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What is a trained clown and what does the training look like?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna-Sophie Jürgens, Senior Lecturer in Science Communication (Pop Culture Studies), Australian National University

Where do clowns come from? In popular culture, they may come from alien worlds, such as Killer Klowns from Outer Space, peer out from drains like Pennywise from Stephen King’s It, or emerge from a vat of chemicals or a lab accident, like The Joker in DC comics.

In real life, however, they often come from clown schools, theatre institutes or universities.

Clown education is often long, rigorous and very physically demanding. Many clown courses are quite hard to get into.

So, how are they trained and what are some of the main institutions?

We’ve always had clowns

The clown is an anthropological constant, a phenomenon that exists across cultures and time.

From “ritual clowns” in indigenous cultures, to the “court bufoons” that traditionally entertained Pacific chiefs and royal jesters in medieval Europe, there are many different types of clowns. And they serve different purposes in society.

A scary looking engraving.
Attributed to Zacharias Dolendo after Jacques de Gheyn II, Three Dancing Mummers, Including a Jester, 1595/1596.
National Gallery of Art

Clowns are often afforded special privilege to say or do what would be unthinkable for most of us. As one research paper notes:

The earliest record of clowns or jesters appear to date back to Ancient Egypt over 4,000 years ago, where a ‘Danga’ is recorded as a fool at the court of the Pharaoh Dadkeri-Assi […] his activities, dances and diversions were treated not only with tolerance but also with privilege.

Clowns also appear in the literature on ancient Greece and ancient Rome, again enjoying positions of relative privilege at the time.

The stock characters and themes explored in the Commedia dell’arte – a theatre tradition that flourished between the 16th and 18th centuries in Europe – became the source of many Harlequins and Pierrots, Punches and Judies.

Italian commedia dell’art scene
Giovanni Domenico Tiepolo, The Triumph of Pulcinella, 1760-1770.
Statens Museum for Kunst

In the 18th century, with the rise of the modern circus and pantomime, the mischievous clown became popular. This was most famously personified by English clown Joseph Grimaldi, who wore white face paint and is described by one report as having “invented the creepy clown” with his unsettling acts of mischief.

Since then, many more whiteface clowns and mimes (such as clowning legend, Lindsay Kemp, who studied mime with France’s Marcel Marceau and worked with David Bowie and Kate Bush), Auguste clowns (who wear red noses and are often in grotesquely mismatched costumes), character clowns (such as The Three Stooges or The Marx Brothers), tramps (such as Charlie Chaplin) and many other clown incarnations have populated our cultural imagination.

Today’s clowns may be entertainers, political activists, boundary-pushers, or even medical clowns performing to relieve people’s physical and emotional pain in hospitals or aged care settings.

All of these require different skills and training.

How are clowns trained?

The methods, techniques and schools of clowning are as diverse as the cultural history of clowns itself.

Not surprisingly, many circuses train clowns.

Among the well-known schools in the United States was Ringling Bros. and Barnum & Bailey Clown College, which educated clowns until it closed in 1997 (one famous graduate is Penn Jillette from the magic-performing duo Penn and Teller).

A clown rests on wagon wheels.
Ringling Circus clown Emmett Kelly in Sarasota, Florida, in 1947.
Library of Congress

Theatre schools often train clowns, too. One example is Accademia Dimitri in Switzerland, founded by Swiss clown Dimitri, his wife Gunda, and Czech-born actor and mime Richard Weber. The program they designed focuses on teaching students pantomime, dance, theatrical improvisation, acrobatics and other skills.

Universities also train clowns. The University of Alberta in Canada, for example, has a Movement, Dance and Clowning stream.

In fact, there are clown and physical theatre hubs all around the world that train clowns.

A female clown in black and yellow.
Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, Seated Clowness (La Clownesse assise), 1896.
National Gallery of Art

The Budapest Circus Arts and Contemporary Dance College, for example, offers a three-year clown training programme. Students learn skills in “preparing the body, the mind and the spirit for creation”, improvisation techniques, circus studies, juggling, clowning technique and acrobatics.

There’s also the famous École Internationale de Théâtre Jacques Lecoq in France. One well-known graduate is Australian actor Geoffrey Rush, who studied mime and movement there.

There’s Sydney’s Clown Institute, which describes itself as a “fun-tastic outlet to ditch stress”.

Then there are also mentoring-based approaches to clown training that tap into literature and art (see, for example, the International School for Acting And Creativity).

All of these approaches help future clowns develop their artistic and expressive pathways by combining technical skills with personal artistic sensibilities.

But it is the clown’s purpose that shapes the direction of the training.

How purpose shapes training

If you want to become a professional mime (with or without whiteface), you will likely learn the techniques developed by groundbreaking artists such as France’s Marcel Marceau and Étienne Decroux, who spearheaded a type of physically demanding performance known as corporeal mime.

A mime may also study improvisation, ballet, modern dance, acrobatics and fencing.

If you want to become a circus clown, your training may include classical acting techniques, interdisciplinary circus arts and dance, physical comedy, acrobatics, yoga, stage combat, juggling and storytelling.

Clown doctors often undertake specialist training in performing arts such as physical theatre, pantomime or puppetry, as well as learning practical skills in nursing, hospital practices and procedures. They must adapt their clowning to a therapeutic profession in a medical setting.

One medical clowning organisation, Dream Doctors, says that after inital training, their graduates undertake about 200 hours of ongoing professional development seminars, courses and workshops every year.

Clowns master the body as a storyteller

Trained clowns create engaging experiences for audiences, generate memorable moments and harness the power of creativity for wellbeing and social change.

A sketch of four clowns.
Henri-Gabriel Ibels, Clowns, 1893.
National Gallery of Art

Through institutionalised programmes, mentoring by senior colleagues and the study of routines they admire, future clown performers must discover and unfold their own inner clown.

Trained clowns master the body as a storyteller, fostering new artistic creation and stimulating creative intelligence.

The Conversation

Anna-Sophie Jürgens does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is a trained clown and what does the training look like? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-a-trained-clown-and-what-does-the-training-look-like-237123

20 dead – PNG women, girls flee tribal fighting in Porgera mine valley

By Miriam Zarriga in Port Moresby

Women, girls, the elderly, and young boys have rushed to pack any vehicle they could as they escaped heavy tribal fighting that has erupted in Papua New Guinea’s Porgera Valley.

The sound of gunfire erupts in the peaceful valley, shouts of war follow the gunfire, and amid the chaos, women and girls have been hiding, ever keeping a close eye on the scenes unfolding before them.

The fight in the golden valley of Porgera started earlier this week when two factions of illegal miners fought among themselves and one faction of the group killed two men from the other faction.

And the fight erupted from then on. With no leader since the death of their local member of Parliament, Maso Karipe, the valley has seen fighting intensify since Wednesday.

Caught smack in the middle are security personnel who have tried their best to bring peace to the mining township.

Papua New Guinea celebrates its independence from Australia on 16 September 1975 this weekend with a national holiday tomorrow.

The PNG Post-Courier attempted to make contact with security personnel but could only hear gunfire as the men continued to protect the mining site and each other.

Mass exodus of 5000
Porgera has seen a mass exodus of more than 5000 people.

The 20 people killed include two local mine workers and the numbers increase steadily each day. The electorate is run by gunmen, with all local services stopped and prices of goods the highest the electorate has seen in years.

The main road via Mulitaka has been closed since the May 24 landslide. The bypass road is yet to be completed.

A state of emergency must be declared, says Lagaip member Aikem Amos as his electorate borders the mining township.

He said that the government had often said short-term pain for long-term gain. However, that had fallen on deaf ears as gunmen moved into the valley laying waste to those who dared stand up against them.

Akem has called on the national government to intervene to stop the recent fight that has escalated.

He confirmed that all the schools, hospitals, aid posts, and other government services, including the BSP banking service in Porgera, were all closed in fear of this tribal warfare that is flaring like wildfire, costing a lot of lives.

Warlords ‘in control’
He said the fight was not confined to the Porgerans themselves but men from Lagaip districts and Mulitaka LLG were also involved in this fight.

“The fight is said to be covering all the Porgera valley,” Akem said.

The Lagaip MP said there was no road network, no communications, and even the price of goods and services had sky-rocketed in the last few days due to the fight and the road reconstruction in Mulitaka.

“The only thing that seems to be working is the Porgera gold mine,” Akem said.

He added there were not enough policemen and soldiers to maintain peace in the valley.

A few security personnel who were there were protecting the mine site and the nearby area and outside the mine premises all was in the hands of warlords.

“I as the member for Lagaip call for the government to intervene and declare a state of emergency in Porgera Valley now,” Akem said.

‘Peaceful golden valley’ gone
“If the government takes longer time to stop the fight in Porgera now, we might never have a mine in the next two weeks or months and years to come,” he added.

He said that there was no leadership in Porgera and the place once called a “peaceful golden valley” was in the hands of warlords now as we were were speaking.

Akem said without the late Maso Karipe there was nobody in Porgera to provide leadership.

“I am a leader for the people of Lagaip and I cannot look after Porgera District too given the status of my capability. But as a leader, I will always call for the national government’s intervention,” he said.

Prime Minister James Marape and coalition members were reminded in Parliament this week that law and order was the number one priority.

PM Marape said: “In this meeting, this body of leaders, on behalf of the coalition government, has elevated the fight for law and order as a number one priority as we move our country into 50 years of Independence and beyond.

“We resolved that, in the face of many competing needs, this government must, at the very earliest, explore every possible means to uphold the rule of law in our country, strengthen law enforcement, and ensure that the police and all systems of justice are functioning properly.

Concerted effort needed
“While we work on the economy, fixing health and education, and developing infrastructure through Connect PNG, every concerted effort must be made in the area of law and order, including fighting corruption.

“This is the number one focus for our coalition government.”

Prime Minister Marape emphasised that this initiative built upon the government’s ongoing efforts in the law and justice sector, including targeted personnel training to bolster ongoing force and the broader justice system.

According to sources on the ground the New Porgera mine had shut down its operations for a day as fighting continued on Wednesday.

However, by Thursday, the mine had reopened.

Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Australia can’t afford an AUKUS about-face: 5 things the critics are getting wrong

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Blaxland, Professor, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University

Three years have passed since the United States, Australia and United Kingdom announced on September 15 2021 that they would enter into a security partnership called AUKUS.

A major part of the deal involved the US and UK helping Australia acquire nuclear-propulsion submarines. This decision by the Morrison government controversially entailed backing out of a A$90 billion deal with a French company to purchase 12 submarines.

In recent months, the AUKUS deal has generated a fair amount of criticism from former Prime Ministers Paul Keating and Malcolm Turnbull, former Foreign Minister Gareth Evans, and some in the media.

Critics have focused on five main arguments about AUKUS:

  • the pact enhances the prospects of war with China
  • Australia doesn’t need nuclear-propulsion submarines
  • the deal makes our neighbours in South-East Asia uneasy
  • it drags us back to our Anglosphere past, tying us closely to the US and UK
  • the forecast cost of the submarines (between A$268 and $368 billion) is unconscionably high.

Yet, each of these claims is based on assertions that miss the point. Here’s why.

1. AUKUS increases the likelihood of war

Some critics argue that by acquiring nuclear-propulsion submarines, Australia will support a more belligerent posture by the US towards China, notably over Taiwan. And this makes war more likely.

This, however, belies American awareness of its own limitations and the risks such a provocative approach would entail.

Others argue AUKUS encourages a military industrial complex that ostensibly makes Australia more of a dependent – rather than independent – ally to the US. And this denies Australia agency in regional or global security affairs.

But this bleak interpretation, again, sees a binary world in which Australia would be expected to support the US unquestioningly in a potential war with China over Taiwan. It also overlooks the prospect that war might not happen – that China will squeeze, rather than seize Taiwan.

As defence expert Peter Dean has observed, the debate over Taiwan’s security is “an argument without context”. It ignores the importance of Australia’s own regional security strategy. Whether or not we’d support the US in a war, Dean says, is the wrong question in the wrong argument.

This belief that AUKUS increases the likelihood of war also misreads the nuanced nature of deterrence for which credible force is needed.

Indeed, realists widely acknowledge that weakness invites adventurism, even aggression. The whole point of having a defence force is to deter would-be aggressors by giving them pause for thought and, failing that, to inflict such costs on an enemy, they fail in their objectives.

Tensions are greater today than they have been in generations. And as strategic studies expert Brendan Taylor argues, there are at least four flash points in Australia’s region: Korea, the East China Sea, the South China Sea and Taiwan.

Australia has a vested interest in preserving peace and stability in the region to protect and foster its prosperity. Capable and potent deterrent capabilities have proven increasingly effective at doing this, as conflicts in recent years in Ukraine and the Middle East have shown by not spiralling out of control.

So, the AUKUS deal shouldn’t be seen as provocative. Rather, it maintains strong deterrence in the region. Our neighbours understand that.

2. Australia doesn’t need nuclear-propulsion submarines

This myth persists despite mounting evidence. Australia is interested in nuclear-propulsion submarines because its ageing fleet of diesel-electric propulsion submarines has become vulnerable to aerial detection and strikes.

Most of earth is now covered by low-earth polar orbit satellites. Coupled with armed drones, artificial intelligence and pattern analysis, this means a determined adversary can detect the wake of traditional submarine funnels when they raise their snorkels to recharge their batteries.

Given that stealth had been their only advantage over surface warships, diesel-electric submarines are no longer so useful where long transits are involved.

Australia’s diesel-electric submarines cannot transit from any major domestic or foreign port to their base in Western Australia without multiple snorts. And each snort generates a grave risk of detection. This leaves nuclear propulsion as the only viable option for countries with vast ocean distances to transit, such as Australia or the United States.

Operationally, nuclear-propulsion submarines have other considerable benefits. For one, they can travel faster (about 20 knots on average instead of 6.5 knots). The transit time from Fremantle to the Strait of Malacca, therefore drops from 18 days to just six days.

The faster transit speeds means coverage of key choke points can be maintained with a handful of submarines that can relocate (away from danger or to a new surveillance location) with breathtaking speed.

The nuclear-propulsion submarines can also stay underwater “on station” (at an assigned patrol location, say, the Malacca or Lombok straits) for longer. A fleet should also be able to be deployed three times longer than Australia’s current submarines, remaining undetected without needing to recharge batteries.

3. The neighbours don’t like it

Official reservations about AUKUS in public declarations are entirely understandable, given Indonesia’s “free and active” foreign policy.

Yet, the new enhanced defence pact signed by Australia and Indonesia on August 29 suggests that Indonesia, like the Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam, are quite comfortable with Australia engaging in AUKUS and with its neighbours concurrently.

4. The focus on the Anglosphere detracts from regional engagement

Australia was once described as a “torn country” because of its geographical location in the Asia-Pacific and its historical and cultural connections to the United Kingdom.

But these days, Australia is successfully managing the tension between its Anglosphere roots and its physical place in the world. Arguably, it’s a key factor making it attractive for foreign students and migrants, luring them away from UK and US alternatives.

Foreign Minister Penny Wong’s diplomatic successes also belie the line that AUKUS detracts from engagement with our neighbours. Successful summits with the Pacific Islands Forum and Association of South East Asian Nation leaders recently make a mockery of such claims.

Even France, the most slighted out of the AUKUS deal, has gotten over it because Australia matters to its Indo-Pacific claims.

Indeed, Labor’s election victory in 2022 allowed for a convenient reset in relations. This has been illustrated with the recently refreshed trilateral “FRANZ” agreement between France, Australia and New Zealand.

5. The cost is unconscionable

A cost of up to A$368 billion over 30 years sounds like a lot. But this amount is unlikely to be fully spent as other efficiencies may arise and because defence is accommodating the submarines from its existing budget, much to the chagrin of the Air Force and Army having to make cutbacks.

Defence budget increases are occurring only incrementally, with substantial increases slated for several years into the future.

To be sure, the government must grapple with competing demands for missiles, aircraft, drones and other fighting systems. As retired Lieutenant General Peter Leahy observed, military readiness requires additional expenditures in the short term to hedge against uncertainty.

Ironically enough, however, increased reliance on US-sourced technology is key to enabling a more self-reliant defence posture.

Australia prides itself on its high level of interoperability with the US military as part of maintaining a qualitative technological edge. This is intended to compensate for its lack of quantity when it comes to military hardware and uniformed personnel.

Under AUKUS, the US is transferring the know-how to build, maintain and operate the nuclear-powered submarines in Australia. This relies on trusted access to the most advanced US military technology – building on more than 80 years of collaboration on intelligence matters.

These advanced systems are vital should the US prove unwilling or unable to engage as actively in the neighbourhood as we might like in the future.

Balancing interests

What has emerged in recent times is what Rory Medcalf, head of the ANU National Security College, describes as “the Australian way of war and peace”. This means Australia is respectfully but firmly asserting its rights, protecting its interests and setting an example for others in the neighbourhood to follow.

In weighing up Australia’s interests, we must look beyond the critiques. Now is not the time for yet another submarine about-face.

The geopolitical circumstances and new technological advances point to the need to stay the course.

From 2015-2018 John Blaxland received funding from the US DoD Minerva Research Initiative to undertake a study on the US-Thai alliance and Asian international relations (co-authored with Dr Greg Raymond and published with Routledge in 2021).

ref. Australia can’t afford an AUKUS about-face: 5 things the critics are getting wrong – https://theconversation.com/australia-cant-afford-an-aukus-about-face-5-things-the-critics-are-getting-wrong-238219

Pope Francis – a message of peace and real change in Pacific political struggles

COMMENTARY: By Laurens Ikinia in Jakarta

Pope Francis has completed his historic first visit to Southeast Asian and Pacific nations.

The papal apostolic visit covered Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Singapore and Timor-Leste.

This visit is furst to the region after he was elected as the leader of the Catholic Church based in Rome and also as the Vatican Head of State.

Under Pope Francis’ leadership, many church traditions have been renewed. For example, he gives space to women to take some important leadership and managerial roles in Vatican.

Many believe that the movement of the smiling Pope in distributing roles to women and lay groups is a timely move. Besides, during his term as the head of the Vatican state, the Pope has changed the Vatican’s banking and financial system.

Now, it is more transparent and accountable.

Besides, the Holy Father bluntly acknowledges the darkness concealed by the church hierarchy for years and graciously apologises for the wrong committed by the church.

The Pope invites the clergy (shepherds) to live simply, mingling and uniting with the members of the congregation (sheep).

The former archbishop of Buenos Aires also encourages the church to open itself to accepting congregations who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT).

However, Papa Francis’ encouragement was flooded with protests from some members of the church. And it is still an ongoing spiritual battle that has not been fully delivered in Catholic Church.

Two encyclicals
Pope Francis, the successor of Apostle Peter, is a humble and modest man. Under his papacy, the highest authority of the Catholic Church has issued four apostolic works, two in the form of encyclicals, namely Lumen Fidei (Light of Faith) and Laudato si’ (Praise Be to You) and two others in the form of apostolic exhortations, namely Evangelii Gaudium (Joy of the Gospel) and Amoris Laetitia (Joy of Love).

Of the four masterpieces of the Pope, the encyclical Laudato si’ seems to gain most attention globally.

The encyclical Laudato si’ is an invitation from the Holy Father to human beings to be responsible for the existence of the universe. He begs us human beings not to exploit and torture Mother Nature.

We should respect nature because it provides plants and cares for us like a mother does for her children. Therefore, caring for the environment or the universe is a calling that needs to be responded to genuinely.

This apostolic call is timely because the world is experiencing various threats of natural devastation that leads to natural disasters.

The irresponsible and greedy behaviour of human beings has destroyed the beauty and diversity of the flora and fauna. Other parts of the world have experienced and are experiencing adverse impacts.

This is also taking place in the Pacific region.

Sinking cities
The World Economy Forum (2019) reports that it is estimated there will be eleven cities in the world that will “sink” by 2100. The cities listed include Jakarta (Indonesia), Lagos (Nigeria), Houston (Texas-US), Dhaka (Bangladesh), Virginia Beach (Virginia-US), Bangkok (Thailand), New Orleans (Louisiana-US), Rotterdam (Netherlands), Alexandra (Egypt), and Miami (Florida-US).

During the visit of the 266th Pope, he addressed the importance of securing and protecting our envirinment.

During the historic interfaith dialogue held at the Jakarta’s Istiqlal Mosque on September 5, the 87-year-old Pope said Indonesia was blessed with rainforest and rich in natural resources.

He indirectly referred to the Land of Papua — internationally known as West Papua. The message was not only addressed to the government of Indonesia, but also to Papua New Guinea.

