of democracy.

Special Minister of State Don Farrell claims to have consulted widely on the design of the bill, but that came as news to independents David Pocock and Kate Chaney when asked about it last week.

The government’s haste and secrecy suggest it wants neither the bill nor its motives closely scrutinised.

Australians care about the quality of their democracy. Polling research by the Australia Institute last November showed four in five Australians expect electoral changes to be reviewed by a multi-party committee.

That’s what is needed for this bill. To do otherwise would threaten the integrity of Australian elections – or invite a High Court challenge that may overturn the entire system if the court rules freedom of political expression is at stake.

Democracy matters. The rules must not be changed on a whim.

Joshua Black is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at The Australia Institute, and formerly a Palace Letters Fellow at the Whitlam Institute within Western Sydney University.

ref. Sweeping reform of the electoral laws puts democracy at risk. They shouldn’t be changed on a whim – https://theconversation.com/sweeping-reform-of-the-electoral-laws-puts-democracy-at-risk-they-shouldnt-be-changed-on-a-whim-249144

Mandatory minimum sentencing is proven to be bad policy. It won’t stop hate crimes

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lorana Bartels, Professor of Criminology, Australian National University

Shutterstock

Weeks after Opposition Leader Peter Dutton announced his support for mandatory minimum jail terms for antisemitic offences, the government has legislated such laws. Minister for Home Affairs Tony Burke stated the federal parliament would now be “putting in place the toughest laws against hate speech that Australia has ever had”.

It follows a concerning recent spate of antisemitic attacks in Australia, including on Jewish places of worship, schools, businesses and homes.

Last week, a caravan was found on the outskirts of Sydney, filled with explosives and a list of Jewish targets.

Understandably, there is fear in the Jewish community.

The government’s decision to pursue mandatory minimum sentencing is contrary the 2023 ALP National Policy Platform stating:

Labor opposes mandatory sentencing. This practice does not reduce crime but does undermine the independence of the judiciary, leads to unjust outcomes, and is often discriminatory in practice.

The evidence shows that Labor’s official policy platform is correct. Mandatory minimum sentencing is unlikely to help solve this issue – or any other issue for that matter. It has a poor track record of reducing crime.

What is mandatory sentencing?

Australian criminal laws usually set a maximum penalty for an offence. It is then the role of the courts (a judge or magistrate) to set the sentence, up to the maximum penalty.

This allows the judiciary to exercise discretion in sentencing. It means the courts can take into account a range of relevant factors when determining an appropriate sentence, guided by the sentencing laws in each jurisdiction.

However, laws that demand a mandatory sentence set a minimum penalty for an offence, thereby significantly reducing the role of judicial discretion.

Sentencing decisions are made by judges in Australian courts.
Shutterstock

Let’s imagine two people are appearing in court, to be sentenced for exactly the same offence.

Defendant A (Kate) is 18 years old and has pleaded guilty. It is her first offence. She is Aboriginal, a victim of childhood domestic violence and lives on the streets. She has recently started to get help for her mental health problems.

Defendant B (Jim) is 35. He has a long criminal history, including breaches of bail and parole. He has never been out of prison for more than six months at a time. He has pleaded not guilty and doesn’t think he has done anything wrong.

The maximum penalty for this offence is five years. Under standard sentencing laws, a judge would usually give different sentences to Kate and Jim, based on their personal circumstances and future prospects. Jim would generally get a more severe sentence than Kate.

Now, let’s imagine parliament decides to set a mandatory minimum sentence of two years in prison. This means the judge has to send both Kate and Jim to prison for at least two years, despite the differences between them, even if a community-based sentence might be more appropriate for Kate.

So do mandatory minimum sentences work?

The main arguments for mandatory sentences are that they:

  • reflect community standards

  • provide consistency

  • avoid judicial leniency, and

  • reduce crime.

The evidence for each of these is weak.

A study with members of the Victorian public who had served on juries found strong support for sentencing discretion.

This is confirmed by recent research from the Queensland Law Reform Commission. It found general support from the public for individualised responses, not an inflexible approach to sentencing.

Mandatory sentencing yields more consistent outcomes, but denies flexibility in cases where defendants should be treated differently.

The argument that mandatory sentencing reduces crime is also contested.

Study after study has shown that harsher penalties do not reduce crime.

It is uncontested, however, that certainty of detection (whether you’ll get caught) is the primary deterrent factor, not the severity of the sentence (assuming that the perpetrator is aware of it).

Mandatory sentencing also brings risks

Let’s review the arguments against mandatory sentencing.

Firstly, it undermines judicial independence, the separation of powers (between the courts and executive government) and the rule of law: a concept based on fairness in the judicial system.

Mandatory sentencing also shifts discretion to other, less transparent, parts of the criminal justice system (for example, police and prosecution services), as they frame the charges that will bring defendants to court in the first place.

Secondly, a guilty plea is a mitigating factor the court considers when sentencing. Mandatory sentencing means there is little incentive for defendants to plead guilty. This increases workloads, delays, costs, and has consequent negative effects for victims.

In addition, juries may be reluctant to convict if they know the minimum sentence will insist upon a prison term. This can lead to inappropriate not guilty verdicts.

Undermining the right to a fair trial

Australia has previously come under fire from the United Nations for its mandatory sentencing laws.

These requirements are found in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which entered into force for Australia in 1980.

Indeed, the Law Council of Australia has suggested mandatory sentencing is inconsistent with the international prohibition against arbitrary detention, and undermines the right to a fair trial, given that such sentences have been somewhat predetermined.

These laws can also lead to injustice. As the example above shows, mandatory sentencing can impact disproportionately on vulnerable people, such as Indigenous people, and women with disabilities.

These cohorts are already far more vulnerable than non-Indigenous men (who account for most people who offend).

Adverse effects on imprisonment rates

The High Court recently stated that the mandatory minimum sentence will have the effect of lifting sentencing levels generally.

But the research shows longer prison sentences are much more expensive and less effective than community-based sentencing options in reducing crime.

Let’s leave the final word on this subject with the Law Council of Australia:

achieving a just outcome in the particular circumstances of a case, while maintaining consistency across similar cases and with Australia’s human rights obligations, is […] paramount.

We need effective responses to all forms of racial and religious hatred, including antisemitic hate crimes, but populist, knee-jerk reactions are highly unlikely to make the community safer. Clear-headed thinking will best stand the test of time, not policy developed in anger or fear.

Lorana Bartels is a Director of the Justice Reform Initiative. She is a supporter of the Jewish Council of Australia. She has received research funding from the ACT, Commonwealth, Queensland, Tasmanian and Victorian governments. She recently undertook a project for the Queensland government, which examined the use of mandatory minimum sentences for murder. She is a member of the Tasmanian Sentencing Advisory Council, which recently completed a project on hate crimes.

Rick Sarre does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Mandatory minimum sentencing is proven to be bad policy. It won’t stop hate crimes – https://theconversation.com/mandatory-minimum-sentencing-is-proven-to-be-bad-policy-it-wont-stop-hate-crimes-249266

It’s official: Australia’s ocean surface was the hottest on record in 2024

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Moninya Roughan, Professor in Oceanography, UNSW Sydney

Australia’s sea surface temperatures were the warmest on record last year, according to a snapshot of the nation’s climate which underscores the perilous state of the world’s oceans.

The Bureau of Meteorology on Thursday released its annual climate statement for 2024 – the official record of temperature, rainfall, water resources, oceans, atmosphere and notable weather.

Among its many alarming findings were that sea surface temperatures were hotter than ever around the continent last year: a whopping 0.89°C above average.

Oceans cover more than 70% of Earth’s surface, and their warming is gravely concerning. It causes sea levels to rise, coral to bleach and Earth’s ice sheets to melt faster. Hotter oceans also makes weather on land more extreme and damages the marine life which underpins vital ocean ecosystems.

What the snapshot showed

Australia’s climate varies from year to year. That’s due to natural phenomena such as the El Niño and La Niña climate drivers, as well as human-induced climate change.

The bureau confirmed 2024 was Australia’s second-warmest year since national records began in 1910. The national annual average temperature was 1.46°C warmer than the long-term average (1961–90). Heatwaves struck large parts of Australia early in the year, and from September to December.

Average rainfall in Australia was 596 millimetres, 28% above the 30-year average, making last year the eighth-wettest since records began.

And annual sea surface temperatures for the Australian region were the warmest on record. Global sea surface temperatures in 2024 were also the warmest on record.

According to the bureau, Antarctic sea-ice extent was far below average, or close to record-lows, for much of the year but returned to average in December.

What caused the hot oceans?

It’s too early to officially attribute the ocean warming to climate change. But we do know greenhouse gas emissions are heating the Earth’s atmosphere, and oceans absorb 90% of this heat.

So we can expect human-induced climate change played a big role in warming the oceans last year. But shorter-term forces are at play, too.

The rare triple-dip La Niña Australia experienced from 2020 to 2023 brought cooler water from deep in the ocean up to the surface. It was like turning on the ocean’s air-conditioner.

But that pattern ended and Australia entered an El Niño in September 2023. It lasted about seven months, when the oscillation between El Niño and La Niña entered a neutral phase.

The absence of a La Niña meant cool water was no longer being churned up from the deep. Once that masking effect disappeared, the long-term warming trend of the oceans became apparent once more.

Water can store a lot more heat than air. In fact, just the top few metres of the ocean store as much heat as Earth’s entire atmosphere. Oceans take a long time to heat up and a long time to cool.

Heat at the ocean’s surface eventually gets pushed deeper into the water column and spreads across Earth’s surface in currents. The below chart shows how the world’s oceans have heated over the past 70 years.

Changes in the world’s ocean heat content since 1955.
NOAA/NCEI World Ocean Database

Why should we care about ocean warming?

Rapid warming of Earth’s oceans is setting off a raft of worrying changes.

It can lead to less nutrients in surface waters, which in turn leads to fewer fish. Warmer water can also cause species to move elsewhere. This threatens the food security and livelihoods of millions of people around the world.

Just last week, it was reported that tens of thousands of fish died off northwestern Australia due to a large and prolonged marine heatwave.

Warm water causes coral bleaching, as experienced on the Great Barrier Reef in recent decades. It also makes oceans more acidic, reducing the amount of calcium carbonate available for organisms to build shells and skeletons.

Warming oceans trigger sea level rise – both due to melt water from glaciers and ice sheets, and the fact seawater expands as it warms.

Hotter oceans are also linked to weather extremes, such as more intense cyclones and heavier rainfall. It’s likely the high annual rainfall Australia experienced in 2024 was in part due to warmer ocean temperatures.

What now?

As long as humans keep burning fossil fuels and pumping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, the oceans will keep warming.

Unfortunately, the world is not doing a good job of shifting its emissions trajectory. As the bureau pointed out in its statement, concentrations of all major long-lived greenhouse gases in the atmosphere increased last year, including carbon dioxide and methane.

Prolonged ocean warming is driving changes in weather patterns and more frequent and intense marine heatwaves. This threatens ecosystems and human livelihoods. To protect our oceans and our way of life, we must transition to clean energy sources and cut carbon emissions.

At the same time, we must urgently expand ocean observing below the ocean’s surface, especially in under-studied regions, to establish crucial baseline data for measuring climate change impacts.

The time to act is now: to reduce emissions, support ocean research and help safeguard the future of our blue planet.

Moninya Roughan receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. It’s official: Australia’s ocean surface was the hottest on record in 2024 – https://theconversation.com/its-official-australias-ocean-surface-was-the-hottest-on-record-in-2024-249277

Actor David Tennant has an extra toe. Two anatomists explain what’s so fascinating about polydactyly

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amanda Meyer, Senior Lecturer, Anatomy and Pathology, James Cook University

A common anatomical variation is being born with more than ten fingers or more than ten toes.

Former Doctor Who actor David Tennant this week confirmed he has 11 toes. He says he was born with an extra toe on his right foot, meaning he has polydactyly.

Here’s how this anatomical variation occurs, and how common it really is.

Let’s start in the womb

The term polydactyly is derived from the Greek poly (meaning many) and dactyly (referring to fingers or toes or digits). To understand it, we need to start with how an embryo develops in the womb.

Developing hands and feet start as limb buds, which look like little flat paddles. But with polydactyly, an extra finger or toe grows from the limb bud.

Based on the research literature, about one in 700–1,000 people born have polydactyly. Having an extra finger on the side of your little finger or having an extra toe on the side of your little toe is the most common form.

If the extra digit doesn’t have bone, or has poor muscle connections to the hand or foot, it won’t work. So it is usually cut off or tied off with a suture (specialised medical string) straight after you are born.

Newborn baby in hospital bassinet with extra finger
This newborn baby has one of the most common form of polydactyly – an extra little finger.
Sergey Novikov/Shutterstock

Less commonly, people are born with double thumb tips or an extra thumb. Seeing as we use our thumbs so often, an orthopaedic surgeon may need to remove the extra bones to improve use of the thumb.

The rarest type of polydactyly affects the fourth finger (ring finger) or the second toe (next to your big toe).

Does it run in families?