The apostolic visit amazed people in Indonesia which is predominantly a Muslim nation. The humbleness and friendliness of Papa Francis touched the hearts of many, not only Christians, but also people with other religious backgrounds.

Witnessing the presence of the Pope in Jakarta firsthand, we could certainly testify that his presence has brought tremendous joy and will be remembered forever. Those who experienced joy were not only because of the direct encounter.

Some were inspired when watching the broadcast on the mainstream or social media.

The Pope humbly made himself available to be greeted by his people and blessed those who approached him. Those who received the greeting from the Holy Father also came from different age groups — starting from babies in the womb, toddlers and teenagers, young people, adults, the elderly and brothers and sisters with disabilities.

Pope brings inner comfort
An unforgettable experience of faith that the people of the four nations did not expect, but experienced, was that the presence of the Pope Francis brought inner comfort. It was tremendously significant given the social conditions of Indonesia, PNG and Timor-Leste are troubled politically and psychologically.

State policies that do not lift the people out of poverty, practices of injustice that are still rampant, corruption that seems endemic and systemic, the seizure of indigenous people’s customary land by giant companies with government permission, and an economic system that brings profits to a handful of people are some of the factors that have caused disturbed the inner peace of the people.

In Indonesia, soon after the inauguration on October 20 of the elected President and Vice-President, Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the people of Indonesia will welcome the election of governors and deputy governors, regents and deputy regents, mayors and deputy mayors.

This will include the six provinces in the Land of Papua. The simultaneous regional elections will be held on November 27.

The public will monitor the process of the regional election. Reflecting on the presidential election which allegedly involved the current President’s “interference”, in the collective memory of democracy lovers there is a possibility of interference from the government that will lead the nation.

Could that happen? Only time will tell. The task of all elements of society is to jointly maintain the values of honest, honest and open democracy.

Pope Francis in his book, Let Us Dream, the Path to the Future (2020) wrote:

“We need a politics that can integrate and dialogue with the poor, the excluded, and the vulnerable that gives people a say in the decisions that impact their lives.”

Hope for people’s struggles
This message of Pope Francis has a deep meaning in the current context. What is common everywhere, politicians only make sweet promises or give fake hope to voters so that they are elected.

After being elected, the winning or elected candidate tends to be far from the people.

Therefore, a fragment of the Holy Father’s invitation in the book needs to be a shared concern. The written and implied meaning of the fragment above is not far from the democratic values adopted by Indonesia and other Pacific nations.

Pacific Islanders highly value the views of each person. But lately the noble values that were well-cultivated and inherited by the ancestors are increasingly diminishing.

Hopefully, the governments will deliver on the real needs and struggles of the people.

“Our greatest power is not in the respect that others have for us, but the service we can give others,” wrote Pope Francis.

Laurens Ikinia is a lecturer and researcher at the Institute of Pacific Studies, Indonesian Christian University, Jakarta, and is a member of the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN).

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

RSF calls on UN to investigate Israeli attack killing photojournalist Issam Abdallah

Pacific Media Watch

A month before the anniversary of the death of photojournalist Issam Abdallah — killed by an Israeli strike while reporting in southern Lebanon — Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and 10 organisations have sent a letter to the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and Israel.

The letter supports a request made by Abdallah’s family in July for an investigation into the crime, reports RSF.

According to the findings of Reuters and Agence France-Presse (AFP) news agenciesand the NGOs Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, the shooting that killed Abdallah and injured journalists from AFP, Reuters, and Al Jazeera on 13 October 2023 originated from an Israeli tank.

A sixth  investigation, conducted by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), found that “an Israeli tank killed Reuters reporter Issam Abdallah in Lebanon last year by firing two 120 mm rounds at a group of ‘clearly identifiable journalists’ in violation of international law,” according to Reuters.

Based on these findings, RSF and 10 human rights organisations sent a letter to the United Nations this week urging it to conduct an official investigation into the attack.

The letter, dated September 13, was specifically sent to the UN’s Commission of Inquiry charged with investigating possible international crimes and violations of international human rights law committed in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories since 7 October 2023.

With this letter, RSF and the co-signatories express their support for a similar request for an investigation into the circumstances of Abdallah’s murder, made by the reporter’s family last June which remains unanswered at the time of this writing.

Rare Israeli responses
Rarely does Israel respond on investigations over journalists killed in Palestine, including Gaza, and Lebanon.

Two years after the murder of Shireen Abu Akleh in the West Bank on 11 May 2022, and a year after Israel’s official apology acknowledging its responsibility, justice has yet to be delivered for the charismatic Al Jazeera journalist.

At least 134 journalists and media workers have been killed since Israeli’s war on Gaza began.

Jonathan Dagher, team leader of RSF’s Middle East bureau, wrote about tbe Abdallah case:

“Issam Abdallah a été tué par l’armée israélienne, caméra à la main, vêtu de son gilet siglé ‘PRESS’ et de son casque.

“Dans le contexte de la violence croissante contre les journalistes dans la région, ce crime bien documenté dans de nombreuses enquêtes ne doit pas rester impuni.

“La justice pour Issam ouvre une voie solide vers la justice pour tous les reporters.

>“Nous exhortons la Commission à se saisir de cette affaire et à nous aider à mener les auteurs de cette attaque odieuse contre des journalistes courageux et professionnels à rendre des comptes.”

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

West Papuan independence advocate seeks NZ support against ‘genocide, ecocide’

SPECIAL REPORT: By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson of Te Ao Māori News

West Papuan independence advocate Octo Mote is in Aotearoa New Zealand to win support for independence for West Papua, which has been ruled by Indonesia for more than 60 years.

Mote is vice-president of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and is being hosted in New Zealand by the Green Party, which Mote said had always been a “hero” for West Papua.

He spoke at a West Papua seminar at the Māngere Mountain Education Centre tonight.

ULMWP president Benny Wenda has alleged more than 500,000 Papuans have been killed since the occupation, and millions of hectares of ancestral forests, rivers and mountains have been destroyed or polluted for “corporate profit”.

The struggle for West Papuans
“Being born a West Papuan, you are already an enemy of the nation [Indonesia],” Mote says.

“The greatest challenge we are facing right now is that we are facing the colonial power who lives next to us.”

If West Papuans spoke up about what was happening, they were considered “separatists”, Mote says, regardless of whether they are journalists, intellectuals, public servants or even high-ranking Indonesian generals.

“When our students on the ground speak of justice, they’re beaten up, put in jail and [the Indonesians] kill so many of them,” Mote says.

Mote is a former journalist and says that while he was working he witnessed Indonesian forces openly fire at students who were peacefully demonstrating their rights.

“We are in a very dangerous situation right now. When our people try to defend their land, the Indonesian government ignores them and they just take the land without recognising we are landowners,” he says.

The ‘ecocide’ of West Papua
The ecology in West Papua iss being damaged by mining, deforestation, and oil and gas extraction. Mote says Indonesia wants to “wipe them from the land and control their natural resources”.

He says he is trying to educate the world that defending West Papua means defending the world, especially small islands in the Pacific.

West Papua is the western half of the island of New Guinea, bordering the independent nation of Papua New Guinea. New Guinea has the world’s third-largest rainforest after the Amazon and Congo and it is crucial for climate change mitigation as they sequester and store carbon.

Mote says the continued deforestation of New Guinea, which West Papuan leaders are trying to stop, would greatly impact on the small island countries in the Pacific, which are among the most vulnerable to climate change.

Mote also says their customary council in West Papua has already considered the impacts of climate change on small island nations and, given West Papua’s abundance of land the council says that by having sovereignty they would be able to both protect the land and support Pacific Islanders who need to migrate from their home islands.

In 2021, West Papuan leaders pledged to make ecocide a serious crime and this week Vanuatu, Fiji and Samoa submitted a court proposal to the International Criminal Court (ICJ) to recognise ecocide as a crime.

Support from local Indonesians
Mote says there are Indonesians who support the indigenous rights movement for West Papuans. He says there are both NGOs and a Papuan Peace Network founded by West Papuan peace campaigner Neles Tebay.

“There is a movement growing among the academics and among the well-educated people who have read the realities among those who are also victims of the capitalist investors, especially in Indonesia when they introduced the Omnibus Law.”

The so-called Omnibus Law was passed in 2020 as part of outgoing President Joko Widodo’s goals to increase investment and industrialisation in Indonesia. The law was protested against because of concerns it would be harmful for workers due to changes in working conditions, and the environment because it would allow for increased deforestation.

Mote says there has been an “awakening”, especially among the younger generations who are more open-minded and connected to the world, who could see it both as a humanitarian and an environmental issue.

The ‘transfer’ of West Papua to Indonesia
“The [former colonial nation] Dutch [traded] us like a cow,” Mote says.

The former Dutch colony was passed over to Indonesia in 1963 in disputed circumstances but the ULMWP calls it an “invasion”.

From 1957, the Soviet Union had been supplying arms to Indonesia and, during that period, the Indonesian Communist Party had become the largest political party in the country.

The US government urged the Dutch government to give West Papua to Indonesia in an attempt to appease the communist-friendly Indonesian government as part of a US drive to stop the spread of communism in Southeast Asia.

The US engineered a meeting between both countries, which resulted in the New York Agreement, giving control of West Papua to the UN in 1962 and then Indonesia a year later.

The New York Agreement stipulated that the population of West Papua would be entitled to an act of self-determination.

The ‘act of no choice’
This decolonisation agreement was titled the 1969 Act of Free Choice, which is referred to as “the act of no choice” by pro-independence activists.

Mote says they witnessed “how the UN allowed Indonesia to cut us into pieces, and they didn’t say anything when Indonesia manipulated our right to self-determination”.

The manipulation Mote refers to is for the Act of Free Choice. Instead of a national referendum, the Indonesian military hand-picked 1025 West Papuan “representatives” to vote on behalf of the 816,000 people. The representatives were allegedly threatened, bribed and some were held at gunpoint to ensure a unanimous vote.

Leaders of the West Papuan independence movement assert that this was not a real opportunity to exercise self-determination as it was manipulated. However, it was accepted by the UN.

Pacific support at UN General Assembly
Mote has came to Aotearoa after the 53rd Pacific Island Forum Leaders summit in Tonga last week and he has come to discuss plans over the next five years. Mote hopes to gain support to take what he calls the “slow-motion genocide” of West Papua back to the UN General Assembly.

“In that meeting we formulated how we can help really push self-determination as the main issue in the Pacific Islands,” Mote says.

Mote says there was a focus on self-determination of West Papua, Kanaky/New Caledonia and Tahiti. He also said the focus was on what he described as the current colonisation issue with capitalists and global powers having vested interests in the Pacific region.

The movement got it to the UN General Assembly in 2018, so Mote says it is achievable. In 2018, Pacific solidarity was shown as the Republic of the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu and the Republic of Vanuatu all spoke out in support of West Papua.

They affirmed the need for the matter to be returned to the United Nations, and the Solomon Islands voiced its concerns over human rights abuses and violations.

ULMWP vice-president Octo Mote . . . in the next five years Pacific nations need to firstly make the Indonesian government “accountable” for its actions in West Papua. Image: Poster screenshot

What needs to be done
He says that in the next five years Pacific nations need to firstly make the Indonesian government accountable for its actions in West Papua. He also says outgoing President Widodo should be held accountable for his “involvement”.

Mote says New Zealand is the strongest Pacific nation that would be able to push for the human rights and environmental issues happening, especially as he alleges Australia always backs Indonesian policies.

He says he is looking to New Zealand to speak up about the atrocities taking place in West Papua and is particularly looking for support from the Greens, Labour and Te Pāti Māori for political support.

The coalition government announced a plan of action on July 30 this year, which set a new goal of $6 billion in annual two-way trade with Indonesia by 2029.

“New Zealand is strongly committed to our partnership with Indonesia,” Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters said at the time.

“There is much more we can and should be doing together.”

Te Aniwaniwa Paterson is a digital producer for Te Ao Māori News. Republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Get set for more extreme weather across Australia this spring and summer

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew King, Senior Lecturer in Climate Science, The University of Melbourne

Australia is no stranger to extreme weather. From heatwaves and droughts to flooding rains, hailstorms or fire weather, our continent experiences it all.

To help Australians prepare for these hazards, the Bureau of Meteorology regularly briefs emergency services and governments, along with providing forecasts and advanced warnings for the public when severe weather approaches.

The latest spring and summer briefing shows the rest of this year is likely to be warmer than normal, with more extreme heat events possible.

We need to prepare for fire risks and severe storms. There’s also every chance the nation could experience multiple extreme events at any one time – concurrently or in rapid succession – in different parts of the country. Here’s what we expect to see.

Our most severe weather usually starts in October

Australia’s severe weather season is really from October to April.

But in the past few weeks, we’ve seen extreme heat across most of the country, severe winds in the southeast, floods in Tasmania, and even damaging hail in parts of Victoria.

With those unusually extreme events already happening across much of Australia, many people will be worried about the next few months.

The Bureau of Meteorology monitors current conditions and the drivers of Australian climate, then forecasts weather for the coming days and climate conditions for the coming months.

On Friday, the bureau’s general manager for environmental prediction, Matt Collopy, presented this outlook below at the National Situation Room in Canberra.

A summary of climate hazards for Australia in three panels: heat, rain shortfalls and storms, with icons indicating the greatest areas of risk.
The Bureau of Meteorology’s spring and summer climate hazards outlook.
2024-25 Higher Risk Weather Season National Preparedness Briefing.

What will the rest of 2024 look like?

Australia’s climate and the likelihood of severe weather varies depending on the behaviour of climate drivers, such as the El Niño-Southern Oscillation and Indian Ocean Dipole. This is particularly true at this time of year, when the connections between these drivers and Australian weather and climate are strongest.

At the moment, we have neutral conditions in both the Pacific and Indian Oceans, but a higher-than-normal likelihood of a La Niña developing. Without strong climate drivers, the seasonal outlook for Australia is less certain than if we had established El Niño/La Niña or positive/negative Indian Ocean Dipole events in place.

Nevertheless, with a higher chance of La Niña, a slightly wetter-than-normal outlook, and above-average rates of runoff already flowing into some eastern Australian rivers, the chance of river flooding is higher than normal for the next few months, particularly in Tasmania. On the plus side, wetter than average soils across much of eastern Australia reduces the risk of dust storms in coming months.

Western and Central Victoria, on the other hand, have had a dry few months and river flows are below average. Drought is continuing and there’s not a strong signal for either wet or dry conditions in the seasonal outlook for this region.

The risks of a very warm spring

Having just experienced the warmest August on record, it is perhaps no surprise that Australia is likely to have another very warm spring. This is accompanied by a heightened chance of extreme heat events.

Continued high temperatures in the seas around Australia raise the chance of marine heatwaves, particularly in the Tasman Sea this spring.

With the warmer conditions and a lack of a strong rainfall signal in the forecast, there is a raised risk of bushfires this spring across much of northeastern Australia, as well as in the drought-affected areas of Victoria and southeastern South Australia. A summer bushfire outlook will come in November.

The bureau is also warning people in and around Canberra to beware of thunderstorm asthma, in which storms induce breathing difficulties. But these events are hard to forecast this far out from October-December, when such events are most frequent.

Similarly, while tropical cyclones are a major weather hazard across northern Australia, it is hard to make useful forecasts for the summer and early autumn season at this stage. The bureau will publish its tropical cyclone outlook next month.

Climate and water long-range forecast, issued 12 September 2024.

Preparing for more extremes

With so much potential for extreme weather and significant risks to lives and livelihoods, it’s useful to know what lies ahead.

The outlook helps Australians prepare for the severe weather on the horizon. As the climate varies from one year to the next, the likelihood of different types of severe weather changes. This is happening on top of background trends related to the warming of the planet.

In the future, with continued global warming, Australians will experience more extreme heat and there will more often be a heightened risk of bushfires.

In Australia’s southwest and southeast, we expect droughts to worsen too, while increases in short-duration extreme rainfall are on the cards for most of us.

Forecasting of extreme weather will continue to improve, helping us prepare for some hazards. But reducing greenhouse gas emissions will also help to limit rises in the frequency and intensity of these extreme weather events.

The Conversation

Andrew King receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather and the National Environmental Science Program.

ref. Get set for more extreme weather across Australia this spring and summer – https://theconversation.com/get-set-for-more-extreme-weather-across-australia-this-spring-and-summer-238985

Are you ready for it? What a Taylor Swift endorsement means for Kamala Harris

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Shortis, Adjunct Senior Fellow, School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University

As the US Presidential debate wrapped up on Wednesday, commentators and journalists regrouped and drew breath.

But then, enter Taylor Swift. The pop superstar posted her endorsement of the Kamala Harris and Tim Walz ticket on social media. She followed it up by reminding the public to register to vote in her speech at the MTV Video Music Awards.

People listened. Within 24 hours, more than 400,000 visitors hit the voter registration website.

It’s always tempting to question the relevance of celebrity political endorsements. After all, endorsing products and brands is par for the course. So does a political nod from Taylor Swift really matter?

It sure does. It matters particularly to the young white women who form large parts of her engaged fanbase. Mobilising these women could have a huge impact on who turns up to vote – and ultimately, who wins the tight presidential race.

Why Taylor Swift?

The Harris campaign has already received its fair share of celebrity advocacy, most notably Charli XCX’s early declaration that Kamala is brat.

Beyonce hasn’t said anything explicitly, though she has given her tacit endorsement by giving Harris the right to use her song “Freedom” in advertising material.

Swift’s explicit endorsement adds a new level: it’s not just about having the backing of a singer, but of a cultural phenomenon.

Coming off the back of the European leg of the Eras Tour (the highest-grossing tour of all time), Swift has shown she can mobilise and energise millions of people. The Democrats would be wanting to tap into that.

She has 284 million Instagram followers. That’s an audience campaign strategists can only dream of.

It’s not the first time Swift has weighed in on political matters. That was in the 2018 midterms, when she urged her followers not to vote for Tennessee Republican senate nominee Marsha Blackburn.

Blackburn was ultimately elected, but Swift has continued to engage in politics. Last year, she used Voter Registration Day to call for people to sign up to vote. More than 35,000 people heeded the call.

Style and substance

It’s not surprising Swift threw her weight behind the Democrats, especially given the campaign’s focus on reproductive and minority rights.

Especially since 2019, Swift has advocated for these causes in her music. They’re causes she shares with many swifties.

This is why the endorsement is so crucial. While swifties are a group already primed to support Harris and Walz, getting them to vote is the key challenge. If mobilising large numbers of people is the goal, Swift is surely the person to help achieve it.

But swifties voting for the Democrats won’t just be doing so because their favourite singer told them to. It’s because they themselves believe in the substance of the policies put forward.

When one in three women in the United States live in a state with either full or heavily restrictive abortion bans, the impact on the lives of those women cannot be understated. These are issues that matter deeply to young women and LGBTQI+ communities.

Strategic timing

Swift’s wording in her statement was entirely deliberate. While she outlined why she’d be supporting Harris, she didn’t directly tell anyone to vote for the Democrats. Instead, she encouraged people to do their research and register to vote.

This degree of separation provides Swift with some plausible deniability from inevitable Republican attacks. As the Trump campaign seeks to paint the opposition as a bunch of rich, white, east coast elites, avoiding the direct call for swifties to vote for Harris blunts that attack. It’s also entirely in line with Swift’s approach to her fanbase more broadly, and implicitly supports Harris’ argument that women should be able to make their own decisions.

The timing, on the other hand, might not have been quite so mutually advantageous.

While Harris would clearly take a Swift endorsement in whatever form it came, one can imagine Democratic strategists might want to put more distance between it and the debate. That way, they could ride high off the debate, then have the Swift support as a standalone story down the line.

The rationale behind announcing it directly after the debate is unclear, but perhaps Swift wanted to use it to illustrate her independence from the Democrat party machine. Being speculative, it seems the timing was on her terms.

Of course, the party jumped on the opportunity. Friendship bracelets that went on sale minutes after the endorsement sold out almost immediately.

An Eras Tour vibe

One interesting part of Swift’s post is the explicit mention of Walz and his policy priorities.

Walz injected a sort of joyous dad quality to the Harris campaign. He regularly tells stories about helping care for your neighbours and being free to love whomever you love.

In many ways, Walz represents a dad at the Eras Tour supporting his daughters. He typifies a different sort of masculinity: one that isn’t intimidated by strong, successful women, and is not afraid to shake it off in a glitter-filled, girl-dominated space.

The Eras Tour has been filled with these examples of community-building. It’s demonstrated the power of the collective, spontaneous friendship and caring for each other, even if you’re strangers.