Ten known syndromes (groups of associated symptoms) are linked to polydactyly: Bardet-Biedl, McKusick-Kaufman, Carpenter, Saethre-Chotzen, Poland, Greig cephalosyndactyly, short-rib, Pallister-Hall, Triphalangeal thumb and Smith-Lemli-Opitz. Many of these are rare syndromes people are born with, usually affect the head and upper limbs, and will have been diagnosed by a paediatrician early in life.

If you have polydactyly and you don’t have one of those syndromes, it means you inherited a dominant mutated gene from your ancestors. In other words, one of your parents would have passed this on to you when you were conceived.

Tennant does not appear to have any of these syndromes. So we can probably presume he inherited a mutated copy of a gene related to his polydactyly from one of his parents.

How about webbed fingers and toes?

Another common anatomical variation is when people have fused or “webbed” fingers or toes, known as syndactyly. This term comes from syn (meaning together with) and dactyly (referring to fingers or toes).

Syndactyly also arises in the womb. When individual fingers and toes develop from the paddle-like limb buds, cells in between the growing fingers and toes have to die and disappear. But if the cells don’t die and disappear, they can cause webbing or fusing.

Child with syndactyly holding paint brush
This child has webbed or fused fingers, known as syndactyly.
JorgeMRodrigues/Shutterstock

Based on the medical literature, about one in 2,000–3,000 people born have syndactyly. So it’s about three times less common than polydactyly.

There are nine different types of syndactyly, and 11 syndromes associated with it. Eight of the syndromes are also associated with polydactyly. The other three are Apert and Pfeiffer syndromes, and acrocephalosyndactyly.

For most types of syndactyly you only have to inherit one mutated copy of the gene from one parent to get the variation.

American actor Ashton Kutcher looks to have syndactyly, with his skin fused to the first joint between his second and third toes.

In a nutshell

You might be surprised how common anatomical variations are in your fingers and toes, whether that’s having an extra digit, like Tennant, or fused ones, like Kutcher.

But these are just a few examples of the rich diversity of variation in our anatomy, some of which are visible, some not.




Read more:
A man lived to old age without knowing he may have had 3 penises


The Conversation

Amanda Meyer is affiliated with the Australian and New Zealand Association of Clinical Anatomists, the American Association for Anatomy, and the Global Neuroanatomy Network.

Alexandra Trollope does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Actor David Tennant has an extra toe. Two anatomists explain what’s so fascinating about polydactyly – https://theconversation.com/actor-david-tennant-has-an-extra-toe-two-anatomists-explain-whats-so-fascinating-about-polydactyly-249139

Unambitious and undermined: why NZ’s latest climate pledge lacks the crucial ‘good faith’ factor

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Cooper, Associate Professor of Law, University of Waikato

New Zealand’s Climate Change Minister Simon Watts speaking during the the recent climate summit in Azerbaijan. Sean Gallup/Getty Images

The announcement of New Zealand’s new climate pledge under the Paris Agreement was met with sharp criticism last week.

The agreement commits nations to provide a new pledge, known as a Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) every five years. But it also requires each pledge to be a “progression beyond” the previous one.

Climate Change Minister Simon Watts announced New Zealand would commit to reducing emissions by 51-55% below 2005 levels by 2035, which is only 1-5% above the current NDC of a 50% cut by 2030.

Technically, the new NDC represents a progression, albeit the smallest possible one. It was criticised as underwhelming and unambitious to combat climate change, raising the question whether the coalition government has done enough to comply with its international obligations.

The commitments of each member nation should align with the Paris Agreement’s purpose to hold global average temperature rise well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and to pursue efforts to keep it at 1.5°C.

But the agreement also requires that each country’s NDC reflects its “highest possible ambition, reflecting its common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, in light of different national circumstances”.

Does the government’s announcement to step up emissions cuts by as little as 1% really represent New Zealand’s highest possible ambition in present circumstances?

In October last year, looking specifically at New Zealand’s potential domestic contribution to the new NDC, the Climate Change Commission advised that emissions cuts of 66% could be achieved without shrinking the economy.

This excludes potential additional cuts achieved through offshore mitigation – paying for overseas carbon credits or funding other countries to reduce their greenhouse emissions.

Clearly, deeper cuts are possible and there is room for significantly greater ambition.

A flooded paddock with a one-way bridge road sign sticking out above the water.
The goal of the Paris Agreement is to limit climate change impacts by holding temperature rise well below 2°C.
Fiona Goodall/Getty Images

Bare minimum commitment

Even if the new NDC meets a minimal requirement for compliance, it is difficult to see how it adheres to the purpose of the Paris Agreement and the level of ambition required.

New Zealand’s NDC falls short of the commitments offered by other comparable countries and even some developing nations, including the oil and gas producer Brazil, which pledged to cut its emissions by 59-67% by 2035.

International law has long been guided by the principle of pacta sunt servanda, which translates to “agreements must be kept”. The principle reminds parties to any agreement or convention that all international obligations should be fulfilled in good faith.

Viewing New Zealand’s new NDC in the context of other recent decisions, it seems the coalition government may be pursuing policies that could undermine climate action while pledging the bare minimum internationally. This would be difficult to characterise as a party acting in good faith.

Immediately following the new NDC announcement, Resources Minister Shane Jones unveiled New Zealand’s national minerals strategy, along with a list of critical minerals.
These documents support the government’s goal to double exports from the mineral sector by 2035.

Despite reassurance in the strategy that minerals production will not come at the expense of our environment, it includes plans to scale up exports of metallurgical coal. But mining more of this coal, then burning it (usually in the process of steelmaking), will add to greenhouse gas emissions.

Wider concerns about the likely environmental damage and biodiversity loss linked with fast-tracked mining operations continue to be raised.

Meeting trade obligations

Last year’s decision to postpone the entry of agriculture into New Zealand’s Emissions Trading Scheme without a robust alternative means that agricultural emissions continue to avoid effective regulation.

Even recent measures to allow increased road speed limits have been criticised for increasing greenhouse gas emissions as well as worsening air quality and reducing road safety.

Despite Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s claim to be “all about yes” even on climate change, such decisions are difficult to square with a responsible party to the Paris Agreement acting in good faith.

The Paris Agreement is clear that emissions pledges are not imposed but are to be determined nationally. The agreement itself lacks an enforcement mechanism, but recently agreed trade deals with the European Union and with the United Kingdom both contain binding and enforceable commitments to the agreement.

This is a reminder that trading partners are already monitoring New Zealand’s climate actions. Consumer attitudes and trade obligations might become a more powerful lever for climate action in the future. No government should ignore this.

As the US administration begins to withdraw from the Paris Agreement, now more than ever is the time for other countries to stay focused on its purpose and to match national commitments accordingly.