While the strength of the Trump vote shows there’s still widespread support for angry politics, many Americans are tired of being scared and threatened with violence.

Until the Harris campaign, there wasn’t a clear alternative energy. Now there is, and it’s not unlike the energy that thousands of girls and women (and their dads) bring to stadiums to watch Taylor Swift perform.

This could have a tangible impact on the election result. While untangling precisely what wins elections is always difficult, a Harris win could come down to only a couple of thousand votes in some swing states.

One extremely tight race is in Swift’s home state of Pennsylvania. If Swift motivated even a small portion of people to vote when they otherwise wouldn’t have engaged, it could have an outsized impact.

The Conversation

Emma Shortis is Senior Researcher in International and Security Affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think-tank.

ref. Are you ready for it? What a Taylor Swift endorsement means for Kamala Harris – https://theconversation.com/are-you-ready-for-it-what-a-taylor-swift-endorsement-means-for-kamala-harris-238981

What the government’s home care changes mean for ageing Australians

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tracy Comans, Executive Director, National Ageing Research Institute; Professor, Centre for Health Services Research, The University of Queensland

pikselstock/Shutterstock

The Albanese government has this week announced it will introduce one of the largest reforms to Australia’s aged-care sector to date.

The package includes a A$4.3 billion investment in home care, now called “Support at Home”, to come into effect from July 2025. This reflects both the desire of many people to remain living at home as they age, and the government’s desire to reduce the costs of residential aged care.

So what changes is the government making to home care packages? And what will these changes mean for ageing Australians?

Reducing waiting times

One of the major complaints about the current home care system is the long waiting times. Estimates suggest there’s a 6–to-12-month wait for the higher level 3 and 4 home care packages. For people with the highest needs, this is far too long.

As of March this year, around 45,000 people were waiting for any level of home care. An additional 14,000 were already receiving a package, but on a lower level of home care than they were entitled to.

With additional funding, the new system will support more participants. It aims to shorten wait times to an average of three months from July 2027.

Changes to services

The new system will replace the current four levels of home care packages with eight classifications of funding for services. When participants are assessed, they will be assigned the most suitable category. There’s currently very limited information on what these classifications are, but the idea is they will provide more targeted services.

A number of short-term supports will also be available. These include assistive technology (such as mobility aids) and home modifications. Some people will be able to access 12 weeks of restorative care – a more intensive program designed to build function after injury or illness – as well as palliative care support.

A senior woman with a nurse standing in a doorway.
At the moment, waiting lists for home care packages can be several months.
pikselstock/Shutterstock

The way different types of services are subsidised is also changing. Previously, the same means-tested co-contribution applied regardless of the type of service.

Under the new system, services are categorised into clinical care (for example, physiotherapy or wound care), independence (such as help with bathing or cooking) and everyday living (for example, gardening or home maintenance). The new reforms fully subsidise clinical services regardless of income, whereas independence and everyday living services will attract co-contributions based on means testing.

For example, a self-funded retiree would pay nothing out of pocket for physiotherapy, but would pay 50% for help with showering and 80% towards gardening costs. A full pensioner would also pay nothing for physiotherapy, but pay 5% for help with showering and 17.5% of the cost of gardening.

This is a positive change. Our research has previously highlighted a tendency for people with home care packages to choose everyday living services such as gardening and cleaning and refuse clinical care such as allied health and nursing as these types of services were more expensive.

These changes should make older people more likely to choose allied health and clinical care services, which will help them maintain their function and stay fitter for longer.

Some challenges

For the government’s reforms to deliver faster and better support at home, a number of issues need to be addressed.

As people stay at home for longer, we also see that these people are frailer and have more health conditions than in the past. This requires a different and more highly skilled home care workforce.

The current home care workforce consists largely of personal care and domestic support workers alongside a much smaller skilled workforce of registered nurses and allied health professionals.

But with the changing profile of people receiving care at home, there will need to be a greater focus on maintaining functional capacity. This might mean more allied health input will be required, such as from physiotherapists and occupational therapists.

It’s difficult to source an appropriately skilled workforce across the sector, and almost impossible in rural and remote areas. Alternative models, such as training personal care workers to act as allied health assistants, and effectively using technology such as telehealth, will be necessary to meet demand without compromising on quality of care.

One example of the need for upskilling in specific areas relates to caring for people with dementia. The majority of people who are living with dementia at home receive care from family carers, supported by home care workers. It’s vital that these care workers have adequate knowledge and skills specific to dementia.

However, research has shown the home care workforce may lack the knowledge and skills to provide best-practice care for people living with dementia. Specialised dementia training for home care workers is effective in improving knowledge, attitudes and sense of competence in providing care. It should be rolled out across the sector.

A woman sitting at a table with a senior man, looking at a pill packet.
Many older people living at home receive support from family carers.
Kampus Production/Pexels

What about unpaid care at home?

Unpaid carers, such as family members, provide significant amounts of care for older people. The value of this unpaid care is estimated to be in the billions. As older people stay at home for longer, this is set to increase even further.

However, carers with high care burdens are particularly vulnerable to poor physical and mental health. Without adequate support, we may find extra caring pressures lead to a breakdown in caring relationships and an increase in other health-care costs for both the carer and care recipient.

So we need to ensure carers have adequate financial, psychological and practical support. But the currently available detail on the reforms doesn’t indicate this has been adequately addressed.

With careful implementation and ongoing evaluation, these reforms have the potential to significantly enhance the home care system. However, their success will depend on addressing workforce challenges, ensuring adequate support for unpaid carers, and maintaining a focus on the holistic needs of older Australians.

More information about Support at Home is available online.

The Conversation

Tracy Comans receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Medical Research Future Fund and holds consultancies with the Australian government Department of Health and Aged Care.

Frances Batchelor has received funding for research from the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, Department of Health and Aged Care, Medical Research Future Fund. Funders have had no input into this opinion piece.

ref. What the government’s home care changes mean for ageing Australians – https://theconversation.com/what-the-governments-home-care-changes-mean-for-ageing-australians-238890

A billionaire and an engineer have completed the first private spacewalk. But this isn’t just a vanity project

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gail Iles, Associate Professor – Physics, RMIT University

Two astronauts have carried out the first-ever commercial spacewalk, using new less-bulky spacesuits designed by SpaceX.

Tech billionaire Jared Isaacman (who also funded the mission) and SpaceX engineer Sarah Gillis together spent almost half an hour outside their spacecraft at an altitude of some 700 km, further from Earth than any human since the Apollo Moon landings.

The brief jaunt into the void is a significant milestone for commercial spaceflight, with the spacecraft, suits and the overall mission all being SpaceX productions.

What’s so interesting about the mission?

The Polaris Dawn mission stands out for several reasons. In terms of science and technology, the highlight is the test of new spacesuits for extravehicular activity (or EVA). A spacesuit that allows an astronaut to leave their vessel is a small spacecraft in its own right, and interest in new, modern suits is growing as NASA’s planned Artemis missions to the Moon approach.

The mission is travelling around Earth in a highly elliptical orbit, which means its altitude ranges from 192 km way out to 1,400 km. The orbit is taking astronauts through regions of high radiation, including the South Atlantic Anomaly, and may allow for testing of the new suits under these extreme conditions.

Polaris Dawn also carries 36 different experiments, many studying the effects of spaceflight on the human body.

Polaris Dawn is the first of three missions Isaacman plans with SpaceX, which he says will “serve the bigger purpose of opening up space for everyone and making humankind a multiplanetary species”. The second may aim to boost the Hubble Space Telescope’s orbit and prolong its life, while the third may use SpaceX’s reusable Starship rocket (which is currently in the early stages of testing).

Commercial spaceflight on the way up

Perhaps the most significant thing about Polaris Dawn is what it suggests about the future of spaceflight. This is a commercial mission, operated by SpaceX using its own technology without the involvement of government space agencies.

It is not the “space tourism” we have seen from the likes of Blue Origin, sending rich people on sub-orbital joyrides. While the SpaceX mission is funded via private wealth, it is making a genuine contribution to scientific knowledge – and to the future of spaceflight.

One crucial feature of government space programs has been the rigorous training and selection process for astronauts, ensuring those who make it to space know exactly what they are doing. SpaceX is continuing this high level of professionalism, with four extremely well-qualified and prepared astronauts participating in Polaris Dawn.

The Polaris Dawn spacewalk comes as two NASA astronauts are stranded on the International Space Station due to problems with the Starliner space vehicle, which Boeing built for the US space agency at great expense. It is now expected the pair will be rescued next February by a SpaceX vehicle (developed for far less money than Boeing’s).

For all humankind?

The rise of non-government space flight has its critics, who say commercial imperatives and private control have no place in what should be a purely scientific endeavour. SpaceX (with its controversial owner Elon Musk) has also faced criticisms over environmental concerns and treatment of staff.

However, the huge improvements in space technology and reductions in cost that have occurred in recent years are largely due to commercial involvement. When humanity returns to the Moon – and if we one day travel to Mars and beyond – private companies will play an essential role.

And while Polaris Dawn is clearly a passion project for Isaacman, it’s not a vanity project. It will have real benefits in terms of science and technology – and that’s good news for all future human endeavours, in space and here on Earth.

The Conversation

Gail Iles does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A billionaire and an engineer have completed the first private spacewalk. But this isn’t just a vanity project – https://theconversation.com/a-billionaire-and-an-engineer-have-completed-the-first-private-spacewalk-but-this-isnt-just-a-vanity-project-238980

Samoan journalists blast ‘ridiculous’ media restrictions at Commonwealth summit

By Harry Pearl

Restrictions on journalists covering an upcoming summit of Commonwealth nations in Samoa are “ridiculous” and at odds with a government that purportedly values democracy, says the Pacific island country’s media association.

The Samoa Observer newspaper in an editorial also condemned the government’s attempt to limit coverage of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), calling it a “slap across the face of press freedom, democracy and freedom of speech”.

The Commonwealth association, whose 56 members range from the world’s most populous nation India to Tuvalu in the South Pacific (population 14,000), covers some 2.7 billion people.

The summit in the Samoan capital Apia in October will be one of the biggest events ever held in Polynesian nation.

“I find the committee’s stance ridiculous,” Lagi Keresoma, president of the Journalist Association of Samoa (JAWS) told BenarNews. “We have written to the prime minister who is the head of the CHOGM task force regarding these restrictions.

“We are also trying to get a copy of the Commonwealth guidelines the committee chairperson said the decision is based on.”

The restrictions were very disappointing for a government that claimed to believe in democracy, transparency and accountability, Keresoma told online news portal Talamua.

Alarmed over stringent rules
On Wednesday, local journalists who attended a press briefing by Lefaoalii Unutoa Auelua-Fonoti, co-chair of the CHOGM media sub-committee and CEO for the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, were alarmed to hear of the stringent media rules.

The guidelines, endorsed by cabinet, prevent photographers and videographers taking pictures, put restrictions on journalists covering side events unless accredited to a specific pool, and stop reporters from approaching delegates for interviews, Samoan media reported.

Two state-owned media outlets, in partnership with New Zealand-based company MMG Communications, have been awarded exclusive rights to cover the event in film and video, according to the Samoa Observer. All other media, including foreign press, will have to request access to pooled photos and footage.

The Samoa Observer said the restrictions were incongruous with international practices and set a dangerous precedent for future events.

“It is a farce and an attempt by a dysfunctional government unit to gag local and overseas media,” the newspaper editorial said.

“We are not living under a dictatorship, neither are the media organisations coming to cover the event.”

CHOGM did not immediately reply to a request for comment on the media guidelines.

Unstable Pacific media freedom
The incident highlights the unstable state of press freedom in some Pacific island countries. Fiji in 2023 repealed a draconian media law that mandated prison sentences for content deemed against the national interest, while Papua New Guinea’s government has been considering proposals for greater control over the media.

Last month, Papua New Guinea’s media council condemned the exclusion of a BenarNews journalist during a visit by Indonesia’s President-elect Prabowo Subianto as “concerning” and “shameful.”

Samoa’s ranking in Reporters Without Borders’ global press freedom index slipped to 22nd this year out of 180 countries, from 19th in 2022. But it is the only Pacific island nation in the top 25.

The restrictions at CHOGM were not an accurate reflection of the country’s solid ranking, the Samoa Observer editorial said.

State-controlled or influenced media has a prominent role in many Pacific island countries, partly due to small populations and cultural norms that emphasize deference to authority and tradition.

Some Pacific island nations, such as Tuvalu and Nauru, have only government media because they have the populations of a small town. In others, such as Papua New Guinea, Samoa and Fiji, private media has established a greater role despite episodes of government hostility.

Copyright ©2015-2024, BenarNews. Republished with the permission of BenarNews.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Your gas stove might be making your asthma worse. Here’s what you can do about it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nusrat Homaira, Senior Lecturer, School of Clinical Medicine, UNSW Sydney

Kwon Junho/Unsplash

We may think of air pollution as an outdoor problem, made up of car exhaust and smog. But if the air inside our homes is polluted, this can also affect our health.

In Australia, around 12% of childhood asthma can be attributed to gas stoves and the toxic chemicals they release into the air. And while there’s a growing push to phase out gas indoors, some 38% of Australian households rely on natural gas for cooking.

Recommended interventions – such as replacing a gas stove with electric – may not be possible for those who are renting or struggling with the cost of living. This is important because, as our research shows, childhood asthma is more common in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas.

If you’re living with gas, here’s how it can affect you or your child’s asthma, and what you can do to improve air quality.

What is asthma?

Asthma is the most common chronic condition in Australian children. The respiratory condition affects almost 400,000 of those aged aged 14 and under – close to 9% of that age group.

Asthma narrows the airways and obstructs airflow, making it hard to breath. Many people manage the condition with inhalers and asthma action plans. But it can be serious and even fatal. Australian emergency departments saw 56,600 presentations for asthma in 2020-21.

While there is no single cause for asthma, both indoor and outdoor air pollution play a significant role.

Being exposed to small airborne particles increases your risk of getting asthma, and can aggravate symptoms if you already have it.

Gas stoves release nitrogen dioxide

The gas stoves commonly found in Australian homes release toxic chemicals into the air. They include carbon monoxide (CO), PM₂.₅ (small particles, often from smoke), benzene, formaldehyde and nitrogen dioxide (NO₂). All are harmful, but nitrogen dioxide in particular is associated with asthma developing and getting worse.

Gas heaters can also produce nitrogen dioxide.

As nitrogen dioxide is a tasteless, invisible gas, it’s difficult to know how much is in your air at home unless you have an air monitor. However one US study showed houses with gas stoves can have nitrogen dioxide levels three times higher than houses with electric stoves.

This is particularly concerning for households with children, given children tend to spend most of their time indoors.

A hand reaches for an asthma inhaler on a bed.
When microparticles of gas settle in the airway they can causing breathing distress and trigger asthma symptoms.
Dragana Gordic/Shutterstock

Banning gas

There is a growing push across Australia to replace gas stoves with electric stoves, which are more energy efficient and can reduce indoor air pollution.

Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory have announced bans on gas connections in new homes from 2024. Sydney’s Waverley council recently made a similar move.

But until a ban on using household gas appliances is implemented across the country, the problem persists for children who are currently living in old homes or rented properties with gas stoves.

Do exhaust fans in the kitchen help?

Using a high-efficiency exhaust hood placed over an existing gas cooktop can be effective. They can capture more than 75% of air pollutants and direct them outside.

A tradesman fixes an exhaust fan above a stove.
Installing a high-efficiency exhaust hoods can be effective, but may not be an option for everyone.
Daria Voronchuk/Shutterstock

Cooking on the back burner – rather than the front burner – can also improve their efficiency.

However exhaust hoods with lower flow rates, or hoods that don’t vent the air outside, are less effective.

And an exhaust hood only improves air quality if you use it. One study in Melbourne found more than 40% of people didn’t use an exhaust hood regularly while cooking.

For many people, installing high-efficiency exhaust hoods will not be practical – especially for those renting or experiencing socio-economic disadvantage.

Natural ventilation

There is a free way to ventilate your home. Keeping windows open during and after cooking will increase air flow and evidence shows this can improve overall air quality.

However this is not always possible, especially during cooler months of the year which can be especially chilly in places such as Victoria and Tasmania.

Unfortunately, people are also more likely to use gas heaters during those cooler months.

A two-storey house with its four front windows open.
Opening your doors and windows can help air circulate and improve indoor air quality.
Vineyard Perspective/Shutterstock

What about heaters?

There are two kinds of gas heaters, flued and unflued.

Like cooking with gas, unflued gas heaters release air pollutants including nitrogen dioxide directly into the home. Flued heaters are better for air quality because they use a chimney, or “flue”, to send emissions outside.

If you can, replacing your unflued gas heater with a flued one – or even better, an electric heater – can significantly alleviate asthma symptoms.

If you can’t replace your unflued gas heater, do not use it overnight in the room where you or your children sleep.

Asthma can’t be cured, but its symptoms can be controlled by managing triggers – and this may be easier to do indoors than out. Improving air quality, even in a rented or old property, can help people with asthma breathe more easily.

The Conversation

Nusrat Homaira receives funding from Asthma Australia, Medical Research Future Fund of the National Health and Medical Research Council of the Australian Government and NSW Ministry of Health for her research. At times Nusrat has received consultation fees from Sanofi, Pfizer, and MSD, taken part as an invited speaker for Sanofi and Advisory board for MSD, all outside of this work. The author has no conflict of interest to declare related to this work.

ref. Your gas stove might be making your asthma worse. Here’s what you can do about it – https://theconversation.com/your-gas-stove-might-be-making-your-asthma-worse-heres-what-you-can-do-about-it-238787

The death of printed newspapers has long been predicted – but there are still some pleasing signs of life

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrea Carson, 2024 Oxford University visiting research fellow RIJS; Professor of Political Communication., La Trobe University

Shutterstock

This piece is part of a series on the Future of Australian media. You can read the rest of the series here.


When the Australian newspaper celebrated its 60th anniversary this year, its founder, Rupert Murdoch, foreshadowed the death of print newspapers within 15 years.

“Fifteen years, with a lot of luck,” declared the media mogul and chairman emeritus of News Corp in a Sky interview, much to the chagrin of his employees.

It’s an uncomfortable prediction for those in an already struggling industry. In the past month, Australia’s newsrooms have continued to shrink. Big-name journalists have been taking redundancies across metropolitan and regional mastheads.

Workplace discontent is also high, with job cuts following hundreds of Nine journalists striking over pay during the Paris Olympics.

Social media grab the headlines – and the eyeballs

Global trends also show worrying signs for legacy media. In Britain, recent data released by media regulator Ofcom showed a generational shift, with more people getting their news online than from TV for the first time since the 1960s (with the exception of election coverage). The annual survey also showed social media dominating audience share over news publisher websites.

The University of Oxford’s Reuters Institute annual digital news report, released in June, paints the same picture. It found that, across 47 countries, news use was fragmenting across platforms and outlets.

Even social media are disrupted. A wave of new online platforms is taking greater audience share from what are now termed “legacy” social media sites. For example, the relatively new kid on the block, TikTok, has overtaken the rebranded Twitter, now X, for news use for the first time.

Meanwhile, the proportion of news consumers (22%) whose main news source is news websites has fallen 10% since 2018. Instead, digital short-form videos and online “news explainers” from influencers are increasingly popular, especially with younger audiences. TikTok and YouTube news use is also increasing, as they are ideal mediums for video content.

In some instances, social media influencers have greater audience trust levels than established mastheads. Media news trust varies by brand, but in a world troubled with misinformation, overall trust in Australia media sits at a worrying 40%.

Young people in particular are increasingly turning to social media for their news.
Shutterstock

Ask anyone under 30 when they last read a printed newspaper? For generation Z (18 to 26 years old) two-thirds rely on social media as their main news source. Meta’s Instagram is their preferred platform. For other age groups, one in two (49%) of Australians say they use social media for news, a fraction behind TV (56%).

Newspapers show signs of adapting

Yet, despite the doom and gloom facing newspapers, there are signs they are adapting to a volatile news market and finding ways to profit in the process. Legacy outlets have built followings on TikTok, Instagram and other social media platforms. They are also earning advertising revenue on YouTube.

During the 2023 Voice referendum, for example, Murdoch’s Sky Australia posted about 490 Voice-related YouTube videos. These postings earned 9 million views, providing the outlet with influence over public opinion – most were anti-Voice stories – and a new revenue model. Media rival the Guardian Australia posted about 110 Voice videos, attracting about 1.6 million views. As a digital native, the Guardian’s future has never been in print.

Most surviving newspapers have diversified their revenue streams, drawing on a mix of:

  • print, digital and native advertising
  • paywall or voluntary subscriptions
  • donations
  • philanthropy
  • hosting events
  • selling data
  • grants from digital platforms and governments
  • News Media Bargaining Code payments
  • taxpayer funding for the public broadcasters (ABC, SBS).

Crisis narratives around newspapers have been constant since advertising shifted to online competitors from the early 2000s. But there have also been funding innovations, most recently the world-first News Media Bargaining Code.

Introduced in 2021, the NMBC was initially regarded as a breakthrough model to sustain journalism. Operating as a voluntary code, it resulted in more than $200 million a year flowing from Google and Facebook to news outlets.

But after three years, Facebook has turned its back on the code, and the government, so far, has resisted using its powers to force Facebook back to negotiate.

A decade earlier, the latest innovation was digital paywalls to build subscription revenue. The tipping point in Australia was 2012, when the majority of daily mastheads introduced some form of paywall. But paywalls can be a difficult balancing act and success stories such as that of the New York Times – with 10 million subscribers and digital subscription revenue outstripping advertising – are hard to emulate because most papers do not have similar global brand appeal.

Also, profits are higher from selling print advertising compared to selling digital ads. Papers like America’s Salt Lake Tribune are disbanding their paywall in favour of a nonprofit business model.

But, with only 21% of Australians prepared to pay for news, paywalls better suit large metropolitan papers that have loyal audiences and established brands. For start-ups and tabloid-style publications that depend on social media referrals or clickbait to draw in readers and advertisers, paywalls can be an obstacle. Murdoch’s news.com.au is a case in point: it’s free and Australia’s most popular online news site.

AI is the latest innovation. News Corp, Reuters, Time Magazine, Financial Times, Le Monde, Prisa Media and other news outlets have entered into lucrative contracts with generative AI companies to allow their news content to train AI models. In the newsroom, News Corp is reportedly using AI to help produce over 3,000 stories a week.

While the future of printed Australian newspapers is uncertain, it doesn’t spell the end of newspapers – or of a Murdoch’s influence on the news.

Andrea Carson was a visiting research fellow at the Reuters Institue for the Study of Journalism at the University of Oxford this year. In the past she was a news journalist at The Age and ABC.

ref. The death of printed newspapers has long been predicted – but there are still some pleasing signs of life – https://theconversation.com/the-death-of-printed-newspapers-has-long-been-predicted-but-there-are-still-some-pleasing-signs-of-life-237986

New plan shows Australia’s hydrogen dream is still alive. But are we betting on the right projects?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alison Reeve, Deputy Program Director, Energy and Climate Change, Grattan Institute

Producing hydrogen remains vital to Australia’s prosperity through the net-zero transition, according to a major strategy that lays a national pathway to becoming a global leader in the low-emissions technology.

The new National Hydrogen Strategy, released today by Federal Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen, aims to ensure Australia produces green hydrogen at a competitive cost. It’s also designed to guide investment and signal Australia’s bold ambitions to the world.

The document updates the first national hydrogen strategy, released in 2019 by then Chief Scientist Alan Finkel. I helped devise that strategy in my previous job as a federal public servant. I was also part of a panel convened to advise the government on the strategy released today (although it was up to the government whether the advice was accepted).

In my view, this new version of the hydrogen strategy improves on the old one, and responds to changing circumstances. But much remains unclear, including how the strategy interacts with existing policies, and whether taxpayer money will be used to fund hydrogen projects doomed to fail.

A map included in the new strategy, showing places in Australia best suited to green hydrogen production.
Geosciences Australia

What is hydrogen?

Hydrogen is the smallest, lightest and most abundant element in the universe. It’s usually found as a gas, or bonded to other elements.

The element is used to make products such as fertilisers, explosives and plastics. In future, it may also be a zero-emissions replacement for fossil fuels in industries such as steel and chemicals manufacturing.

Hydrogen can also store electricity – so may one day be used to shore up domestic electricity supplies, or be transported in liquid form to countries less able to produce renewable energy.

Australia currently makes very low volumes of hydrogen using natural gas, which produces greenhouse gas emissions.

We are well-placed to produce “green” or zero-emissions hydrogen, through a process powered by renewable energy which releases hydrogen from water.

But creating a large green hydrogen industry won’t be easy. Today’s strategy – led by the federal government in collaboration with the states and territories – seeks to find a path through.

Aiming for a new target

The cost of producing green hydrogen is currently higher than what most buyers are willing to pay. The new strategy seeks to overcome this by scaling up production.

It sets production targets: 500,000 tonnes of green hydrogen a year by 2030, and 15 million tonnes a year by 2050.

The strategy also sets more ambitious “stretch targets” of 1.5 million tonnes by 2030 and 30 million tonnes by 2050. Achieving this will require finding new customers for the hydrogen we produce.

A graph showing the strategy’s targets for green hydrogen production out to 2050.
National Hydrogen Strategy 2024

The new strategy dispenses with a previous target set by the Coalition government in 2020, to produce hydrogen for less than $2 a kilogram.

As I’ve written before, that target did not account for the high costs of moving and storing hydrogen, and switching to new technology that can use it.

Production and price targets can both be effective, if they are realistic. But whether those targets are achieved comes down to governments’ policy choices.

Time to prioritise

The strategy identifies three industries – iron, alumina and ammonia – where hydrogen could best be used to build new export industries. It also identifies three areas where hydrogen shows promise in cutting emissions: aviation and shipping, electricity storage and freight trucks.

These priorities show governments are coming to grips with hydrogen’s limitations, in a technical and economic sense. For example, in passenger vehicles, hydrogen has lost out to electric cars. And using hydrogen to replace natural gas in homes is far more expensive than simply going electric.

What’s not clear is how the new priorities will guide government decisions. For example, will priority sectors get first dibs on funding or infrastructure assistance? And will governments stop funding hydrogen projects once it becomes clear they are not competitive?

Without guidance on these and other questions, investors may find it hard to decide where to put their money.

Electric vehicles have outcompeted hydrogen fuel-cell vehicles.
Shutterstock

A nuanced view of exports

The 2019 strategy was squarely focused on exporting liquid hydrogen to prospective buyers in Japan and South Korea.

Now, the likely big buyers are in Europe. In fact, Bowen today announced Australia and Germany are working towards a A$660 million deal, funded equally by the two nations, to guarantee European buyers for Australia’s green hydrogen.

Importantly, however, hydrogen is very difficult and expensive to transport. As my colleagues and I have written, Australia should instead focus on using hydrogen to produce green iron from iron ore.

The new strategy treads a fine line on the question of exports. It identifies priority sectors and aims to develop those new industries in Australia.
But it doesn’t rule out liquid hydrogen exports.

Getting communities on board

The 2019 strategy emphasised the need for community acceptance of hydrogen technologies – particularly in relation to safety. Overseas experience showed communities feared the risk of explosions and fires from this volatile gas.

Safety remains a meaningful concern in the strategy. But the new version also emphasises community benefits, such as jobs and more diverse regional economies.

In particular, the document seeks to ensure proper consultation with First Nations people and to manage impacts on water.

Cart before the horse?

This strategy interacts with two measures the Albanese government announced in recent months: the $2 billion Hydrogen Headstart grants program, and a tax credit for hydrogen producers.

The credits are only available for ten years, and there’s nothing in their design to ensure they help the priority sectors. It would be a shame if they were taken up by producers pursuing hydrogen technology that will never work.

More broadly, it’s not clear whether these measures were calibrated to achieve the strategy’s production and export targets. It’s also unclear whether governments would pull the plug on support for technologies that turn out to be less promising than first thought.

Where to next

The hydrogen strategy will be reviewed again in 2029. Its success can be measured by watching for the following developments:

  • large hydrogen projects attracting finance and starting construction

  • hydrogen suppliers signing multi-year contracts with users, possibly including exports

  • the building of hydrogen storage facilities, and wind and solar farms to supply electricity for hydrogen production

  • commitments and timelines from domestic heavy industry to replace fossil fuels with hydrogen.

If these signs don’t emerge in the next decade, Australia may need to adjust its hydrogen strategy, and global ambitions, accordingly.

Alison Reeve does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article. She led the development of the first National Hydrogen Strategy in 2019, and was a member of the stakeholder advisory group for revised 2024 National Hydrogen Strategy.

Since 2008, Grattan Institute has been supported in its work by government, corporations, and philanthropic gifts. A full list of supporters is published at www.grattan.edu.au.

ref. New plan shows Australia’s hydrogen dream is still alive. But are we betting on the right projects? – https://theconversation.com/new-plan-shows-australias-hydrogen-dream-is-still-alive-but-are-we-betting-on-the-right-projects-237227

A new law aims to tackle online lies – but it ignores expert advice and doesn’t go nearly far enough

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Angus, Professor of Digital Communication, Director of QUT Digital Media Research Centre, Queensland University of Technology

The federal government this week introduced a new bill into parliament aimed at cracking down on the spread of misinformation and disinformation on the internet.

The government also this week announced plans to ban young people from social media platforms and improve privacy protections. These moves have been criticised by experts, who say bans are ineffective, and privacy reforms fall short of what is required in the digital age.

The government published a draft of the new misinformation and disinformation bill last year for public consultation. It received more more than 24,000 responses (including from my colleagues and me).

The new version of the bill suggests the government listened to some expert recommendations from the consultation process, but ignored many others.

What’s in the bill?

The government has adopted an “information disorder” definition of misinformation and disinformation.

Misinformation is content that contains information that is reasonably verifiable as false, misleading or deceptive. It’s spread on a digital service and reasonably likely to cause or contribute serious harm.

What makes disinformation different is the intent behind it. If there are reasonable grounds to suspect a person disseminating it intends to deceive, or if there is “inauthentic behaviour” such as the use of fake accounts, it may be disinformation.

Speaking to the ABC, Minister for Communications Michelle Rowland said the new bill:

goes to the systems and processes of the platforms and says they need to have methods in place to be able to identify and do something about [misinformation and disinformation].

The design of social media platforms means misinformation and disinformation can spread rapidly. The new bill, which is yet to be voted on, requires platforms to publish a report which assesses this inherent risk. It also requires them to publish a media literacy plan and their current policies about misinformation and disinformation.

The bill also provides stronger powers for the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA). These powers would enable ACMA to make specific directives to platforms and impose penalties if they do not comply.

For example, ACMA could require platforms to implement media literacy tools and submit reports on their efforts to combat harmful content.

The new bill does not aim to regulate all misinformation and disinformation. Instead, its focus is on the kind of misinformation and disinformation which is “reasonably likely to cause or contribute to serious harm”.

The definition of serious harm includes:

  • harm to the operation or integrity of the electoral or referendum process
  • harm to public health
  • vilification of a group or individual based on factors such as race, religion, sex or disability
  • intentionally inflicted physical injury to an individual in Australia
  • imminent damage to critical infrastructure or disruption of emergency services
  • imminent harm to the Australian economy.

If a platform breaches the bill, it could face civil penalties of up to 5% of its annual global turnover. For a company such as Meta, which owns Facebook, this could easily run to billions of dollars.

What’s good about the bill?

It is good to see a focus on improving transparency and accountability for social media platforms. However, there is no explicit provision that data platforms share with ACMA be made available to researchers, academics or civil society.

This limits the potential for transparency and accountability.

One significant criticism of the draft legislation was that it had real potential to limit free speech. The bill remains cautious, with protections for political discourse and public interest communication. For example, there are protections for satire and humour, professional news content, and content for academic, artistic, scientific or religious purposes.

The reasonable application of these powers will also be reviewed regularly to assess the impact of the bill on freedom of expression.

Proposed limitations which would have meant the bill did not apply to electoral and referendum matters have also been removed.

This is a vitally important change. Misleading information played a significant role in the recent Voice referendum, and in other elections.

The bill also better addresses instances of coordinated activity under a definition of inauthentic behaviour. This begins to address circumstances where problematic activity is less about the truthfulness of the individual content, rather that it is part of a collective action to artificially amplify the reach of the content.

What’s bad about the bill?

The bill maintains a distinction between misinformation, which is spread by accident, and disinformation, which is spread deliberately.

As my colleagues and I argued in our submission to the government’s draft legislation last year, this distinction isn’t helpful or necessary. That’s because intent is very hard to prove – especially as content gets reshared on digital platforms. Regardless of whether a piece of false, misleading or deceptive content is spread deliberately or not, the result is usually the same.

The bill also won’t cover mainstream media. This is a problem because some mainstream media outlets such as Sky News are prominent contributors to the spread of misinformation.

Notably this has included climate change denial, which is a widespread and pressing problem. The bill does not include climate misinformation in its scope. This greatly diminishes its relevance in addressing the harm done by misinformation.

This bill makes many of the same mistakes as the government’s other recent attempts to reduce online harms. It goes against expert advice and neglects important issues. As a result, it’s unlikely to achieve its goals.

The Conversation

Daniel Angus receives funding from Australian Research Council through Discovery Projects DP200100519 ‘Using machine vision to explore Instagram’s everyday promotional cultures’, DP200101317 ‘Evaluating the Challenge of ‘Fake News’ and Other Malinformation’, and Linkage Project LP190101051 ‘Young Australians and the Promotion of Alcohol on Social Media’. He is an Associate Investigator with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society, CE200100005.

ref. A new law aims to tackle online lies – but it ignores expert advice and doesn’t go nearly far enough – https://theconversation.com/a-new-law-aims-to-tackle-online-lies-but-it-ignores-expert-advice-and-doesnt-go-nearly-far-enough-238889

The psychology of retirement: why do so many athletes struggle to call time?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Tillott, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Health, Southern Cross University

Think back to when you met someone for the first time. One of the first questions you asked, or were asked, was likely: “what do you do for work?”

It’s a polite, innocuous and socially ingrained way of getting to know more about a person. But it also demonstrates the central role of our professional lives as part of our personal identities.

For professional athletes, their careers, exploits and recognition can become the defining aspect of their identity.

So what happens when sporting careers end?

The transition to retirement, across professions and countries, can be extremely tough to navigate.

It can be especially difficult for elite sportspeople, who can experience retirement as a loss of identity, connected to their sense of achievement, meaning and control in life.

How retirement impacts athletes

A common saying with many sportspeople is “athletes die twice” – once when they retire and again at their death.

Former Wallaby Brendan Cannon has spoken of this difficulty:

[People] want to talk to you about what you used to be, and all you want to focus on is what you want to become.

During the transition to retirement, elite athletes can be affected by how they got into their chosen sport, how long they stayed in the system and the variables that either accelerated or ended their careers.

Other factors include whether they played a team or individual sport, male vs female pathways, whether their exit from sport was voluntary or involuntary and their age when retiring.

My (Sarah) interviews with former professional athletes demonstrate the complexity of retiring from elite sport.

To the public, William Zillman, former NRL star turned vet, seems to have it all together. But it didn’t come without hardship, pain and struggles in navigating the harsh terrain of retirement.

When asked about his retirement, Zillman said: “[Being an NRL player was] all I knew.”

I turned up to work each day, I was told what to do, how to do it and when to do it […] but when I left the system, I think I lost the ability to think for myself. I went from having all the help in the world to very little – it was tough.

Retiring from high-performance sport can have profound effects on an athlete’s physical and mental health, as well as their social and professional development.

While “regular people” usually retire in their 60s or 70s, an athlete’s retirement often occurs earlier, coinciding with crucial phases of career development and family planning.

Some have to adjust from being highly paid and highly managed to surviving on minimum wages with very little support.

Retirement from professional sport can be enormously difficult for athletes.

“It’s a recipe for disaster,” Ryan James, who considers himself one of the lucky ones, said.

A former forward for the Gold Coast Titans, James has been working closely with the Rugby League Players Association (RLPA) with the aim to address some of the complex issues with the transition experience.

James knows only too well the struggles some people in the system face as their careers begin to wind down:

Many of our players come into the system from disadvantaged and vulnerable backgrounds and while we have made a start, there is more we can be doing. Financial literacy and management is just one avenue we need to tackle. I’ve known too many retired, vulnerable players who were homeless, sleeping in cars with their young families. It’s devastating.

It took former English captain turned NRL superstar James Graham a good part of 18 months to re-configure his identity:

You come out feeling so lost and alone. Most of your life is spent training, connecting with mates, having a lot of routine and structure to almost nothing. It’s strange and confronting.

What are the major codes doing?

Across various sporting codes there are programs that aim to assist athletes to prepare for retirement.

For example, the RLPA has a program to support athletes who are transitioning.

Other major professional Australian codes have similar programs, including the AFL, Professional Footballers Association (soccer) and cricket.

However, whether or not athletes choose to participate in these programs is usually at the discretion of the players.

The importance of planning, preparation and support

One of the key factors influencing how an athlete transitions into life after sport is how much they have prepared for it.

Research with elite athletes from the AFL, NRL and A-League shows those who planned and prepared for life after sport and who had goals, direction and identities beyond sport, experienced more acceptance, autonomy (control) and optimism about the future.

On the other hand, those who were unprepared or did not plan ahead experienced negative emotional and psychological states, and struggled to move on. This negative effect is even more pronounced for those who were forced to end their career due to injury.



How to improve the situation

A recent scoping review explored the notion of retirement for professional athletes and their ability to adapt to life after sport.

It summarised many areas that need more attention:

Make athletes aware of what’s ahead

Expect that when you leave, it may be hard. Reach out to your club, coach and support services and surround yourself with people who you can talk to and who may be able to help.

Athletes should expect that it will take time to adjust, and this adjustment period is crucial for mitigating the adverse effects of retirement. This adjustment period can also significantly reduce the initial negative impacts on their mental and physical health.

Tailored support programs

Developing tailored support programs that address the specific needs of different sports and athlete sub-groups can help mitigate the challenges associated with retirement.

These programs might include career counselling, mental health support and opportunities for continuous involvement in the sports community.

A need for further research

There is a pressing need for more research to identify effective support mechanisms for retiring athletes. Understanding the types of support that facilitate a smoother transition can help in designing programs and interventions tailored to the unique needs of elite athletes.

Additionally, mapping out the factors that aid or hinder the transition across different sports and athlete sub-groups would provide valuable insights.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The psychology of retirement: why do so many athletes struggle to call time? – https://theconversation.com/the-psychology-of-retirement-why-do-so-many-athletes-struggle-to-call-time-234559

Principles or raw power: 3 steps NZ can take to resolve its confused stance on Gaza

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

Ali Jadallah/Anadolu via Getty Images

The Gaza crisis is a major moral and legal challenge for New Zealand’s sense of national identity, and to its worldview based on rules and principles rather than raw power.

Over the past 11 months, the world has watched as the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel prompted an unrelenting ground and air offensive in Gaza, with financial, logistical and diplomatic backing from the Biden administration in the US.

In the words of New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters, the results have been “catastrophic”. It is estimated 69% of the more than 40,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza are women and children.

To date, the National-led coalition’s policy on Gaza seems caught between a desire for an immediate ceasefire and its push for closer alignment with traditional allies like the US. The upshot is a real lack of moral and legal clarity.

Ambiguous foreign policy

Last year, New Zealand backed calls in the UN General Assembly for humanitarian truces or ceasefires in Gaza. It also joined Australia and Canada in February and July of this year to demand an end to hostilities.

Peters told the General Assembly in April the Security Council had failed in its responsibility “to maintain international peace and security”.

He was right. The US exercised its veto on October 18 and December 8 last year, and in February this year, to block Security Council resolutions calling for humanitarian pauses or immediate ceasefires.

And the Biden White House has done little to ensure Israel complies with a US-sponsored ceasefire proposal adopted by the Security Council on June 10.

Nevertheless, the New Zealand government had few qualms about sending a small Defence Force deployment to the Red Sea as part of a US-led coalition effort to counter Houthi rebel attacks on commercial shipping there.

While such attacks are clearly illegal, they are basically part of the fallout from a continuing international failure to stop the US-enabled carnage in Gaza.

By sending the Defence Force team, the government has shown a selective concern for the erosion of international law at a time when the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has intervened in the Gaza crisis.

The International Court of Justice issuing its advisory on the legal consequences of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem on July 19.
Lina Selg/ANP/AFP via Getty Images

Upholding international law

Closer alignment with the US should not diminish Wellington’s longstanding commitment to a rules-based international order.

Above all, this means the New Zealand government has to participate and adhere to the judgments, orders and advice emerging from the ICJ. It can do this in three ways.

1. Join South Africa’s ICJ action

New Zealand should join other Western countries (including Spain, Ireland and Belgium) and involve itself in South Africa’s case at the ICJ against Israel.