Without an NDC in line with the Paris goal, New Zealand’s government is not sending the right message to New Zealanders or to our trading partners and neighbours. It is failing to show international and regional leadership at a time when many Pacific nations are on the frontline of climate-related risk and damage.

The Conversation

Nathan Cooper does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Unambitious and undermined: why NZ’s latest climate pledge lacks the crucial ‘good faith’ factor – https://theconversation.com/unambitious-and-undermined-why-nzs-latest-climate-pledge-lacks-the-crucial-good-faith-factor-248877

‘Do I have to get it in writing?’ Even with compulsory lessons, some teens are confused about how consent works

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Giselle Woodley, Researcher and PhD Candidate, School of Arts and Humanities, Edith Cowan University

Tirachard Kumtanom/Pexels, CC BY

Consent education has been mandatory in Australian schools since 2023.

Amid growing public understanding we need to reduce sexual violence and teach young people about healthy relationships, consent is now part of the national curriculum until Year 10.

But is this education working?

Our research with teens suggest some young people are not coming away with an adequate understanding of consent or how to use it in their relationships.

What is consent education supposed to involve?

Before 2023, consent was taught at the discretion of each school as part of relationships and sexuality education classes. The Morrison government announced age-appropriate consent lessons in 2022, to start in the first year of school.

The aim is to teach students about the importance of consent, ensuring they understand it is an ongoing agreement between individuals. This means consent needs to be actively sought and freely given.

It is still largely up to individual schools to work out how they teach the material.

A group of young people party and take pictures at a festival.
Consent education is now a compulsory part of Australia’s National Curriculum.
Wendy Wei/Pexels, CC BY



Read more:
Wondering how to teach your kids about consent? Here’s an age-based guide to get you started


Our research

This research is part of a broader study of young people’s perceptions of online sexual content and experiences of relationships and sexuality education.

For our research, we have spoken to 46 Australian teens (aged 11-17) through a mix of interviews and focus groups. The interviews were done between 2021-2023 and the focus groups were held in December 2023.

As part of this, we asked interviewees what they learned about consent at school. The comments in this article were made after consent education became compulsory.

‘Nothing’ about how to speak to peers

While some young people told us their schools had over-emphasised consent – “like they’ve gone through everything” – other interviewees found the lessons difficult to apply in their lives. As one focus group participant (in a group of mixed genders, aged 14-16) explained:

[Young people are] taught in a basic stereotypical movie way like ‘no’, ‘stop that’, but they don’t actually teach, like, real-life situations.

Lauren* (14) added young people were only taught “if you didn’t want to have sex, then just say no”. As she explained, teens need more practical advice on how to respond to potential partners. This includes:

more focus on examples of other people asking for sex and what [to] do if you were asked to have sex with someone [or] on how to say ‘no’.

Another participant (from a focus group of mixed-genders, aged 14-16) noted how saying “no” was more complex than what school lessons suggested and teens could be taught how to advocate for themselves:

Especially for non-confrontational people ‘cause my friend, [a] creepy guy was being really weird to her, and she wouldn’t say anything about it ‘cause she’s so nice and other people had to step up for her because she wouldn’t tell him that she didn’t want it.

Two young people kiss on a street.
Interviewees said they wanted more advice on how to handle real-life situations around consent.
ArtHouse Studio/Pexels, CC BY

‘We don’t want to get in trouble’

Interviewees told us how consent is often discussed within the context of unwanted sex and sexual assault, or as Tiffany (15) explained “all the negative things”. This may contribute to fears about sexual activity.

Young people also saw consent as a means to avoid “getting into trouble”, rather than checking the comfort and willingness of their sexual partners.
As Warren (17) told us:

My friend group that I hang out with, we’re very big on consent. That’s because we’ve heard of cases where people might not have got consent, then they’ve got in trouble because of it […] we don’t want to get in trouble for doing the wrong thing […]

In response to discussions about affirmative consent laws, and the need to demonstrate consent has been sought and given, Warren continued:

I don’t know how I’d go about getting it every time, like, if I just invited a girl over [do] I have to get it in writing or something?

He added he and his friends were thinking about having partners sign a form during their end-of-school celebrations:

if we bring girls back, we want them to sign a consent form or something like that. That’s an idea we had.

There are several issues with teens thinking they need a written form for sex. Not only is it transactional and impractical, it could create an idea someone is not “allowed” to withdraw consent at any time. It also presents consent as a simple box-ticking exercise for “yes” or “no”, when it should be based on mutual respect and care, as part of an evolving discussion.

Going beyond consent

We only interviewed a modest sample of students from Perth. But our study feeds into other research suggesting “consent” in itself may not stop or prevent sexual violence. That is, even if one partner says “yes” it does not mean the sex is free from coercion or is pleasurable.

Other Australian studies have found young people can demonstrate high levels of knowledge about consent but may not know how to apply it.

This suggests young people need more skills and knowledge than simply being told to “seek consent” – a low bar for ethical sex. Consent education also needs to explore communication skills, self-confidence, pleasure, love and relationship dynamics: all topics teens tell us they want to learn about.

This should not be taken as a criticism of passionate, hardworking teachers and schools. But it suggests they need more support and training to provide consent education in ways young people can actually use.

*names have been changed.

Imogen Senior from Body Safety Australia, Gracie Cayley from the Kids Research Institute, Associate Professor Debra Dudek and Dr Harrison W. See from Edith Cowan University contributed to the research on which this article is based.

The Conversation

This study was funded by the Australian Research Council (ARC) Discovery Project Adolescents’ perceptions of harm from accessing online sexual content (DP 190102435). Primary funding was received from the ARC. The focus groups, were part-funded by Edith Cowan University’s School of Arts and Humanities: School research investment fund as part of the Love Studies’ Teenagers, Consent, and Sex Education project. Giselle Woodley is a member of Bloom-Ed, a relationships and sexuality education advocacy group, whose views are not expressed here. Giselle is also an expert advisor for ‘On your terms’ a consent study run by the Australian Human Rights Commission and funded by the Commonwealth Department of Education.

Lelia Green is part of the Australian Research Council’s Discovery Project funding scheme (project DP190102435). The views expressed here are those of the authors and not necessarily of the Australian government or the ARC.

ref. ‘Do I have to get it in writing?’ Even with compulsory lessons, some teens are confused about how consent works – https://theconversation.com/do-i-have-to-get-it-in-writing-even-with-compulsory-lessons-some-teens-are-confused-about-how-consent-works-248771

What is callisthenics? And how does it compare to running or lifting weights?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mandy Hagstrom, Senior Lecturer, Exercise Physiology. School of Health Sciences, UNSW Sydney

Sokirlov/Shutterstock

Callisthenics is a type of training where you do bodyweight exercises to build strength. It’s versatile, low cost, and easy to start.

Classic callisthenics moves include:

  • push ups
  • bodyweight squats
  • chin ups
  • burpees
  • lunges using only your bodyweight.

Advanced callisthenics includes movements like muscle-ups (where you pull yourself above a bar) and flagpole holds (where you hold yourself perpendicular to a pole).

In callisthenics, you often do a lot of repetitions (or “reps”) of these sorts of moves, which is what can make it a hybrid strength and cardio workout. In the gym, by contrast, many people take the approach of “lifting heavy” but doing fewer reps to build serious strength.

Traditionally, callisthenics was more of a muscle sculpting, strength-based work out. It is reportedly based on techniques used by ancient Greek soldiers.

The Oxford Dictionary says the term callisthenics – which is said to be based on the Greek word κάλλος or kállos (meaning beauty) and σθένος or sthenos (meaning strength) – first started showing up in popular discourse the early 1800s.

Callisthenics is often associated with high intensity interval training (HIIT) routines, where jumping, skipping or burpees are combined with bodyweight strength-building exercises such as push ups and body weight squats (often for many reps).

Callisthenics exercises draw on your natural movement; when children climb on monkey bars and jump between pieces of play equipment, they’re basically doing callisthenics.

A boy works on the monkey bars at a playground.
When children climb on monkey bars, they’re doing callisthenics exercises.
wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock

What are the benefits of callisthenics?

It all depends on how you do callisthenics; what you put in will dictate what you get out.

When exercise programs combine resistance training (such as lifting weights or doing bodyweight exercises) and aerobic exercise, the result is better health and a reduced likelihood of death from a variety of different causes.

Callisthenics provide a low cost, time efficient way of exercising this way.

With improvements in body composition, muscular strength, and posture, it’s easy to see why it’s become a popular way to train.

Research has also shown callisthenics is better at reducing body fat and controlling blood sugar for people with diabetes when compared to pilates.

Research has also shown doing callisthenics can reduce body fat and increase lean muscle mass in soccer players, although this research does not compare the benefits between different exercise program types.

That means we don’t know if callisthenics is better than other traditional forms of exercise – just that it does more than nothing.

A woman does a pull-up outdoors.
Callisthenics provide a low cost, time efficient way of exercising.
pedro7merino/Shutterstock

What are the potential drawbacks?

With callisthenics, it can be hard to progress past a certain point. If your goal is to get really big muscles, it may be hard to get there with callisthenics alone. It would likely be simpler for most people to gain muscle in a gym using traditional methods such as machine and free weights with a combination of various sets and reps.

If you want to progress in the gym, you can increase your dumbbells by small increments, such as 1kg. In callisthenics, however, you may find the jump from one exercise to the next too big to achieve. You risk a plateau in your training without some challenging work-arounds.

Another advantage of traditional strength training with bands, machines, or free weights is that it also increases flexibility and range of motion.

However, 2023 research found “no significant range of motion improvement with resistance training using only body mass.” So, given its focus on bodyweight exercises, it seems unlikely callisthenics alone would significantly improve your flexibility and range of motion.

Unfortunately, there is no long-term research examining the benefits of callisthenics in direct comparison to traditional aerobic training or resistance training.

Is callisthenics for me?

Well, that depends on your goal.

If you want to get really strong, lift heavy.

If you want to increase your muscle mass, try lifting near to the point of “failure”. That means lifting a weight to the point where you feel that you are close to fatigue, or close to the point that you may need to stop. The key here is that you don’t have to get to the point of failure to achieve muscle growth – but you do have to put in sufficient effort.

If you want to get lean, focus first on nutrition, and then understand that either cardio, lifting or both can help.

What if you’re time poor, or don’t have a gym membership? Well, callisthenics exercises offer some of the cardio benefits of a run, and some of the muscular benefits of a lifting session, all tied up in one neat package.

It can be a great holiday workout at a local park or playground, on public outdoor exercise equipment, or even on the deck of a holiday rental.

But, as with all exercise, there are potential benefits and limitations of callisthenics.

Callisthenics has its place, but, for most, it’s likely best used as just one part of a well-rounded training routine.

The Conversation

Mandy Hagstrom is affiliated with Sports Oracle, a company that delivers the IOC diploma in Strength and Conditioning.

Justin Keogh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is callisthenics? And how does it compare to running or lifting weights? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-callisthenics-and-how-does-it-compare-to-running-or-lifting-weights-246326

What’s the difference between climate and weather models? It all comes down to chaos

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andy Hogg, Professor and Director of ACCESS-NRI, Australian National University

Nadia Piet/AIxDESIGN & Archival Images of AI / Better Images of AI , CC BY-SA

Weather forecasts help you decide whether to go for a picnic, hang out your washing or ride your bike to work. They also provide warnings for extreme events, and predictions to optimise our power grid.

To achieve this, services such as the Australian Bureau of Meteorology use complex mathematical representations of Earth and its atmosphere – weather and climate models.

The same software is also used by scientists to predict our future climate in the coming decades or even centuries. These predictions allow us to plan for, or avoid, the impacts of future climate change.

Weather and climate models are highly complex. The Australian Community Climate and Earth System Simulator, for example, is comprised of millions of lines of computer code.

Without climate and weather models we would be flying blind, both for short-term weather events and for our long-term future. But how do they work – and how are they different?

The same physical principles

Weather is the short-term behaviour of the atmosphere – the temperature on a given day, the wind, whether it’s raining and how much. Climate is about long-term statistics of weather events – the typical temperature in summer, or how often thunderstorms or floods happen each decade.

The reason we can use the same modelling tools for both weather and climate is because they are both based on the same physical principles.

These models compile a range of factors – the Sun’s radiation, air and water flow, land surface, clouds – into mathematical equations. These equations are solved on a bunch of tiny three-dimensional grid boxes and pieced together to predict the future state.

These boxes are sort of like pixels that come together to make the big picture.

These solutions are calculated on a computer – where using more grid boxes (finer resolution) gives better answers, but takes more computing resources. This is why the best predictions need a supercomputer, such as the National Computational Infrastructure’s Gadi, located in Canberra.

Because weather and climate are governed by the same physical processes, we can use the same software to predict the behaviour of both.

But there most of the similarities end.

Climate and weather models are made up of thousands of 3-dimensional grid cells which are represented by mathematical equations that describe physical processes.
NOAA

The starting point

The main differences between weather and climate come down to a single concept: “initialisation”, or the starting point of a model.

In many cases, the simplest prediction for tomorrow’s weather is the “persistence” forecast: tomorrow’s weather will be similar to today. It means that, irrespective of how good your model is, if you start from the wrong conditions for today, you have no hope of predicting tomorrow.