This would allow New Zealand to express an opinion on the plausible applicable of the Genocide Convention. Although official documents show the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has been considering this, it remains unclear whether the government will act.

There is a real risk New Zealand’s international credibility will be on the line if it remains detached from the debate over whether the intentional destruction of a people, in whole or in part, is happening in Gaza.

Such inconsistency is doubly worrying when New Zealand is participating at the ICJ in a similar case involving Russia and Ukraine – under the auspices of the same Genocide Convention.

2. Be consistent on Gaza and Ukraine

New Zealand needs to add its support to the ICJ order of May 24 (part of the ongoing South African case against Israel). One of the key points of the order was that Israel must:

take effective measures to ensure the unimpeded access to the Gaza Strip of any
commission of inquiry, fact-finding mission or other investigative body mandated by
competent organs of the United Nations to investigate allegations of genocide.

New Zealand’s approach to Gaza should be consistent with its actions over Russia and Ukraine. On that matter, it has supported the International Criminal Court’s calls for accountability for breaches of international humanitarian law.

3. Follow ICJ advice on the Occupied Palestinian Territory

New Zealand should follow the advice of the ICJ’s recent advisory opinion on the “legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem”.

Very clearly, the court concluded Israel’s continued presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory is unlawful. The court also advised other countries to:

  • abstain from all treaty relations with Israel in which it purports to act on behalf of the Occupied Palestinian Territory

  • abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings with Israel concerning the Occupied Palestinian Territory

  • and take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation.

The ICJ also noted that safe and peaceful Palestinian self-determination and independence “as envisaged in resolutions of the Security Council and General Assembly, would contribute to regional stability and the security of all states in the Middle East”.

Given New Zealand is a signatory to the ICJ, it needs to participate in and comply with the court’s rulings.

This is important for bringing an end to the appalling suffering in Gaza. But it is also central to whether New Zealand can sustain its broader credibility as a country that upholds and advocates for an international rules-based order.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Principles or raw power: 3 steps NZ can take to resolve its confused stance on Gaza – https://theconversation.com/principles-or-raw-power-3-steps-nz-can-take-to-resolve-its-confused-stance-on-gaza-238306

Need medicine in hospital? Our study finds how often IT flaws lead to the wrong drug or dose

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Johanna Westbrook, Professor of Health Informatics and Patient Safety, Macquarie University

Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

Every time you are prescribed medicine in hospital a computer will prompt your doctor about the appropriateness of the medicine and its dose.

Every time health professionals update patient records on the computer they need to fill in the appropriate information in the correct spot, or choose an option from a drop-down menu.

But as a growing body of research shows, these electronic systems are not perfect.

Our new study shows how often these technology-related errors occur and what they mean for patient safety. Often they occur due to programming errors or poor design and are less to do with the health workers using the system.

What did we look at? What did we find?

Our team reviewed more than 35,000 medication orders at a major metropolitan hospital to understand how frequently technology-related errors occur.

We focused on errors made when medications are prescribed or ordered via a computer-based system. In many hospitals, these systems have replaced the clipboard that used to hang at the end of a patient’s bed.

Our research showed that as many as one in three medication errors are technology-related. That is, the design or functionality of the electronic medication system facilitated the error.

We also examined how technology-related errors changed over time by reviewing rates of errors at three time points: in the first 12 weeks of using the system, and at one and four years after it was implemented.

We may expect technology-related errors to become less frequent over time as health professionals become more familiar with systems. However, our research showed that although there is an early “learning curve”, technology-related errors continued to be an issue for many years after electronic systems are implemented.

In our study, the rate of technology-related errors was the same four years after the system went in as it was in the first year of use.

How could errors happen?

Errors can happen for a number of reasons. For instance, prescribers can be confronted with a long list of possible dose options for a medication and accidentally choose the wrong one. This can lead to a dose less than, or more than, the one intended.

In our study, we found high-risk medications were frequently associated with technology-related errors. These included oxycodone, fentanyl and insulin, all of which can have serious adverse effects if prescribed incorrectly.

Screenshot of options for the painkiller oxycodone.
This drop-down menu for prescribing oxycodone shows just some of the options a doctor has to choose from. This example is typical and is not limited to one type of software.
Author provided

Technology-related errors can also happen at any point in a patient’s care when a computer is used.

One case in the United States involved a nurse accessing and administering the wrong medicine. She obtained the medicine from a computer-controlled dispensing cabinet (known as an automated dispensing cabinet), which is used to store, dispense and track medicines.

Through poor design, the cabinet allowed the nurse to search for a medicine by entering just two letters. Good design would not have displayed any medication options with only two letters.

The nurse selected and administered the wrong drug to the patient, causing cardiac arrest and the nurse faced a criminal trial.

Automated dispensing cabinets are being increasingly rolled out in Australian hospitals.

Earlier this year we heard of an error in South Australia’s electronic medical record system. This miscalculated the due date for more than 1,700 pregnant women, possibly prompting premature inductions of labour.

We produce a series of safety bulletins for the health system that describe and address specific examples of poor system design we have identified during our research or others working in the system have brought to our attention.

These include a drop-down menu that allows prescribing of a medicine via injection into the spine. This particular medicine would be fatal if administered this way.

Another shows an in-built calculator that rounds up or down the doses for medication according to set rules. But this may lead to incorrect doses in very young or lower-weight children.

For each example, we include recommendations to optimise the systems. Organisations can then use these specific examples to test their systems and take action.

What else would improve safety?

With increasing digitisation in our hospitals and health services, the risk of technology-related errors increases. And that’s even before we talk about the potential for error in artificial intelligence used in our health systems.

We’re not calling for a return to paper-based records. But until we commit to the task of making computer-based systems safe, we will never fully benefit from the enormous potential digital systems could deliver in health care.

Systems need to be continually monitored and updated, to make them easier and safer to use and to prevent issues from becoming catastrophic.

Health IT managers and developers need to understand errors and recognise when system design is suboptimal.

Since clinicians are often the first to notice issues, there should also be mechanisms to investigate and address their concerns promptly, supported by systematic data on technology-related errors.

The Conversation

Johanna Westbrook receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), Medical Research Futures Fund (MRFF)

Magda Raban receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Medical Research Future Fund, NSW Health and Australian Commission on Safety and Quality in Health Care.

ref. Need medicine in hospital? Our study finds how often IT flaws lead to the wrong drug or dose – https://theconversation.com/need-medicine-in-hospital-our-study-finds-how-often-it-flaws-lead-to-the-wrong-drug-or-dose-238424

Can AI talk us out of conspiracy theory rabbit holes?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dana McKay, Associate Dean, Interaction, Technology and Information, RMIT University

Tanya Antusenok / Shutterstock

New research published in Science shows that for some people who believe in conspiracy theories, a fact-based conversation with an artificial intelligence (AI) chatbot can “pull them out of the rabbit hole”. Better yet, it seems to keep them out for at least two months.

This research, carried out by Thomas Costello at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and colleagues, shows promise for a challenging social problem: belief in conspiracy theories.

Some conspiracy theories are relatively harmless, such as believing Finland doesn’t exist (which is fine, until you meet a Finn). Other theories, though, reduce trust in public institutions and science.

This becomes a problem when conspiracy theories persuade people not to get vaccinated or not to take action against climate change. At its most extreme, belief in conspiracy theories has been associated with people dying.

Conspiracy theories are ‘sticky’

Despite the negative impacts of conspiracy theories, they have proven very “sticky”. Once people believe in a conspiracy theory, changing their mind is hard.

The reasons for this are complex. Conspiracy theorist beliefs are associated with communities, and conspiracy theorists have often done extensive research to reach their position.

When a person no longer trusts science or anyone outside their community, it’s hard to change their beliefs.

Enter AI

The explosion of generative AI into the public sphere has increased concerns about people believing in things that aren’t true. AI makes it very easy to create believable fake content.

Even if used in good faith, AI systems can get facts wrong. (ChatGPT and other chatbots even warn users that they might be wrong about some topics.)

AI systems also contain widespread biases, meaning they can promote negative beliefs about some groups of people.

Given all this, it’s quite surprising that a chat with a system known to produce fake news can convince some people to abandon conspiracy theories, and that the change seems to be long lasting.

However, this new research leaves us with a good-news/bad-news problem.

It’s great we’ve identified something that has some effect on conspiracy theorist beliefs! But if AI chatbots are good at talking people out of sticky, anti-scientific beliefs, what does that mean for true beliefs?

What can the chatbots do?

Let’s dig into the new research in more detail. The researchers were interested to know whether factual arguments could be used to persuade people against conspiracy theorist beliefs.

This research used over 2,000 participants across two studies, all chatting with an AI chatbot after describing a conspiracy theory they believed. All participants were told they were talking to an AI chatbot.

The people in the “treatment” group (60% of all participants) conversed with a chatbot that was personalised to their particular conspiracy theory, and the reasons why they believed in it. This chatbot tried to convince these participants that their beliefs were wrong using factual arguments over three rounds of conversation (the participant and the chatbot each taking a turn to talk is a round). The other half of participants had a general discussion with a chatbot.

The researchers found that about 20% of participants in the treatment group showed a reduced belief in conspiracy theories after their discussion. When the researchers checked in with participants two months later, most of these people still showed reduced belief in conspiracy theories. The scientists even checked whether the AI chatbots were accurate, and they (mostly) were.

We can see that for some people at least, a three-round conversation with a chatbot can persuade them against a conspiracy theory.

So we can fix things with chatbots?

Chatbots do offer some promise with two of the challenges in addressing false beliefs.

Because they are computers, they are not perceived as having an “agenda”, making what they say more trustworthy (especially to someone who has lost faith in public institutions).

Chatbots can also put together an argument, which is better than facts alone. A simple recitation of facts is only minimally effective against fake beliefs.

Chatbots aren’t a cure-all though. This study showed they were more effective for people who didn’t have strong personal reasons for believing in a conspiracy theory, meaning they probably won’t help people for whom conspiracy is community.

So should I use ChatGPT to check my facts?

This study demonstrates how persuasive chatbots can be. This is great when they are primed to convince people of facts, but what if they aren’t?

One major way chatbots can promote misinformation or conspiracies is when their underlying data is wrong or biased: the chatbot will reflect this.

Some chatbots are designed to deliberately reflect biases or increase or limit transparency. You can even chat to versions of ChatGPT customised to argue that Earth is flat.

A second, more worrying probability, is that as chatbots respond to biased prompts (that searchers may not realise are biased), they may perpetuate misinformation (including conspiracy beliefs).

We already know that people are bad at fact checking and when they use search engines to do so, those search engines respond to their (unwittingly biased) search terms, reinforcing beliefs in misinformation. Chatbots are likely to be the same.

Ultimately, chatbots are a tool. They may be helpful in debunking conspiracy theories – but like any tool, the skill and intention of the toolmaker and user matter. Conspiracy theories start with people, and it will be people that end them.

The Conversation

Dana McKay has received funding from the University of Melbourne, City, University of London, RMIT University and the Google News Initiative to study how online information affects people’s views.

Johanne Trippas receives funding from RMIT University and the University of Melbourne to study conversational systems.

ref. Can AI talk us out of conspiracy theory rabbit holes? – https://theconversation.com/can-ai-talk-us-out-of-conspiracy-theory-rabbit-holes-238580

Medic at 70: long before Meredith Grey or Doogie Howser, this show shaped the modern medical drama

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kit MacFarlane, Lecturer, Creative Writing and Literature, University of South Australia

Wikimedia Commons

Most of us can think of a TV medical drama that stood out at some point in our lives.

The Good Doctor (2017–24) is finishing its seven-year run. Grey’s Anatomy (2005–) is in its 20th year. ER (1994–2009) dominated the 1990s.

The 1980s brought St Elsewhere (1982–88) and Doogie Howser, M.D. (1989–93), and the 1970s a legendary 11 years of M*A*S*H (1972–83).

Dr Kildare and Ben Casey had similar TV lifespans, both running from 1961 to 1966, in a decade capped with Marcus Welby, M.D. (1969–76).

Even if you don’t like TV medical dramas, they’re about as easy to avoid as hay fever in Canberra. But one of the most interesting and influential shows isn’t as well remembered.

Medic was created by James Moser and first broadcast on NBC in September 1954. It only lasted for two years but played a key role in shaping not only the TV medical drama, but also the image of the medical industry itself. So what was Medic, and how does it look 70 years later?

No romantic compromises with truth

Using an anthology format, Medic would present a different medical case or concept each week. The episodes regularly focused on the process of diagnosis, treatment and fighting social stigmas. The only regular presence was Richard Boone as Dr Konrad Styner, who introduced each episode but would only sometimes appear in the stories.

What set Medic apart from other medical dramas at the time was its intense focus on medical technology and procedure.

Rather than just using a hospital as a general setting for character conflicts, Medic sought to portray the drama that is an inherent part of illness and treatment. It combined this with extensive use of actual hospital resources.

Its first episode portrays a young woman diagnosed with terminal leukaemia shortly before she is due to give birth. It’s a bold debut, including footage of a real birth and not shying away from end-of-life scenarios as part of medical care.

The episode introduction states its goal bluntly:

there’s too much dignity and too much suffering in the fact of life to justify any romantic compromises with truth. There’s excitement enough and triumph enough in truth.

Horrified fascination

Medic’s first episode had an immediate impact.

One newspaper response declared “horrified fascination. I’m not at all sure I was enjoying myself but I couldn’t tear myself away”.

Others described “the most outspoken dialogue and shocking scenes ever offered the general public” with “no cushion for the over-sensitive viewer to fall back upon”, “simple yet explosive immediacy” and “strong, gutty, graphic medicine for the average television viewer […] a record of events that happen every day to people like the next-door neighbour, the fellow at the office – and sometimes you”.

It was called “a stunner” that “may well prove to be one of the few really worthy programs on television”.

Elements may seem outmoded to a modern viewer (a couple of moments will definitely raise an eyebrow!) but the underlying human turmoil isn’t a thing of the past.

Tremendous impact

Decades before the famous ripples caused by 1980s TV productions The Day After and Threads, Medic episode Flash of Darkness presented a grim vision of a nuclear strike.

Like those later productions, the episode sparked public discussions, one report describing a

much-discussed program […] hailed as one of the most powerful and moving ever televised.

Its “tremendous impact” meant “requests from civil defense leaders for prints of the heart-tugging drama […] poured into the Medic’s production offices”.

It was said to be “directly responsible for a 200% increase in volunteers offering their services to Civil Defense”.

Not every episode of Medic had the same impact, but the approach remained largely consistent. Some episode topics could appear “for the first time on TV” such as a story on sterility. The broadcast of an episode showing a caesarean section birth for the first time was cancelled by NBC, resulting in letters of support for the series.

Doctorganda?

Medic’s legacy has some notable problematic elements.

Establishing connections with medical authorities, Medic could use real hospitals, equipment and even doctors in its weekly episodes. This made Medic a powerful tool for social influence.

Recognising this, The Los Angeles County Medical Association provided resources – but this came with the proviso of substantial control over scripts and the portrayal of doctors.

As Joseph Turow writes in his detailed study, Medic became the first time

the interests of individual producers, organised medicine, and the commercial television industry began to come together around prime-time storytelling.

This unfortunately also connected to “[enforcing] the overwhelmingly male and white complexion of their profession”.

Later medical series softened Medic’s austere tone and abandoned its anthology format. But what Turow calls the “symbiotic relationship between doctor-show producers and powerful medical organisations” stuck around.

Storytelling in today’s medical dramas remains a powerful lever for influence.

With its carefully controlled portrayal of health care, Medic is a case study for why viewers need to remain alert to the shaping of the lingering images pop culture presents.

Health and storytelling

Watching Medic 70 years later can be an austere experience – but an interesting one.

Despite social and technological changes, Medic still has a lot to offer a thoughtful viewer. Its frank presentations ultimately focus on removing social stigma and prejudice in support of physical, mental and social health.

Outdated elements are worth studying, too. They’re a sign of where we’ve been, what’s changed, and what hasn’t.

The Age may have called it “that frightening program for hypochondriacs”, but Medic’s combination of health and drama may still have things to teach us.

Storytelling can be a key method for health communication and helping doctors and patients connect. We still face serious public health challenges that require effective communication for social awareness and action.

Day 10, a Medic episode about containing an infectious outbreak despite political resistance, isn’t just a history lesson.

Medic’s socially focused approach to storytelling may not be quite so outdated after all.

The Conversation

Kit MacFarlane does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Medic at 70: long before Meredith Grey or Doogie Howser, this show shaped the modern medical drama – https://theconversation.com/medic-at-70-long-before-meredith-grey-or-doogie-howser-this-show-shaped-the-modern-medical-drama-234371

New study links low incomes, stressed parents and child behaviour – better support would bring lifelong benefits

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jaimie Monk, Research fellow , Motu Economic and Public Policy Research

Poverty has long been established as a crucial factor hindering the development of young children. Living in poverty can hurt a child’s lifelong health, social and educational outcomes.

But much less is known about the way income affects children via its effect on their parents.

In Aotearoa New Zealand, 12.5% of children live in material hardship, which means their households are going without some of the essentials due to cost.

Our new study examined whether a higher family income helps support children’s behavioural development. This is important, as children’s behavioural (or social and emotional) development sets the foundation for longer term positive mental health and academic success.

Our findings highlight the importance of supporting parents to be engaged with preschool children. And one of the key ways to do this is to reduce poverty and parental stress.

Income and behaviour

To better understand the links between childhood poverty and behaviour, we used data from more than 6,000 New Zealand mothers and their children in the Growing Up in New Zealand study. We followed the children from pregnancy to eight years of age.

We examined the same families over time and then broke down what was causing the differences in behavioural development between children from high and low-income families.

In particular, we looked at children’s social and emotional development by examining a combined score which reflected their conduct, hyperactivity, emotion and peer relationship problems, as reported by their mothers.

Children with high scores may have problems with areas such as friendship and paying attention at school, and these issues may be a forerunner for future mental health problems.

Our results showed that for periods where family income was higher, children had fewer reported behaviour problems than during periods where income was lower – but only in the preschool years.

A higher family income seemed to help children’s early social and emotional development and head off behaviour problems. But why?

The role of adults

During the preschool years, back and forth (known as “serve and return”) interactions between adults and children are considered crucial for children’s brain development.

And in our models, the factors driving differences in preschool behavioural development scores are those related to the mother-child relationship.

Some of the most important factors were differences in mothers’ stress, and in parenting behaviours related to stress, such as yelling and arguing with children.

While facing small challenges in a supportive environment is good for children’s development, being constantly exposed to a stressful environment during these developing years has been shown to wire children’s brains in unhealthy ways.

Mothers on lower incomes had higher levels of stress. When we examined what was driving these differences in stress across the income groups, we found maternal health and housing issues, such as moving frequently, were driving factors.

Overall, a higher income appears to lower stress and create space for more engaged parenting, benefiting children’s social and emotional development.

How does technology fit?

We also saw important differences in children’s screen time and reading together with parents.

When we compared children against themselves at different points in time, greater screen use was associated with more behaviour problems at two and four-and-a-half years, but not at eight years.

Screen use also explained some of the differences in behavioural problems across the income groups – but it was part of a wider picture and should not be considered in isolation.

But it is about balance. In Aotearoa, parents are often without day-to-day practical support (such as extended family) to help with caregiving. Technology may be the only way some parents feel they can get a break.

Investing in parents to help children

While our results give clear support for increasing income to encourage children’s social and emotional development, this doesn’t necessarily mean encouraging all mothers back to work. Working mothers also had higher levels of stress.

Our findings do suggest any policies that increase parental wellbeing are likely to have flow-on benefits for young children. Conversely, any policies that increase stress for parents are likely to negatively affect children’s development.

This means government agencies that support families should make it as easy as possible for families to access that support, and ensure it is provided consistently and with certainty

The Conversation

Jaimie Monk has received funding from the Ministry of Social Development’s Children and Families Research Fund and currently works on a project funded by the MBIE Endeavour Programme.

Arthur Grimes receives funding from an MBIE-funded Endeavour programme grant. He is a Senior Fellow with Motu Research

Kate C. Prickett has received funding from the Ministry of Social Development as part of this research.

Philip S. Morrison receives funding from from the Ministry of Social Development as part of this research.

ref. New study links low incomes, stressed parents and child behaviour – better support would bring lifelong benefits – https://theconversation.com/new-study-links-low-incomes-stressed-parents-and-child-behaviour-better-support-would-bring-lifelong-benefits-238762

$84bn lost to housing tax lurks? That would go a long way towards ending the housing crisis

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alan Morris, Professor, Institute for Public Policy and Governance, University of Technology Sydney

Australia’s deep housing crisis is causing enduring and widespread harm. A key impact is that it is increasing inequality.

The children of parents who have paid off their mortgage and have disposal income are far more likely to become home owners. They will be better off as a result. On the other side of the coin, a growing proportion of young Australians feel they will never be in a position to buy a home and will be lifelong private renters.

It has been powerfully argued that an overly generous tax regime has fuelled the housing crisis. Figures released recently by the Parliamentary Budget Office reveal the enormity of the tax revenue forgone due to negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions on residential property. This lost revenue over the past ten years totalled A$84.11 billion.

Some recent polls suggest a majority of Australians now support limiting or abolishing these tax concessions.

Ideally, the government would reform a tax regime that strongly encourages the financialisation of housing, meaning it’s now seen as a financial asset and investment. As a result, potential home buyers must often compete with investors who are prepared to pay more, driving up prices.

What’s more, if the lost revenue had instead been available to invest in building social housing, it would have been almost enough to clear the long waiting lists across the nation.

What exactly are these tax concessions?

Negative gearing applies in a situation where “expenses associated with an asset (including interest expenses) are greater than the income earned from the asset […] Individuals who are negatively geared can deduct their loss against other income, such as salary and wages.”

Essentially, residential property investors use negative gearing to reduce their tax.




Read more:
What is negative gearing and what is it doing to housing affordability?


The capital gains tax concession greatly reduces the tax on profits from selling property. Investors who have held the property for more than 12 months are only taxed on 50% of its increase in value when it is sold. If a person sells their own home, that is the one they live in, they are not subject to any tax, however great the profit.

In opposition, the Labor Party went to the 2016 and 2019 federal elections promising to halve the 50% capital gains tax deduction and limit negative gearing to new properties only. The latter reform was designed to increase the incentive to build new homes.

There is a perception within the Labor Party that the Coalition’s attack on these policies contributed to Labor’s surprise defeat in 2019. Labor dropped the policies before winning the 2022 election. The government now appears averse to any mention of scrapping or adjusting these measures.




Read more:
Now it’s Liberals telling us we are going to have to cut the capital gains tax concession if we want to get Australians into homes


Lost revenue could fund badly needed housing

In response to the housing crisis, the federal government has put in place a range of measures it says will increase the supply of social and affordable housing. Its target is at least 30,000 homes over the next five years. (The total is made up of 10,000 affordable housing and 20,000 social housing units.)

The effect of policies announced so far is a drop in the ocean compared to the depth of the housing crisis. An analysis of 2021 census data found about 640,000 Australian households, or one in 15 households, were not in affordable or appropriate housing. That is, they were homeless or in housing that was overcrowded or they could not afford.

As for social housing, by June 2023 184,100 households were on waiting lists nationally. Of these households, 69,700 were assessed as being in “greatest need”.

Of course, it’s a challenge to find the money to build enough housing to meet this level of need. But acting on the revenue lost to negative gearing and capital gains tax discounts could make a huge difference to both the housing crisis and government’s capacity to resolve it. Labor recognised this in the past.

Imagine if the $84 billion in revenue forgone over the past decade had been available to invest in building social housing. If each dwelling cost $500,000, 168,000 homes could have been built. That would have been enough to all but eliminate social housing waiting lists across the nation.

And, as the chart below shows, the revenue forgone is expected to soar over the next decade. Compared to the past decade, the Parliamentary Budget Office predicts the cost to the budget of negative gearing will increase nearly three times and capital gains tax by around 50%. In combination, the revenue forgone is projected to double to an astonishing $165.58 billion.

Again, if hypothetically $165.58 billion was put into building social housing and each dwelling cost $500,000 to build, more than 330,000 homes could be built over the next ten years.

These figures would be very difficult for the Coalition to dispute. If Labor had the courage to act on its original convictions and the advice of economists, and housing scholars, it has 165 billion reasons to once more put adjusting, or ideally scrapping, negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions back on the table.

The Conversation

Alan Morris receives funding from The Australian Research Council.

ref. $84bn lost to housing tax lurks? That would go a long way towards ending the housing crisis – https://theconversation.com/84bn-lost-to-housing-tax-lurks-that-would-go-a-long-way-towards-ending-the-housing-crisis-237333

Couple convicted of exploiting Pacific migrants have convictions thrown out

By Anusha Bradley, RNZ investigative reporter

A Hamilton couple convicted of exploiting Pacific migrants have had their convictions quashed after the New Zealand’s Court of Appeal ruled there had been a miscarriage of justice.

Anthony Swarbrick and Christina Kewa-Swarbrick were found guilty on nine representative charges of aiding and abetting, completion of a visa application known to be false or misleading and provision of false or misleading information, at a trial in the Hamilton District Court in February 2023.

A month later, Kewa-Swarbrick, who originally came from Papua New Guinea, was sentenced to 10 months home detention. She completed nine months of that sentence.

Swarbrick served his full eight months of home detention.

In February this year the Court of Appeal found that in Swarbrick’s case, the trial judge’s summing up of the case was “not fair and balanced” leading to a “miscarriage of justice”.

It found the trial judge “undermined the defence” and “the summing up took a key issue away from the jury.”

“Viewed overall, the Judge forcefully suggested what the jury would, and impliedly should, find by way of the elements of the offence. The Judge made the ultimate assessment that was for the jury to make. The trial was unfair to Mr Swarbrick for that reason. We conclude that this resulted in a miscarriage of justice,” the decision states.

It ordered Swarbrick’s convictions be quashed and a retrial.

Christina Kewa-Swarbrick . . . “Compensation . . . will help us rebuild our lives.” Image: RNZ

Charges withdrawn
It came to the same conclusions for Kewa-Swarbrick in April, but the retrial was abandoned after the Crown withdrew the charges in May, leading to the Hamilton District Court ordering the charges against the couple be dismissed.

Immigration NZ said it withdrew the charges after deciding it was no longer in the public interest to hold a re-trial.

The couple, who have since separated, are now investigating redress options from the government for the miscarriage of justice.

“We lost everything. Our marriage, our house. I lost a huge paying job offshore that I couldn’t go back to because we were on bail,” Swarbrick told RNZ.

“It’s had a huge effect, emotionally, financially. We had to take our children out of private school.”

Swarbrick had since been unable to return to his job and now had health issues as a result of the legal battles.

Kewa-Swarbrick said the court case had “destroyed” her life.

“It’s affected my home, my marriage, my children.”

Not able to return to PNG
She had not been able to return to Papua New Guinea since the case because she had received death threats.

“My health has deteriorated.”

The couple estimated they had spent at least $90,000 on legal fees, but their reputation had been severely affected by the case and media reports, preventing them from getting new jobs.

The couple’s ventures came to the attention of Immigration NZ in 2016 and charges were laid in 2018. The trial was delayed until 2023 because of the covid-19 pandemic.

Immigration NZ alleged the couple had arranged for groups of seasonal workers from Papua New Guinea to work illegally in New Zealand for very low wages between 2013 and 2016.

The trial heard the workers were led to believe they would be travelling to New Zealand to work under the RSE scheme in full time employment, receiving an hourly rate of $15 per hour, but ended up being paid well below the minimum wage.

However, Kewa-Swarbrick and Swarbrick argued they always intended to bring the PNG nationals to New Zealand for a cultural exchange and work experience.

“They fundraised $1000 each for living costs. We funded everything else. And when they got here they just completely shut us down,” said Kewa-Swarbrick.

She said it was “a relief” to finally be exonerated.

“The compensation part is going to be the last part because it will help us rebuild our lives.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Exceptional new fish fossil sparks rethink of how Earth’s geology drives evolution

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alice Clement, Research Associate in the College of Science and Engineering, Flinders University

An illustration of the _Ngamugawi wirngarri_ coelacanth in its natural habitat Katrina Kenny

Coelacanths are deep-sea fish that live off the coasts of southern Africa and Indonesia and can reach up to two metres in length. For a long time, scientists believed they were extinct.

In new research published in Nature Communications, we reveal the best-preserved coelacanth fossil ever found from the ancient period hundreds of millions of years ago when these ancient sea-dwellers first evolved. The fossil comes from the Gogo Formation on Gooniyandi Country in northern Western Australia.

We also studied the evolution of all the hundreds of coelacanth species we know from the fossil record to find out what drove the creation of new species across the aeons.

The answer came as a surprise: the greatest influence on coelacanth evolution was not ocean temperature or oxygen levels but tectonic activity. When the vast plates of Earth’s crust were moving around more, new species were more likely to appear.

‘Living fossils’

Coelacanths are “lobe-finned” fish, which means they have robust bones in their fins a bit like the bones in our arms. Scientists believe they are more closely related to tetrapods (animals with backbones and four limbs, such as frogs, emus and humans) than to most other fishes.

Coelacanths have been around for a long time. The oldest known fossils are more than 410 million years old. But because these fossils are mostly fragments, we don’t know a lot about what the earliest coelacanths were like.

Photo of a large fish underwater
A modern coelacanth in the sea off the coast of South Africa.
Bruce Henderson / Wikimedia, CC BY

Later, during the age of dinosaurs which began around 250 million years ago, coelacanths became more diverse. In total, we have found traces of more than 175 fossil species from all over the globe.

Finally, at the end of the Cretaceous period, 66 million years ago, all signs of coelacanths mysteriously vanished from the fossil record. For a long time, scientists assumed the coelacanths were casualties of the massive asteroid impact that also signed the death warrant of the dinosaurs (along with around three-quarters of all life on Earth).

All that changed in 1938, when fisherpeople in South Africa pulled a large, enigmatic fish from the ocean depths that was like nothing they had seen before. A local museum employee with a keen interest in the natural sciences, Marjorie Courtenay-Latimer, immediately knew the fish was special.

Old faded photo of a woman standing behind a large stuffed fish.
Marjorie Courtenay-Latimer and the coelacanth she discovered in 1938.
The South African Institute for Aquatic Biodiversity / Wikimedia

Courtenay-Latimer enlisted her friend J. L. B. Smith, a renowned South African chemist with an interest in ichthyology (the study of fish). Smith identified and named Latimeria, the first living coelacanth known to science.

Discovering this “Lazarus fish” was like stumbling across a live Triceratops dinosaur still roaming the forests of North America today. Even today, coelacanths are often described as “living fossils”.

A new fossil coelacanth

Our team from Flinders University, together with other colleagues from Australia, Canada and Europe, discovered a new species of fossil coelacanth on Gooniyandi Country in northern WA. Around 380 million years ago, the site was a tropical reef teeming with more than 50 species of fish.

Ngamugawi wirngarri, the new fossil coelacanth, is the first fish found in the area to bear a name given to us from the Gooniyandi language. The name means “ancient fish in honour of Wirngarri”, a respected elder of the community.

Ngamugawi is the best three-dimensionally preserved coelacanth from the Devonian Period (359 million to 419 million years ago). This fossil provides a great insight into the early anatomy of this lineage.

A digital 3D reconstruction of the skull of Ngamugawi wirngarri, a new Devonian coelacanth from the Gogo Formation. Reconstruction by Alice Clement.

Plate tectonics drive coelacanth evolution

Our study of the new species led us to analyse the evolutionary history of all known coelacanths. In doing so, we calculated the rates of evolution across their 410 million year history.

We found that coelacanths have generally evolved slowly, with a few intriguing exceptions.

Furthermore, we analysed a series of environmental factors that we considered potential candidates for influencing coelacanth evolutionary rates. These included tectonic plate activity, ocean temperatures, water oxygen levels, and atmospheric carbon dioxide levels.

Of all the variables we looked at, the one with the greatest influence on the rate of coelacanth evolution was tectonic plate activity. New species of coelacanth were more likely to evolve during periods of heightened tectonic activity, as seismic movement transformed habitats.

Are coelacanths still evolving?

Along with our analysis of all fossil coelacanths, we also had a close look at the two living species, Latimeria chalumnae and Latimeria menadoensis.

At first glance, these fish look almost identical to some of their counterparts from hundreds of millions of years ago. However, on closer analysis we could see they were in fact distinct from their extinct relatives.

While Latimeria has essentially ceased evolving new features, the proportions of its body and the details of its DNA are still changing a little. So perhaps it’s not a “living fossil” after all.

The Conversation

Alice Clement receives funding from the Australian Research Council and is employed by Flinders University.

John Long receives funding from The Australian Research Council and is employed by Flinders University.

ref. Exceptional new fish fossil sparks rethink of how Earth’s geology drives evolution – https://theconversation.com/exceptional-new-fish-fossil-sparks-rethink-of-how-earths-geology-drives-evolution-236693

Grattan on Friday: Coalition backs Labor’s heavy lifting on aged care, hoping to reap the benefit down the track

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

In agreeing earlier to the Albanese government’s changes to the NDIS and now endorsing its aged care reforms, Peter Dutton is calculating it’s easier for Labor than the Coalition to find big savings that produce serious “losers”.

There was only a small risk for the Coalition in embracing the NDIS reforms. These are largely focused on tackling rorts and reducing eligibility, and the political pain is mostly immediate and directed at the government.

The changes to aged care are, in political terms, rather more complicated for the opposition.

People already in the system will be grandfathered. But there’ll be many who know they do or could face the prospect of entering the aged care system in the not too distant future. They and their families will be looking at paying more. And this is when everyone’s attention is on the cost of living.

Importantly for the Liberals, those particularly hit will be self-funded retirees who, as some Liberals noted at Thursday’s Coalition parties meeting, are “our people”.

Governments of both complexions have found aged care policy a nightmare. By agreeing to the deal, the opposition has limited its ability to attack the government over the issue at the coming election, although some in Labor will fear it could still find some room to do so. The final package was rushed through caucus, where there were a handful of questions but no dissent.

Essentially the Coalition has sacrificed a possible short-term political advantage for a longer-term budgetary gain for a future conservative government.

This week saw a huge flurry of government activity, on issues ranging from social media to hate speech. It’s as if the government looked up at the clock and saw time was rapidly getting away from it for passing legislation. Somehow it has slipped up in organising its program.

But what loomed largest was tying down the aged care deal.

It’s been slow in coming. Although the Coalition had signalled early on that it was likely to be up for an agreement, it was happy to string things out, both to press for concessions and to make the government sweat.

The opposition said it had extracted a number of “significant changes” in the negotiations, among them grandfathering arrangements, the removal of criminal penalties that it said could have seen staff leave the sector for fear of such punishments, as well as the removal of provisions that would have “forced unionism into every aged care home”.

Like the NDIS changes, the aged care reform is crucially about sustainability – the budget bottom line.

The key net numbers from the package are a $930 million spend over four years and a $12.6 billion saving over the coming 11 years.

The government is aiming to cut the rate of increase in spending on the NDIS from around 11% to 8% annually by 2026.

On aged care, it estimates that as a result of its reforms, spending over the decade to 2034-35 will fall from a projected average annual growth of 5.7% down to 5.2%. As a share of GDP it would decline from 1.5% to 1.4% – despite the number of participants in the system rising.

The NDIS spending has been spiralling out of financial control because of flaws in the scheme that were not corrected. It was never meant to cover the number or range of people and disabilities that have come into it.

The aged care system’s unsustainability is driven in large part by demographics – Australia’s ageing population.

The government points out that over the next four decades, the number of Australians over 65 is set to more than double. Those over 85 will more than triple. By 2050 the residential aged care sector will need $56 billion in capital funding to upgrade and expand accommodation.

As the government puts it bluntly, “current funding arrangements  are not sufficient: in 2022-23, 46% of providers made a loss from accommodation”.

Under the government’s changes, there will be larger means-tested contributions for new entrants. But half of new residents will not have to contribute more – these include seven in ten full pensioners and one in four part pensioners.

For home care, which more and more people want, the government will pay for all clinical care, such as nursing and occupational therapy. Based on their means, recipients will contribute to the help they receive to live independently (such as assistance to shower and dress) and with ordinary living costs, including cleaning, gardening and preparing meals.

While some of the potential losers will be unhappy with the changes, many experts and observers will see it as a good policy to have those who can afford it pay more for their care.

Joseph Ibrahim, professor of aged care at La Trobe University, is not one of them. Rather than expanding user pays, he believes a more equitable system would be to have the community generally contribute what more is required.

Ibrahim sees a user pays system as unfair, and casts aged care as similar to schooling and health care.

“We don’t apply a user pays system to our schools where high need students pay more. In the health system, people who are in intensive care don’t pay more than those who go to the outpatients section.

“No one chooses to have a disability that comes with cognitive or physical decline. User pays is punishing people. They are seen by politicians as soft targets.”

Ibrahim plays down the argument about the increasing proportion of GDP the aged care system is taking up, saying this could be accommodated by making adjustments to other priorities.

While Thursday saw the “deal” done, the political story is far from over. “We look forward to now having an open conversation with older Australians and the aged care sector about the government’s proposed reforms,” the Coalition’s aged care spokeswoman Anne Ruston said.

There is a Senate inquiry ahead. Stakeholders will pore over the details. Those seeing themselves as losers will raise their voices. Baby boomer heat could come onto both sides.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grattan on Friday: Coalition backs Labor’s heavy lifting on aged care, hoping to reap the benefit down the track – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-coalition-backs-labors-heavy-lifting-on-aged-care-hoping-to-reap-the-benefit-down-the-track-238878

Open letters on Gaza that The Press shunned – the Handala protest

Pacific Media Watch

Two open letters on the genocidal Israeli war against Palestinian sent to The Press for publication that have been ignored in the continued Aotearoa New Zealand media silence over 11 months of atrocities.

Both letters have been sent to the Christchurch morning daily newspaper by the co-presenter of the Plains FM radio programme Earthwise, Lois Griffiths.

The first letter, had been “sent . . .  in time for it to be published on 29 August 2024. the anniversary of the Palestinian political cartoonist Naji al-Ali‘s murder”, Griffiths said.

A protest boat aimed at breaking the illegal Israeli siege of Gaza, Handala, is named after a cartoon boy created by the cartoonist.

On board the Handala, currently in the Mediterranean ready to break the siege with humanitarian aid for the Palestinians, are two New Zealand-Palestinian crew, Rana Hamida and Youssef Sammour.

Yet even this fact doesn’t make the letter newsworthy enough for publication.

Griffiths sent Naji al-Ali’s cartoon figure Handala with the letter to The Press. The open letter:

Dear Editor,

The situation in Gaza is so very very disturbing . . .  those poor people . . . those poor men, women and CHILDREN.

How many readers are aware that 2 New Zealanders are on a boat that hopes to take aid to Gaza. Maybe the brave actions of those 2 Kiwis, joined by other international volunteers, of trying to break the siege of Gaza, will rally the rest of the world to finally stop looking away.

Handala, the cartoon character . . . a symbol of Palestinian resistance. Image: Naji al-Ali

They are on a very special boat, a boat with a name chosen to fit the occasion, the Handala.

Handala is the name chosen by the Palestinian political cartoonist Naji al-Ali, for a cartoon refugee boy who stands with his back to the reader, in the corner of his political cartoons.

Handala witnesses the suffering inflicted on his people.

We have a book of al-Ali’s drawings, A Child in Palestine.

Naji al-Ali was well-loved by the Palestinians for using his skills to share, with the world, stories of what the people had to endure.

On 29 August 1987, the cartoonist died after being shot in London by an unknown assailant.

Yet the memory of Naji al-Ali survives.

The memory of Handala survives. He represents the Palestinian children. And the boat named Handala is sailing for the children of Gaza.

Yours
Lois Griffiths

South Africa then, why not Israel now?
In the other letter sent to The Press a week ago, Lois Griffiths, in time for the opening of the UN General Assembly on September 8, she urged the New Zealand government to call for the suspension of Israel.

Not published, yet another example of New Zealand mainstream newspapers’ blind responses and hypocrisy over community views on the Gaza genocide?

Dear Editor,

Tuesday of this week, 08 September, is the date for the opening of UNGA, the UN General Assembly.

In 1974, South Africa was suspended from the UN General Assembly after being successfully charged by the ICJ, International Court of Justice, of apartheid. This move isolated South Africa and was very effective in leading to the collapse of the apartheid regime.


Now, the democratic regime of South Africa has taken a case to the ICJ [International Criminal Court] charging Israel with genocide. In an interim judgment, the ICJ has broadly supported South Africa’s case.

The situation in Gaza is so vile now: the bombing, the targeting of residences, schools and hospitals, the lack of protection from disease, the huge numbers of bodies lying under rubble. And now, violence against the Palestinians in the West Bank is on the increase.

Where is humanity? What does it mean to be human?


A step that would certainly help to slow down the genocide, would be for Israel to be suspended from the UN General Assembly.