Persistence forecasts are often quite good for temperature, but they’re less effective for other aspects of weather such as rainfall or wind. Since these are often the most important aspects of weather to predict, meteorologists need more sophisticated methods.

So, weather models use complex mathematics to create models that include weather information (from yesterday and today) and then make a good prediction of tomorrow. These predictions are a big improvement on persistence forecasts, but they won’t be perfect.

In addition, the further ahead you try to predict, the more information you forget about the initial state and the worse your forecast performs. So you need to regularly update and rerun (or, to use modelling parlance, “initialise”) the model to get the best prediction.

Weather services today can reliably predict three to seven days ahead, depending on the region, the season and the type of weather systems involved.

Chaos reigns

If we can only accurately predict weather systems about a week ahead before chaos takes over, climate models have no hope of predicting a specific storm next century.

Instead, climate models use a completely different philosophy. They aim to produce the right type and frequency of weather events, but not a specific forecast of the actual weather.

The cumulative effect of these weather events produces the climate state. This includes factors such as the average temperature and the likelihood of extreme weather events.

So, a climate model doesn’t give us an answer based on weather information from yesterday or today – it is run for centuries to produce its own equilibrium for a simulated Earth.

Because it is run for so long, a climate (also known as Earth system) model will need to account for additional, longer-term processes not factored into weather models, such as ocean circulation, the cryosphere (the frozen portions of the planet), the natural carbon cycle and carbon emissions from human activities.

The additional complexity of these extra processes, combined with the need for century-long simulations, means these models use a lot of computing power. Constraints on computing means that we often include fewer grid boxes (that is, lower resolution) in climate models than weather models.

A machine learning revolution?

Is there a faster way?

Enormous strides have been made in the past couple of years to predict the weather with machine learning. In fact, machine learning-based models can now outperform physics-based models.

But these models need to be trained. And right now, we have insufficient weather observations to train them. This means their training still needs to be supplemented by the output of traditional models.

And despite some encouraging recent attempts, it’s not clear that machine learning models will be able to simulate future climate change. The reason again comes down to training – in particular, global warming will shift the climate system to a different state for which we have no observational data whatsoever to train or verify a predictive machine learning model.

Now more than ever, climate and weather models are crucial digital infrastructure. They are powerful tools for decision makers, as well as research scientists. They provide essential support for agriculture, resource management and disaster response, so understanding how they work is vital.

Andy Hogg works for ACCESS-NRI, Australia’s Climate Simulator, based at the Australian National University. He receives funding for ACCESS-NRI from the Department of Education through the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy, and receives research funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a member of the Australian Meteorological and Oceanographic Society.

Aidan Heerdegen works for ACCESS-NRI, Australia’s Climate Simulator, based at the Australian National University.

ACCESS-NRI receives funding from the Federal Department of Education through the National Collaborative Infrastructure Strategy.

Kelsey Druken works for ACCESS-NRI, Australia’s Climate Simulator, based at the Australian National University. ACCESS-NRI receives funding from the Australian federal government through the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy (NCRIS). She is a member of the American and European Geophysical Unions (AGU, EGU).

ref. What’s the difference between climate and weather models? It all comes down to chaos – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-climate-and-weather-models-it-all-comes-down-to-chaos-244914

What is sexsomnia? And how can it be used as a defence in court?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Rudge, Law lecturer, University of Sydney

Canvan-Images/Shutterstock

Over the past decade, “sexsomnia” has been used as a defence in a number of Australian sexual assault trials.

This sleep disorder – sometimes known as “sleep sex” – causes people to engage in sexual behaviour while asleep.

Last week, a Sydney man with sexsomnia was acquitted of rape charges. The dispute was not whether he had sex with the woman, nor whether she consented.

The question was whether the man’s actions were voluntary. This turned on whether he was asleep or awake when he performed the acts.

The apparent increase in the use of the sexsomnia defence has raised concerns, both in Australia and overseas. Some claim the defence may be a way for people accused of sex crimes to evade justice.

In this latest case, the trial judge explained a well-established rule of criminal law to the jury. The rule is that a person cannot be held criminally responsible for involuntary acts. After deliberating, the jury found the man not guilty.

But how can sexsomnia be proved in court? Here’s what we know about this rare condition, and how it is used as a criminal defence.

What is sexsomnia?

Sexsomnia is not the same as having sex dreams. It is a parasomnia, or sleep disorder. It can cause the person to engage in sexual behaviour while unconscious, including sexual touching, intercourse or masturbation.

Sexsomnia was only added to the Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) in 2013. It sits alongside sleepwalking and night terrors.

People may not be aware they have sexsomnia. There are some potential triggers, including alcohol and stress. But there are also effective treatments, including the drug clonazepam, which has sedative affects, as well as some antidepressants.

It’s unclear how common sexsomnia is, but it’s thought to be rare. A 2020 study found only 116 clinical cases had been recorded in the medical literature.

But it may also be underreported due to embarrassment and a lack of awareness.

How is it used in court?

Sexsomnia is a recent version of an older legal defence known as automatism, which can be traced to the 1840s.

Automatism describes actions without conscious volition (meaning without using your will). Those with automatism have no memory or knowledge of their acts.

The law has recognised automatism in sleep walking, in reflexes, spasms, or convulsions, and in acts of those with hypoglycaemia (low blood sugar) and epilepsy.

But an important debate in the legal cases, as well as among psychiatrists and sleep experts, is about how to classify the condition.

Essentially, is sexsomnia a mental health impairment caused by an underlying mental illness? Or is it a temporary “malfunction” that occurs in an otherwise “healthy mind”?

Australian law has recognised sexsomnia as the latter (a kind of “sane automatism”) meaning it is characterised by episodes that don’t necessarily recur.

Sexsomnia may be underreported due to shame and lack of knowledge about the condition.
NoemiEscribano/Shutterstock

How can sexsomnia be proved?

Detailed medical evidence is usually required for this defence. However, the defendant only needs to prove there was a “reasonable possibility” their acts were involuntary.

By contrast, the prosecution must prove “beyond a reasonable doubt” that the sexual acts were voluntary or “willed” – a higher standard of proof.

This means it can be challenging to rule out sexsomnia once the defendant has presented evidence of the condition.

Is sexsomnia a mental illness?

Some important Australian cases have considered whether the law should treat sexsomnia as an ongoing mental disorder instead of a transitory “malfunction of the mind”.

In a 2022 case, prosecutors accepted that a New South Wales man accused of sexual offences against his daughter had sexsomnia. What they contested was that his condition arose from a “sound mind”.

They argued sexsomnia should now be considered a mental illness. This argument capitalised on new laws that had commenced that year in NSW.

In defining mental health impairments, the new laws included a disturbance of volition.

Why is this significant?

The 2022 case was understood to have legal implications – not only for NSW but for all state jurisdictions in Australia.

If the prosecution could establish sexsomnia was a mental health impairment, then an outright acquittal would be unlikely.

Instead, the court would be required to reach a “special verdict” and might then refer the defendant to a mental health tribunal. As a result, the defendant could be detained in a secure psychiatric facility, such as the Long Bay Hospital.

However, the prosecution in the 2022 case failed to establish sexsomnia was the result of a mental health impairment under the new laws. A two-judge majority said sexsomnia was not a “disturbance of volition” because no one has volition when they are asleep.

The dissenting judge found that sexsomnia was a mental health impairment under the new definition. Her reasons highlighted that one purpose of the new laws was to “protect the safety of members of the public”.

Why are these definitions controversial?

As long ago as 1966, legal scholars criticised how the law treats different kinds of automatism.

While sleepwalkers and sexsomniacs are viewed as “perfectly harmless,” those with other conditions, such as schizophrenia, are viewed as “criminally demented” and detained in facilities under law.

Whether sexsomnia is a sleep disorder with non-recurring episodes or a more permanent mental disorder continues to be debated.

However the way it is addressed clinically may reinforce its status as a sleep disorder. As there are no formal practice guidelines for treatments, it has tended to be sleep clinics, rather than psychiatrists, who respond to the condition.

The increasing use of this rare condition as a defence in serious, violent cases of sexual assault is concerning and warrants further research and attention.

Christopher Rudge was a research officer at the Medical Council of NSW in 2018.

ref. What is sexsomnia? And how can it be used as a defence in court? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-sexsomnia-and-how-can-it-be-used-as-a-defence-in-court-248756

The butterfly effect: this obscure mathematical concept has become an everyday idea, but do we have it all wrong?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Associate Professor & Principal Fellow in Urban Risk & Resilience, The University of Melbourne

Edward Lorenz’s mathematical weather model showed solutions with a butterfly-like shape. Wikimol

In 1972, the US meteorologist Edward Lorenz asked a now-famous question:

Does the flap of a butterfly’s wings in Brazil set off a tornado in Texas?

Over the next 50 years, the so-called “butterfly effect” captivated the public imagination. It has appeared in movies, books, motivational and inspirational speeches, and even casual conversation.

The image of the tiny flapping butterfly has come to stand for the outsized impact of small actions, or even the inherent unpredictability of life itself. But what was Lorenz – who is now remembered as the founder of the branch of mathematics called chaos theory – really getting at?

A simulation goes wrong

Our story begins in the 1960s, when Lorenz was trying to use early computers to predict the weather. He had built a basic weather simulation that used a simplified model, designed to calculate future weather patterns.

One day, while re-running a simulation, Lorenz decided to save time by restarting the calculations from partway through. He manually inputted the numbers from halfway through a previous printout.

But instead of inputting, let’s say, 0.506127, he entered 0.506 as the starting point of the calculations. He thought the small difference would be insignificant.

He was wrong. As he later told the story:

I started the computer again and went out for a cup of coffee. When I returned about an hour later, after the computer had generated about two months of data, I found that the new solution did not agree with the original one. […] I realized that if the real atmosphere behaved in the same manner as the model, long-range weather prediction would be impossible, since most real weather elements were certainly not measured accurately to three decimal places.

There was no randomness in Lorenz’s equations. The different outcome was caused by the tiny change in the input numbers.

Lorenz realised his weather model – and by extension, the real atmosphere – was extremely sensitive to initial conditions. Even the smallest difference at the start – even something as small as the flap of a butterfly’s wings – could amplify over time and make accurate long-term predictions impossible.

Graph showing butterfly-like swirls on a graph.
The ‘Lorenz Attractor’ found in models of a chaotic weather system has a characteristic butterfly shape.
Milad Haghani, CC BY

Lorenz initially used “the flap of a seagull’s wings” to describe his findings, but switched to “butterfly” after noticing a remarkable feature of the solutions to his equations.

In his weather model, when he plotted the solutions, they formed a swirling, three-dimensional shape that never repeated itself. This shape — called the Lorenz attractor — looked strikingly like a butterfly with two looping wings.

Welcome to chaos

Lorenz’s efforts to understand weather led him to develop chaos theory, which deals with systems that follow fixed rules but behave in ways that seem unpredictable.

These systems are deterministic, which means the outcome is entirely governed by initial conditions. If you know the starting point and the rules of the system, you should be able to predict the future outcome.

There is no randomness involved. For example, a pendulum swinging back and forth is deterministic — it operates based on the laws of physics.

Systems governed by the laws of nature, where human actions don’t play a central role, are often deterministic. In contrast, systems involving humans, such as financial markets, are not typically considered deterministic due to the unpredictable nature of human behaviour.

A chaotic system is a system that is deterministic but nevertheless behaves unpredictably. The unpredictability happens because chaotic systems are extremely sensitive to initial conditions. Even the tiniest differences at the start can grow over time and lead to wildly different outcomes.

Chaos is not the same as randomness. In a random system, outcomes have no definitive underlying order. In a chaotic system, however, there is order, but it’s so complex it appears disordered.

A misunderstood meme

Like many scientific ideas in popular culture, the butterfly effect has often been misunderstood and oversimplified.

One common misconception is that the butterfly effect implies every small action leads to massive consequences. In reality, not all systems are chaotic, and for systems that aren’t, small changes usually result in small effects.

Another is that the butterfly effect carries a sense of inevitability, as though every butterfly in the Amazon is triggering tornadoes in Texas with each flap of its wings.

This is not at all correct. It’s simply a metaphor pointing out that small changes in chaotic systems can amplify over time, making long-term outcomes impossible to predict with precision.

Taming butterflies

Systems that are very sensitive to initial conditions are very hard to predict. Weather systems are still tricky, for example.

Forecasts have improved a lot since Lorenz’s early efforts, but they are still only reliable for a week or so. After that, small errors or imprecisions in the starting data grow larger and larger, eventually making the forecast inaccurate.

To deal with the butterfly effect, meteorologists use a method called ensemble forecasting. They run many simulations, each starting with slightly different initial conditions.

By comparing the results, they can estimate the range of possible outcomes and their likelihoods. For example, if most simulations predict rain but a few predict sunshine, forecasters can report a high probability of rain.

However, even this approach works only up to a point. As time goes on, the predictions from the models diverge rapidly. Eventually, the differences between the simulations become so large that even their average no longer provides useful information about what will happen on a given day at a given location.

A butterfly effect for the butterfly effect?