Please New Zealand. Call for the suspension of Israel from the UNGA.


NOW!!

Yours,
Lois Griffiths

Palestinian resistance artwork on the humanitarian boat Handala . . . hoping to break the Gaza blockade. Image: Screenshot PushPull

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Does the Albanese government’s proposed ‘hate speech’ law give us what we need?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Luke McNamara, Professor, UNSW Sydney

Back in May, the Albanese government told us to expect strict new hate speech laws.

In its bill introduced to parliament this week, though, the government has stepped back from the plan to criminalise racist hate speech.

Instead, conduct will be criminalised only where it involves “threats of force or violence”.

This will be disappointing to some, particularly those who were looking for stronger protections against racism – including antisemitism and Islamophobia – in the wake of the ructions caused in Australia by the events in Israel and Palestine.

But when this latest development is placed in the longer history of the development of hate speech laws in Australia, we see it continues a consistent pattern of preferring civil remedies over criminal penalties to address most forms of group vilification.

A long-standing battle

Since at least the 1970s, Australian governments have been trying to work out what laws, and in what form, are required to address racism.

Something close to consensus was reached on the idea that racial discrimination should be unlawful. It now is under the Racial Discrimination Act 1975, as well as anti-discrimination statutes in every state and territory.

Consensus on the legal regulation of racial vilification (sometimes referred to as racist “hate speech”) has been more elusive.

Nonetheless, 30 years ago, the then-Labor government did manage to add a hate speech provision (section 18C) to the Racial Discrimination Act when parliament enacted the Racial Hatred Act 1995.

The states and territories also have their own versions of vilification laws (addressing race and a range of other grounds).

A bold approach, initially

When the Albanese government announced this year it was planning to legislate further on hate speech, the suggestion it would include new criminal offences caught the attention of lots of people. This included academics like me who have researched vilification laws since the 1990s.

We raised our eyebrows because a defining feature of Australia’s attempts to legislate in this area has been a preference for civil laws – where an aggrieved person can take private action against those responsible – over criminal laws.

The use of criminal laws has been seen as too great an infringement of the right to freedom of expression.

Even though it receives only patchy and relatively weak legal protection in Australia, free speech “sensitivity” has been a powerful force in political debates in this country.

Some politicians have also not been shy about weaponising it, such as when the Coalition government established an inquiry in 2018 into whether free speech was being adequately protected on university campuses.

Given this history, the Albanese government’s announcement in May set the stage for another fiery debate about what laws were best suited to addressing hate speech. As it happens, this also came ten years on from a succession of (unsuccessful) efforts by Coalition governments to curtail section 18C or effectively repeal it altogether.

But the Albanese government has now stepped back from its initial plan. Instead, the modified and new criminal offences will only apply to conduct that not only vilifies, but also involves threats of violence or force against a group (or a member of a group).

This is a much less controversial form of criminalisation. And most Australian states and territories already have offences of this sort – for example, the offence of publicly threatening or inciting violence in the NSW Crimes Act.

What will the impact be?

We should be cautious about expecting too much from the proposed new federal criminal offences.

Prosecutions and convictions for these “aggravated” forms of vilification are extremely rare in Australia. The tally in NSW is zero, some 35 years after that state pioneered the criminalisation of vilification involving threat of physical harm or property damage.

The NSW Law Reform Commission is currently conducting an inquiry into why this is and whether further reforms are warranted.

It seems unlikely things will be different with new Commonwealth offences. They have complex definitions and will be challenging to prove beyond reasonable doubt.

Of course, just because a criminal offence is not regularly prosecuted doesn’t mean it has served no purpose. Sometimes, governments turn to criminalisation for its symbolic and “message-sending” powers.

And yes, sometimes this is a cynical exercise in being seen to be doing something without changing much at all. Whether this is a fair characterisation remains to be seen.

In the meantime, perhaps the great disappointment will be felt by members of Australia’s Muslim communities.

The new criminal laws on threats of violence will apply to a wide variety of identifying characteristics. They include religion, race, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, intersex status, disability, nationality, national or ethnic origin or political opinion.

However, the bill will not amend the more useful civil laws in the Racial Discrimination Act to extend to religious vilification.

Whether Islamophobia is correctly characterised as “religious” or “racial” vilification, it is clear that, at the federal level, Australian Muslims are not protected by the section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act in its current form.

In my previous research with Professor Katharine Gelber, we identified this as the biggest gap in Australia’s hate speech laws.

By contrast, antisemitism is legally regarded as a form of racism, and section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act has been effectively engaged by Jewish organisations and individuals against forms of antisemitism, including Holocaust denial.

Since the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7 2023, the Australian government has attempted to hold the public position that it is equally concerned about all forms of discrimination and hate speech, including both antisemitism and Islamophobia.

And yet, while a special envoy to combat antisemitism has been appointed, the promise of a special envoy on Islamophobia has yet to materialise.

The new hate speech bill introduced by the government does little to deliver on a true commitment to multiculturalism and anti-racism. We await the Albanese government’s more active steps in that direction.

The Conversation

Luke McNamara receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Does the Albanese government’s proposed ‘hate speech’ law give us what we need? – https://theconversation.com/does-the-albanese-governments-proposed-hate-speech-law-give-us-what-we-need-232384

The government has a new plan for residential aged care. Here’s what’s changing

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole Sutton, Associate Professor of Accounting, University of Technology Sydney

In Green/Shutterstock

After months of negotiations between the major parties, the government has announced it will implement the Aged Care Taskforce recommendations.

The government already signalled back in March that it wouldn’t impose a new tax or aged care levy.

Today’s announcement focuses on how wealthier people will contribute in future to the overall cost of their residential aged care and home care services.

While some people won’t be happy about paying for more, these changes are critical to ensuring the aged care system’s long-term sustainability.

What’s changing for residential care?

In December, the Taskforce made 23 recommendations to support:

an aged care system that is sustainable, fair and facilitates greater innovation in the sector.

In accepting these recommendations, the government committed to maintaining its funding support for the clinical care needs of all residents and providing safety-net funding for residents with low financial means.

The three key proposals relating to residential care are:

1. Means-testing the ‘hotelling supplement’.

Currently, taxpayers subsidise the cost of everyday living for all residents, regardless of their means. Everyday services include catering, cleaning and laundry.

Going forward, people with significant financial means (with more than A$238,000 in assets, more than $95,400 in income or a combination of the two) will no longer receive this subsidy and will need to pay an additional amount to cover these costs.

2. Introducing a deferred rental payment.

This is a rental payment for people who pay for their accommodation using a refundable lump-sum deposit. That payment would be taken from their refund, rather than become an additional charge.

This would help overcome a longstanding problem where many providers have been making a loss on the cost of accommodation.

3. Abolishing the means-tested care fee.

Instead, a new means-tested non-clinical care contribution would be introduced. This will cover non-clinical care costs such as bathing, mobility assistance and provision of lifestyle activities.

What impact will these changes have on older people?

Many people will be unaffected by the changes. Under the “no worse off” principle, people who already live in aged care homes will continue to pay as they do under their current arrangements.

Likewise, people with low financial means, typically full pensioners without major assets, will be unaffected. The government will continue to fully cover the costs of their clinical care, non-clinical care and accommodation, and continue to top up their everyday living costs via the hotelling supplement.

Pensioners will continue using their age pension to pay for their everyday living expenses, capped at 85% of the age pension (equivalent to $445 per week).

Those with low financial means will be unaffected.
mapo_japan/Shutterstock

At the other end of the scale, those with significant means, such as self-funded retirees, will pay an additional means-tested hotelling fee to meet the full cost of their food, laundry, cleaning and utilities. This fee (up to $88 per week, or an extra $4,581 per year), would bring their total contribution to their everyday living services to $533 per week.

Also, while the government will cover self-funded retirees’ clinical care costs, they would be expected to contribute towards the costs of non-care services via a means-tested non-clinical care contribution. This contribution is capped at $101.16 per day (or $708 per week), which a resident would stop paying when either they reach a lifetime limit of $130,000 or four years (whichever is sooner).

Within the new means-testing arrangements there will be no change to the treatment of the family home. The value of the family home included in the means test would remain capped at $206,039 (indexed), even though this arrangement ignores the wealth of people with homes above this limit.

Finally, part-pensioners and self-funded retirees who pay for their accommodation via a refundable lump-sum deposit will pay a new annual deferred rental charge equal to 2% of their deposit per year.

A room priced at $550,000 would attract a rental charge of $212 per week ($11,000 per year), which would be deducted from the $550,000 deposit when it is returned to the resident or their estate at the end of their stay.

For context, if someone wanted to pay for the same room using the daily payment method, it currently costs them $882 per week.

Currently, each resident’s daily payments are fixed at the price when they enter residential care. However, going forward residents’ payments will be indexed twice a year.

The focus is on improving the equity and sustainability

It will take some time to analyse the full implications of today’s announcement, which also included important changes to the Support at Home program and the new Aged Care Act.

Nonetheless, the proposed changes are likely to improve the sustainability and equity of Australia’s residential aged care system.

More than half of all aged care homes are operating at a loss and in the last four years the homes have accumulated losses of $5.6 billion. This is not sustainable, and every home that closes means less chance older people have of getting the residential care and support they need.

The proposed changes, particularly around accommodation, will help ensure providers have sufficient revenue to cover the costs of the services they deliver.

Introducing more means-testing arrangements for everyday living and non-clinical care costs will allow taxpayer funding to better target support to residents with few financial means.

Perhaps most importantly, the increase in contributions from older people who can afford to do so will improve intergenerational equity by taking some of the pressure off income taxpayers who are meeting the rising cost of providing subsidised aged care.

Nicole Sutton is the co-lead of the Business & Strategy Theme at the UTS Ageing Research Collaborative. She contributes to research projects funded by the Department of Health and Aged Care. She is the current Treasurer of Palliative Care NSW.

Michael Woods is Professor of Health Economics at the UTS Centre for Health Economics Research and Evaluation. He is Policy Advisor to the UTS Ageing Research Collaborative (UARC) and Chairs the Editorial Board of Australia’s Aged Care Sector. He is a Member of IHACP’s Aged Care Advisory Committee and undertakes policy research for the Commonwealth Government and the aged care sector. Michael was a former Deputy Chair of the Productivity Commission. He has no funding or other conflicts of interest related to this article.

ref. The government has a new plan for residential aged care. Here’s what’s changing – https://theconversation.com/the-government-has-a-new-plan-for-residential-aged-care-heres-whats-changing-238765

Sneesby’s resignation from Nine points to host of problems besetting commercial TV networks

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne

Mike Sneesby’s resignation as chief executive of the Nine Entertainment Company completes a cleanout at the top of an organisation besieged by the consequences of cultural toxicity.

These consequences began coming to light in March, when News Corporation newspapers and Nine’s own mastheads published allegations that Darren Wick, who was Nine’s head of news and current affairs for more than a decade, groped three women in public view of their colleagues.

Wick denied the allegations but left Nine that same month following a formal complaint against him and the establishment of a related investigation.

Nine also commissioned an external firm to conduct a review into “broader cultural issues”.

At the time, Sneesby said:

I believe we have taken positive steps in recent years at Nine to improve our culture […] but the recent reports that detail alleged serious failings of leadership in television news clearly tells me more work needs to be done to ensure we have a safe and inclusive workplace throughout Nine.

Serious failings of leadership: Sneesby might have been writing his own corporate obituary.

The company’s, and his own, responses to the unfolding scandal were always reactive and invited the question: if reporters at a rival news organisation and in his own newspapers’ newsrooms could find out what was going on, why couldn’t the boss?

He confessed he had not directly received any information about the alleged behaviour of Wicks. He then added: “I would encourage those individuals, or anyone else with information, to provide it […] so it can be independently investigated.”

It is fair to assume that if those individuals had any faith at all in the corporate culture, they would have complained years ago.

Sneesby also observed that a concentration of power at the organisation had “damaged the trust and fairness within our television newsrooms”. This raises further questions, such as: how did he allow that to happen and what did he do about it?

These unanswered questions fuelled relentless media interest in the story, which reached its climax on a June afternoon at Canberra airport when Peter Costello, a former federal treasurer and then chair of Nine, was accosted by a News Corp reporter.

The reporter wanted to know whether Costello had known about the allegations against Wick. Did Costello support the way Sneesby was handling the issue?

Costello moved in on the reporter, there was a jostling motion on the reporter’s camera and the reporter fell to the floor. Costello denied having assaulted him, but resigned as chair within the week.

On his way out the door, Costello said Sneesby “always had my full support”.

It now falls to the new chair, Catherine West, and a stand-in chief executive, Matt Stanton, to try to clean up the mess. Stanton is the company’s chief finance and strategy officer.

The company promised in May to establish an external formal complaint line for people to provide information independent of management, and a helpline for “emotional or psychological support”.

The extent to which this works and the external cultural review produces any real change will be important benchmarks against which the performance of the new leadership will be assessed.

The free-to-air television industry is under the same severe commercial strain as newspapers, as streaming services and other internet platforms challenge their traditional supremacy in electronic news and entertainment.

Commercial television newsrooms have never been a place for shrinking violets. But their blokey whatever-it-takes management style seems ill-adapted to cope with the acute stresses created by the digital revolution. They are also increasingly out of step with modern workplace culture and social mores.

This is evident not just at Nine but at Australia’s other two commercial television networks as well.

In April, James Warburton, chief executive of Seven West Media, which operates the Seven Network, resigned during a torrid period for the organisation. Allegations had been made during a defamation trial that Seven’s current affairs program Spotlight had reimbursed Bruce Lehrmann for money spent on cocaine and sex workers while duchessing him for an interview.

Although Seven denied these allegations, in the aftermath Spotlight’s executive producer Mark Llewellyn left the network.

The evidence in court, given by a former Spotlight producer Taylor Auerbach, revealed a ruthless newsroom culture and a determination to secure what was regarded as a prize interview with Lehrmann, who was subsequently found by the court, on the balance of probabilities, to have raped Brittany Higgins in Parliament House in March 2019.

Lehrmann has always denied the charge, and his criminal prosecution was aborted because of juror misconduct.

Channel Ten’s journalism came in for close scrutiny in the same proceedings. It had been sued for defamation by Lehrmann over an interview with Higgins on The Project in which she said she had been raped. Lehrmann was not named in the broadcast, but was able to satisfy the court that he was the person referred to as having allegedly raped Higgins.

While finding that Ten succeeded with its defence of truth, Justice Michael Lee was critical of what he said was Ten’s failure to test “inconsistencies and implausibilities” in Higgins’s story. He said Ten had ignored “flashing warning lights” and had shown a “lack of curiosity” over certain aspects of the matter to avoid “unnecessary doubt” about the story.

These examples of newsroom culture, whether they concern sexual predation, abandonment of journalistic ethics or poor editorial judgement, clearly have a tendency to undermine public trust in the media as a whole, which is bad for commerce and for democracy.

Ten’s future became uncertain as its parent company, Paramount, faced severe financial pressures. It recently merged with Skydance Media in the United States, but whether this stabilises Ten’s ownership position is unclear.

These developments, plus the management shakeups at Nine and Seven, show the pressure on Australia’s commercial television networks is likely to continue for some time yet.

The Conversation

Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Sneesby’s resignation from Nine points to host of problems besetting commercial TV networks – https://theconversation.com/sneesbys-resignation-from-nine-points-to-host-of-problems-besetting-commercial-tv-networks-238876

Farm fences trouble turtles in search of water. Here’s how to help

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eric Nordberg, Senior Lecturer (Applied Ecology and Landscape Management), University of New England

Eric Nordberg

Freshwater turtles live in farm dams, creeks and wetlands across Australia. They often travel over land when these wetlands or farm dams dry up, or during breeding season.

But when a turtle encounters a fence, they can get stuck on one side, become entangled, overheat or even die.

We wanted to test how different fence types influence turtle movement patterns. In our latest research, we attached GPS tracking devices to 20 adult eastern long-neck turtles in Armidale, New South Wales. Each week, we located the turtles and recorded how far they had moved, what habitat they were in, and how many fences they had encountered.

We found turtles often encountered fences. Sometimes they had to walk long distances, for days, before finding a suitable place to cross. Here we recommend some simple, cheap ways to make fences more turtle-friendly – and help other wildlife too.

An eastern long-neck turtle bumps up against a wire fence covered with chicken wire on an agricultural property.
Chicken wire fencing should be avoided because the mesh diameter is too small to allow turtles and other wildlife to pass through.
Eric Nordberg

Active in agricultural lands

The eastern long-neck turtle is one of Australia’s most widespread turtle species, but populations may be in decline. As a result, their conservation status could soon be upgraded to “vulnerable”.

Its range includes the Murray-Darling, Australia’s longest river system and most intensive agricultural area.

Long-neck turtles are also among the most active turtles on land, often travelling kilometres to find water. So they frequently encounter fences.

We found all sorts of farm fences in our 1,000 hectare study area, stretching over 95km in total. Fencing materials included:

  • plain or barbed wire
  • hinge joint” wire (grid pattern)
  • single-strand electric wire
  • chicken wire
  • corrugated iron.

We classified the different types of fences as turtle-friendly, or not. In turtle-friendly fences, the mesh or wire spacing is greater than the body size of the turtle. Unfriendly fences, in contrast, have mesh or wire spacing smaller than turtle, barring their passage.

Aerial image of the study area, overlaid with mapped fences labelled yellow = turtle-friendly, pink = turtle-unfriendly and movement paths of turtles in blue.
Fences surveyed during the study: yellow = turtle-friendly, pink = turtle-unfriendly. Blue = movement paths of turtles.
James Dowling

Our turtles encountered fences 120 times in the ten months of the study, from November 2022 to September 2023. Most of the time they managed to get through. But in some cases, turtles had to walk up to four times further before finding a suitable gap or fault in the fence.

Some fences at our study site were damaged. Broken wire, gaps or holes from fallen trees or burrowing wildlife actually turned an unfriendly fence into a turtle-friendly fence. So turtles were able to walk along the fence and locate a suitable gap or fault that allowed them to cross.

However, this meant turtles had to walk up to four times further along unfriendly fences before finding suitable passage. Turtles were walking an additional 1,000 metres over the course of nine days in some cases.

The search for a gap or hole potentially exposed turtles to predators, excessive heat and dehydration.

In Armidale, adult eastern long-neck turtles are smaller than in other parts of its range. This means they fit through fences more easily than larger eastern long-necks from other regions, or other larger turtle species.

So, while turtle-friendly fences were abundant in our study, many of these would have been unfriendly fences for larger turtles living elsewhere.

How to make farm fences more wildlife-friendly

Replacing millions of kilometres of farm fencing around the world is not feasible, so we recommend a range of targeted and realistic tactics.

Species-specific wildlife gates allow wildlife such as bettongs and wombats to travel in and out of fenced areas. These gates can be installed in places where wildlife are most likely to encounter fences, such as wildlife corridors, rather than randomly throughout a property.

Other strategies are more simple and cost effective, such as clipping one vertical bar of hinge joint fencing to make the mesh gap twice as large. This creates a “turtle gate” that allows larger turtle species to move through the fence.

Similarly, ensuring the bottom of the fence is at least 50mm above the ground can help facilitate movement by small animals.

Where possible, chicken wire style fencing should be avoided because the mesh diameter is too small to allow turtles and many other wildlife species to pass through.

For more tips on building your own turtle-friendly fence and information on other turtle projects, check out our downloadable fencing brochure.

Photo of hinge joint (grid pattern) wire fencing marked up with arrows pointing to a 'vertical bar to be clipped', creating a wider space for a turtle or other animal to pass through.
Here’s how to install ‘turtle gate’, for ease of movement through exclusion fencing.
Eric Nordberg

Reducing the harm of fences

Although fences are useful for managing livestock, protecting crops and keeping out predators, they can have unintentional and harmful effects on other species such as turtles.

Fence design, location and upkeep should be more carefully considered, with wildlife in mind.

Eco-friendly fence designs (for turtles, mammals, or any other wildlife) should be used whenever possible, to help wildlife travel through their now-fragmented habitat.

Side view of an eastern long-neck turtle with neck outstretched gazing up at a wire fence covered with chicken wire and long grass.
Eastern long-neck turtles frequently encounter farm fences.
Eric Nordberg

The Conversation

Eric Nordberg is affiliated with the University of New England and receives external grant funding through NSW, SA, and QLD governments.

Deborah Bower works for the University of New England. She receives funding from the Australian Research Council, NSW, SA, QLD and Commonwealth Governments.