The journey of the butterfly effect from a rigorous scientific concept to a widely popular metaphor highlights how ideas can evolve as they move beyond their academic roots.

While this has helped bring attention to a complex scientific concept, it has also led to oversimplifications and misconceptions about what it really means.

Attaching a metaphor to a scientific phenomenon and releasing it into popular culture can lead to its gradual distortion.

Any tiny inaccuracies or imprecision in the initial description can be amplified over time, until the final outcome is a long way from reality. Sound familiar?

The Conversation

Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The butterfly effect: this obscure mathematical concept has become an everyday idea, but do we have it all wrong? – https://theconversation.com/the-butterfly-effect-this-obscure-mathematical-concept-has-become-an-everyday-idea-but-do-we-have-it-all-wrong-246577

Elections mean more misinformation. Here’s what we know about how it spreads in migrant communities

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fan Yang, Research fellow at Melbourne Law School, the University of Melbourne and the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society., The University of Melbourne

Shutterstock

Migrants in Australia often encounter disinformation targeting their communities. However, disinformation circulated in non-English languages and within private chat groups often falls beyond the reach of Australian public agencies, national media and platform algorithms.

This regulatory gap means migrant communities are disproportionately targeted during crises, elections and referendums when misinformation and disinformation are amplified.

With a federal election just around the corner, we wanted to understand how migrants come across disinformation, how they respond to it, and importantly, what can be done to help.




Read more:
Misinformation, disinformation and hoaxes: What’s the difference?


Our research

Our research finds political disinformation circulates both online and in person among friends and family.

Between 2023 and 2024, we carried out a survey with 192 respondents. We then conducted seven focus groups with 14 participants who identify as having Chinese or South Asian cultural heritage.

We wanted to understand their experiences of political engagement and media consumption in Australia.

An important challenge faced by research participants is online disinformation. This issue was already long-standing and inadequately addressed by Australian public agencies and technology companies, even before Meta ended its fact-checking program.

Lack of diversity in news

Our study finds participants read news and information from a diverse array of traditional and digital media services with heightened sense of caution.

They encounter disinformation in two ways.

The first is information misrepresenting their identity, culture, and countries of origin, particularly found in English-language Australian national media.

The second is targeted disinformation distributed across non-English social media services, including in private social media channels.

An iPhone screen showing three Chinese social media apps
Misinformation is often spread on Chinese social media platforms to target their users.
Shutterstock

From zero (no trust) to five (most trusted), we asked our survey participants to rank their trust towards Australian national media sources. This included the ABC, SBS, The Age, Sydney Morning Herald, 9 News and the 7 Network.

Participants reported a medium level of trust (three).

Our focus groups explained the mistrust participants have towards both traditional and social media news sources. Their thoughts echoed other research with migrants. For instance, a second-generation South Asian migrant said:

it feels like a lot of marketing with traditional media […] they use marketing language to persuade people in a certain way.

Several participants of Chinese and South Asian cultural backgrounds reported that Australian national media misrepresent their culture and identity due to a lack of genuine diversity within news organisations. One said:

the moment you’re a person of colour, everyone thinks that you’re Chinese. And we do get painted with the same paintbrush. It is very frustrating […]

Another added:

Sri Lanka usually gets in the media for cricket mainly, travel and tourism. So apart from that, there’s not a lot of deep insight.

For migrants, the lack of genuine engagement with their communities and countries of origin distorts public understanding, reducing migrants to a one-dimensional, often stereotypical, portrayal. This oversimplification undermines migrants’ trust in Australian national media.

Participants also expressed minimal trust in news and information on social media. They often avoid clicking on headline links, including those shared by Australian national media outlets. According to a politically active male participant of Chinese-Malaysian origin:

I don’t really like reading Chinese social media even though I’m very active on WeChat and subscribe to some news just to see what’s going on. I don’t rely on them because I usually don’t trust them and can often spot mistakes and opinionated editorials rather than actual news.

Consuming news from multiple sources to understand a range of political leanings is a strategy many participants employed to counteract biased or partial news coverage. This was particularly the case on issues of personal interest, such as human rights and climate change.




Read more:
About half the Asian migrants we surveyed said they didn’t fully understand how our voting systems work. It’s bad for our democracy


What can be done?

Currently, Australia lacks effective mechanisms to combat online disinformation targeting migrant communities, especially those whose first language is not English.

Generalised counter-disinformation approaches (such as awareness camapaigns) fail to be effective even when translated into multiple languages.

This is because the disinformation circulating in these communities is often highly targeted and tailored. Scaremongering around geopolitical, economic and immigration policies is a common theme. These narratives are too specific for a population-level approach to work.

Our focus groups revealed that the burden of addressing disinformation often falls on family members or close friends. This responsibility is particularly carried by community-minded individuals with higher levels of media and digital knowledge. Women and younger family members play a key role.

An Asian woman and South Asian man sit on a couch and use their smartphones
Women and younger family members play a key role in debunking misinformation in migrant families.
Shutterstock

Focus group members told us how they explained Australian political events to their families in terms they were more familiar with.

During the Voice to Parliament referendum, one participant referenced China’s history of resistance against Japanese Imperialism to help a Chinese-Australian friend better understand the consequences of colonialism and its impacts on Australia’s First Nations communities.

Younger women participants shared that combating online disinformation is an emotionally taxing process. This is especially so when it occurs within the family, often leading to conflicts. One said:

I’m so tired of intervening to be honest, and mostly it’s family […] my parents and close friends and alike. There is so much misinformation passed around on WhatsApp or socials. When I do see someone take a very strong stand, usually my father or my mother, I step in.

Intervening in an informal way doesn’t always work. Family dynamics, gender hierarchies and generational differences can impede these efforts.

Countering disinformation requires us to confront deeper societal issues related to race, ethnicity, gender, power and the environment.

International research suggests community-based approaches work better for combating misinformation in specific cohorts, like migrants. This sort of work could take place in settings people trust, be that community centres or public libraries.

This means not relying exclusively on changes in the law or the practices of online platforms.

Instead, the evidence suggests developing community-based interventions that are culturally resonant and attuned to historical disadvantage would help.

Our recently-released toolkit makes a suite of recommendations for Australian public services and institutions, including the national media, to avoid alienating and inadvertently misinforming Asian-Australians as we approach a crucial election campaign.

The Conversation

Sukhmani Khorana receives funding from the Australia Research Council and has previously conducted commissioned research for migrant and refugee-focused organisations.

Fan Yang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Elections mean more misinformation. Here’s what we know about how it spreads in migrant communities – https://theconversation.com/elections-mean-more-misinformation-heres-what-we-know-about-how-it-spreads-in-migrant-communities-247685

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