James Dowling is affiliated with The University of New England and The Ohio State University. He receives no external funding directly.

ref. Farm fences trouble turtles in search of water. Here’s how to help – https://theconversation.com/farm-fences-trouble-turtles-in-search-of-water-heres-how-to-help-236939

Kids under 13 use social media. How can parents help keep them safe online?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karley Beckman, Senior Lecturer in Digital Technologies for Learning, University of Wollongong

Luiza Kamalova/Shutterstock , CC BY

Earlier this week, the federal government announced it is going to introduce a social media ban for children.

It hasn’t nominated a minimum age yet, but the focus of political and media debates has been on teenagers. What about younger users of social media?

According to a 2022 Australian report, 22% of children aged eight to ten and 46% of children aged 11–13 visit social media sites. This suggests parents are involved in setting up and supporting children’s access.

We also know schools use social media, such as Facebook and Instagram, to share activities that involve children and young people.

In our as yet unpublished research on Australian parents’ approaches to social media, parents said they saw social media as part of the world we live in. The study spoke to 44 parents of school-aged children across three states, who said their children need to learn to engage with it in healthy ways – as well as be protected by governments and schools.

There are several things parents of younger children can do to protect their kids on social media and prepare them to participate safely.




Read more:
Should parents be worried about social media? We asked 5 experts


1. Be aware of what social media your children are using

Much of the focus by government and media is on social media sites used by teens such as TikTok, Instagram or Snapchat.

But social media also includes apps such as Messenger, Messenger Kids and YouTube. Even if younger children do not have their own accounts, they may be using a family member’s account.

Children’s use of social media can be positive – it can be a way for them to connect with others, learn and access information. But for younger children, as with any new activity, it should always be under the watchful guidance of a parent or caregiver who can support them to build independence.

When you use technology together, you can have conversations with your child to help them learn and create a habit of open communication. For example, point out persuasive design features (such as features that encourage them to click or keep scrolling), or talk about privacy.

Parents can also negotiate shared rules with their children, such as not using devices in bedrooms.

Two young girls look at smartphone together.
Younger kids may still be using social media even if they don’t have their own account.
Natalia Lebedinskaia/ Shutterstock, CC BY

2. Model healthy social media use

Be mindful about your own use of social media and the ways you manage and balance this. What you do is visible to your children and sends a powerful message. For example, do you have breaks and keep your device away from you when you’re talking to people or eating?

Do your posts feature information about your children, or images and videos of them? Conversations about consent and respectful use of others’ images can start at a young age.

As parents, we can also advocate for others to respect children in their social media use, such as schools, sports clubs and community groups. You can ask that your child’s image and personal information is not shared on social media.

3. Learn about social media

Understanding the risks and harms associated with social media is an important step in helping children and young people to be informed and critical in their use (or future use) of these platforms.

These harms and risks include privacy and safety settings, “recommender systems” that dictate what kind of content is directed to your feed, data privacy and profiling, and the limitations of social media content moderation and reporting systems.

Parents can find helpful resources and sign up to a newsletter from the eSafety Commissioner. Ironically, following the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child on social media can be a convenient way to stay up to date. This is a government-funded research centre that provides evidence-informed resources for parents, educators and policy-makers.

4. Demand improvements to social media design

In addition to current government plans, we need to ensure technology companies redesign their platforms with stronger privacy for children by default.

Many of the risks and harms we are talking about are associated with the design of social media that prioritises profit over user safety. Australian researchers have been calling for a “Children’s Code” or Age-Appropriate Design Code, which have improved platforms in the United Kingdom. The federal government’s plan announced on Thursday to require technology companies to redesign their services to better protect children, is a step in the right direction.

Importantly, we can all start talking about the type of digital environments we want for our children and share these ideas with politicians and policy-makers. This includes the concept of a “Children’s Internet” – a set of principles to reimagine the web as a safer and more appropriate digital environment for our children.

The Conversation

Karley Beckman is an Associate Investigator with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.

Claire Rogerson is a Research Fellow with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.

Tiffani Apps is an Associate Investigator with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child

ref. Kids under 13 use social media. How can parents help keep them safe online? – https://theconversation.com/kids-under-13-use-social-media-how-can-parents-help-keep-them-safe-online-238795

Aged care reform: self-funded retirees and part-pensioners to pay more as government aims to shore up the system

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Self-funded retirees and many part pensioners will pay more for their aged care under the government’s reform package, endorsed by the opposition and announced on Thursday.

The changes involve a $930 million extra spend over four years, and $12.6 billion savings over 11 years.

The package, which the government says is the biggest reform in 30 years, will shift the system further towards home care, so people can stay at home as long as possible.

A “no worse off” principle will protect those presently receiving aged care from the higher imposts. The treatment of the family home won’t change.

There will be a $4.3 billion investment for Support at Home, starting on July 1 next year.

Under the new arrangements, the government will pay 100% of clinical care services, with recipients contributing to services such as help with showering and taking medications, as well as to everyday living costs such as shopping and meal preparation.

How much a person contributes will be based on the age pension means test and their personal circumstances, including their level of need and their income and assets.

A lifetime contribution cap will apply across the aged care system. This will mean no one will contribute more than $130,000 to their non-clinical care costs, regardless of their means or the length of their care. This exceeds the current cap of about $78,000.

For every dollar full pensioners contribute, the government will contribute on average $12.90. For part pensioners the government will contribute on average $6.10 for every dollar.

For self-funded retirees the government will contribute $1.60 on average for those with a Commonwealth Seniors Health Card and $1.20 on average for those without the card.



New entrants to residential care will also pay larger means-tested contributions

There will be a higher maximum room price that will be indexed.

Providers will be able to retain a portion of the refundable accommodation deposit (2% a year for each of five years), rather than paying it all back when the resident dies or leaves.

Under the new consumer contributions, half of new residents won’t contribute more, including all “fully funded” residents. These are defined as full pensioners with limited assets.

Seven in ten full pensioners and one in ten part pensioners will not contribute more.

The government introduced legislation for the new scheme on Thursday.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Aged care reform: self-funded retirees and part-pensioners to pay more as government aims to shore up the system – https://theconversation.com/aged-care-reform-self-funded-retirees-and-part-pensioners-to-pay-more-as-government-aims-to-shore-up-the-system-238879

Instead of banning kids from online spaces, here’s what we should offer them instead

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amanda Third, Co-Director, Young and Resilient Research Centre/Professorial Research Fellow, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University

Banning children under 16 from social media sounds like a seductive idea. For overwhelmed parents navigating their kids’ lives in a digital age, this move from the Australian government may seem like welcome relief.

But evidence shows it’s highly unlikely bans will positively impact the youth mental health crisis in this country. Indeed, bans may make our children even more vulnerable online.

Children and young people go online primarily to socialise with their peers. Online spaces are one of the few avenues our overscheduled children have to interact freely with each other, which is crucial for their wellbeing.

A social media ban will close down this avenue and force children into lower-quality online environments. Children already say adults don’t understand what they do online and are underequipped to support them.

A blanket ban affirms parents “don’t get it”. Kids will find ways to get around the ban. And if their interactions turn sour on social media, the fact they were not supposed to be there will make it more difficult to reach out to adults for help.

Crucially, demands for blanket bans – challenging to implement – also force tech platforms into “compliance mode”. They divert company resources away from designing better online environments for children and into litigation.

What should we do instead of a ban?

Our children’s online safety is a collective responsibility. There are constructive steps we can take, but they need more cooperation between governments, industry, the community sector, parents, caregivers, educators, researchers, and children and young people themselves.

All children learn by taking risks and making mistakes. The focus needs to be on eliminating online harms, and equipping children and their caregivers to deal confidently with the digital world.

Tighter regulation is part of the solution. But making the internet a better place for children – not just banning them – is the very best protection we can provide.

So, what would that look like?

One way is to implement safety-by-design principles. Popularised internationally by the Australian eSafety Commissioner, safety by design is what it sounds like – baking safety features into the DNA of technological products and platforms.

Here, we should take the lead from children themselves. They are urging platforms and governments to do several things:

  • give minors privacy by default
  • provide standardised, easily accessible and well-explained reporting processes across diverse platforms
  • use AI to detect bad actors attempting to interact with children.

Children also want to know what data is collected from them, how it is used, by whom, and for what purposes.

They’re also calling for safety-by-design features that eliminate sexual, violent and other age-inappropriate content from their feeds.

All of these steps would help to strengthen the things they already do to take care of themselves and others online – like being cautious when interacting with people they don’t know, and not sharing personal information or images online.

Two kids outdoors in bright clothing taking a photo with a smartphone.
Designing optimal online spaces for children in various age groups is more constructive than a ban.
Tim Gouw/Unsplash

Not just safe, but optimal

Safety by design is not the whole solution. Building on the efforts to develop industry codes, industry and government should come together to develop a wider range of standards that deliver not just safe, but optimal digital environments for children.

How? High-quality, child-centred evidence can help major platforms develop industry-wide standards that define what kinds of content are appropriate for children of different ages.

We also need targeted education for children that builds their digital capabilities and prepares them to deal with and grow through their engagement online.

For example, rather than education that focuses on extreme harms, children are calling for online safety education in schools and elsewhere that supports them to manage the low-level, everyday risks of harm they encounter online: disagreements with friends, inappropriate content or feeling excluded.

Heed the evidence

Some authoritative, evidence-based guidance already exists. It tells us how to ensure children can mitigate potential harms and maximise the benefits of the digital environment.

Where the evidence doesn’t yet exist, we need to invest in child-centred research. It’s the best method for gaining nuanced accounts of children’s digital practices, and can guide a coherent and strategic long-term approach to policy and practice.

Drawing on lessons from the COVID pandemic, we also need to better align evidence with decision-making processes. This means speeding up high-quality, robust research processes or finding ways for research to better anticipate and generate evidence around emerging challenges. This way, governments can weigh up the benefits and drawbacks of particular policy actions.

Technology is not beyond our control. Rather, we need to decide, together, what role we want technology to play in childhood.

We need to move beyond a protectionist focus and work with children themselves to build the very best digital environments we can imagine. Nothing short of the future is at stake in doing so.

The Conversation

Amanda Third currently receives funding from Tech Coalition Safe Online Research Fund; UNICEF Australia; ChildFund, World Vision, Save the Children. She is a member of the Australian eSafety Commissioner’s Online Safety Advisory; Google Kids and Families Global Advisory Board; and Snapchat’s Online Safety Advisory.

ref. Instead of banning kids from online spaces, here’s what we should offer them instead – https://theconversation.com/instead-of-banning-kids-from-online-spaces-heres-what-we-should-offer-them-instead-238798

Age care changes will hit self-funded retirees and many part pensioners to sustain the system long term

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Self-funded retirees and many part pensioners will pay more for their aged care under the government’s reform package, endorsed by the opposition and announced on Thursday.

The changes involve a $930 million extra spend over four years, and $12.6 billion savings over 11 years.

The package, which the government says is biggest reform in 30 years, will shift the system further towards home care, so people can stay at home as long as possible.

A “no worse off” principle will protect those presently receiving aged care from the higher imposts. The treatment of the family home won’t change.

There will be a $4.3 billion investment for Support at Home, starting on July 1 next year.

Under the new arrangements, the government will pay 100% of clinical care services, with recipients contributing to services such as help with showering and taking medications, as well as to every day living costs such as shopping and meal preparation.

How much a person contributes will be based on the age pension means test and their personal circumstances, including their level of need and their income and assets.

A lifetime contribution cap will apply across the aged care system. This will mean no one will contribute more than $130,000 to their non-clinical care costs, regardless of their means or the length of their care. This exceeds the current cap of about $78,000.

For every dollar full pensioners contribute, the government will contribute on average $12.90. For part pensioners the government will contribute on average $6.10 for every dollar.

For self-funded retirees the government will contribute $1.60 on average for those with a Commonwealth Seniors Health Card and $1.20 on average for those without the card.



New entrants to residential care will also pay larger means-tested contributions

There will be a higher maximum room price that will be indexed.

Providers will be able to retain a portion of the refundable accommodation deposit (2% a year for each of five years), rather than paying it all back when the resident dies or leaves.

Under the new consumer contributions, half of new residents won’t contribute more, including all “fully funded” residents. These are defined as full pensioners with limited assets.

Seven in ten full pensioners and one in ten part pensioners will not contribute more.

The government introduced legislation for the new scheme on Thursday.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Age care changes will hit self-funded retirees and many part pensioners to sustain the system long term – https://theconversation.com/age-care-changes-will-hit-self-funded-retirees-and-many-part-pensioners-to-sustain-the-system-long-term-238879

New polling: half of Australians want gambling ads banned entirely; LNP has big Queensland lead

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

A national Resolve poll for Nine newspapers, conducted September 3–7 from a sample of 1,614 people, gave Labor a 51–49% lead using 2022 election preference flows. However, respondent-allocated preferences favoured the Coalition by 51–49%.

Primary votes were 37% Coalition (steady since the August Resolve poll), 28% Labor (down one), 13% Greens (steady), 6% One Nation (steady), 1% UAP (down one), 12% independents (up two) and 3% others (down one).

For both the Resolve and Wolf + Smith polls below, support for independents is higher than they would achieve at an election, as not every seat has a strong independent candidate.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s net approval dropped one point to -18, with 53% giving him a poor rating and 35% a good rating. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s net approval dropped four points to -1.

After trailing Dutton by one point as preferred PM in each of the last three months, Albanese led by 35–34% in this poll.

The Liberals led Labor as best on economic management by 37–26%, but this lead was reduced from 40–23% in August. The Liberals’ lead over Labor on keeping the cost of living low was also reduced to 32–25% from 34–23%.

Asked who had the greatest responsibility for keeping inflation down, 51% said the federal government and treasurer, while 27% chose the Reserve Bank of Australia.

Asked about gambling ads on TV, 51% wanted them banned entirely, 32% favoured limiting them to two per hour during live sport, and 7% backed allowing unrestricted gambling ads.

Asked whether government should prioritise tackling sports betting or pokies, 47% said both, 12% said sports betting, 11% said pokies and 17% wanted gambling left alone.

Queensland polls indicate big LNP win

The Queensland state election is on October 26. A Resolve poll for The Brisbane Times, conducted over four months from June to September from a sample of 939 people, gave the Liberal National Party (LNP) 44% of the primary vote (up one since February to May), Labor 23% (down three), the Greens 12% (down one), One Nation 8% (steady), independents 9% (up one) and others 4% (up two).

Resolve doesn’t usually give a two-party figure, but The Poll Bludger estimated a 58–42% LNP lead from these primary votes.

LNP leader David Crisafulli’s net likeability improved four points to +18, while Labor Premier Steven Miles’ net likeability improved only slightly to -13. Crisafulli led as preferred premier by 40–27%.

A Redbridge Queensland poll, conducted in two waves between May 15 and August 27 from a sample of 829 people, gave the LNP a 54.5–45.5% lead, a 2.5-point gain for Labor since a February to May poll.

Primary votes were 42% LNP (down five), 29% Labor (up one), 11% Greens (down one) and 18% for all Others (up five). The Redbridge poll is Labor’s best Queensland poll since March, but it would still be a thumping, and the other two polls are worse for Labor.

Wolf + Smith federal and state polls

A national poll by the Sydney-based agency Wolf + Smith gave federal Labor a 51–49% lead over the Coalition, from primary votes of 36% Coalition, 29% Labor, 13% Greens, 6% One Nation, 11% independents and 4% others. This poll was conducted August 6–29 by online methods from a very large sample of 10,239 people.

Living costs were rated the top issue by 41% of respondents and one of the top three issues by 62%. By contrast, climate change was rated the top issue by only 5%, while immigration was rated top by just 2%.

Wolf + Smith also conducted polls in all states. In New South Wales, there was a 50–50% tie between Labor and the Coalition, from primary votes of 38% Coalition, 32% Labor, 12% Greens, 14% independents and 4% others.

In Victoria, the Coalition led by 52–48%, from primary votes of 40% Coalition, 28% Labor, 14% Greens, 15% independents and 3% others.

In Queensland, the LNP led Labor by 57–43%, from primary votes of 42% LNP, 24% Labor, 12% Greens, 8% One Nation, 9% independents and 4% others.

In Western Australia, Labor led by 55–45%, from primary votes of 37% Labor, 32% Liberals and Nationals, 12% Greens, 4% One Nation, 8% independents and 8% others. The WA election is in March 2025.

In South Australia, Labor led by 60–40%, from primary votes of 41% Labor, 28% Liberals, 11% Greens, 5% One Nation, 10% independents and 5% others.

In Tasmania, which uses a proportional system for its elections, vote shares were 32% Liberal, 23% Labor, 14% Greens, 11% Jacqui Lambie Network, 15% independents and 4% others. This poll was mostly taken before the August 24 JLN bust-up.

The Wolf + Smith polls had similar results in NSW, Victoria and Queensland as other recent polls. The SA poll is the first in the state by any pollster since Labor won the 2022 state election.

Federal Essential and Morgan polls

A national Essential poll, conducted September 4–7 from a sample of 1,132 people, had a 48–48% tie between Labor and the Coalition, including undecided voters (Labor had a 48–46% lead in late August). Primary votes were 35% Coalition (up two), 30% Labor (up one), 13% Greens (steady), 8% One Nation (up one), 1% UAP (steady), 8% for all Others (down three) and 5% undecided (down one).

On the international student cap, 53% thought it was about right, 37% too high and 10% too low.

For the 2026 Census, 42% said there should be questions on both gender and sexual orientation, 25% no such questions, 23% questions on gender but not sexual orientation, and 10% questions on sexual orientation but not gender.

A national Morgan poll, conducted September 2–8 from a sample of 1,703 people, gave Labor a 51–49% lead over the Coalition, a 0.5-point gain for Labor since the August 26 to September 1 Morgan poll.

Primary votes were 36.5% Coalition (up 0.5), 30% Labor (down 0.5), 14.5% Greens (up 1.5), 6% One Nation (steady), 9.5% independents (steady) and 3.5% others (down 1.5).

The headline figure uses respondent preferences. By 2022 election preferences, Labor led by an unchanged 52–48%.

Final NSW federal redistribution

I wrote about the final federal redistributions of Victoria and Western Australia on Monday, which only had minor changes from the draft redistributions. The final New South Wales redistribution were released today.

Consistent with the draft redistribution, the North Sydney electorate has been abolished. ABC election analyst Antony Green said he does not believe “any of the final changes have much impact on marginal seats”. I covered the draft redistributions in June.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New polling: half of Australians want gambling ads banned entirely; LNP has big Queensland lead – https://theconversation.com/new-polling-half-of-australians-want-gambling-ads-banned-entirely-lnp-has-big-queensland-lead-238525

Facebook has scraped public data from Australian users without an opt out. What can we do?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heather Ford, Associate Professor, University of Technology Sydney

vectorfusionart/Shutterstock

Facebook acknowledged in a Senate inquiry yesterday that it is scraping the public photos of Australian users to train its artificial intelligence (AI) models.

Facebook’s parent company Meta claims this excludes data from users who have marked their posts as “private”, as well as photos or data from users under the age of 18.

Since companies such as Meta aren’t required to tell us what data they use or how they use it, we will have to take their word for it. Even so, users will likely be concerned that Meta is using their data for a purpose they didn’t expressly consent to.

But there are some steps users can take to improve the privacy of their personal data.

Data hungry models

AI models are data hungry. They require vast amounts of new data to train on. And the internet provides ready access to data that’s relatively easy to ingest in a process that doesn’t distinguish between copyrighted works or personal data.

Many people are concerned about the possible consequences of this wide-scale, obscure ingestion of our information and creativity.

Media companies have taken AI companies such as OpenAI to court for training models on their news stories. Artists who use social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram to advertise their work are also concerned their work is being used without permission, compensation or credit.

Others are worried about the chance AI could present them in ways that are inaccurate and misleading. A local mayor in Victoria considered legal action against ChatGPT after the program falsely claimed he was a guilty party in a foreign bribery scandal.

Generative AI models have no capacity to ascertain the truth of the statements or images they produce, and we still don’t know what harms will come from our growing reliance on AI tools.

People in other countries are better protected

In some countries, legislation supports ordinary users from having their data ingested by AI companies.

Meta was recently ordered to stop training its large language model on data from European users and has given those users an opt-out option.

Facebook users in the European Union can opt-out of having their data scraped by the tech giant.
QubixStudio/Shutterstock

In the European Union, personal data is protected under the General Data Protection Regulation. This law prohibits the use of personal data for undefined “artificial intelligence technology” without opt-in consent.

Australians don’t have the same option under existing privacy laws. The recent inquiry has strengthened calls to update them to better protect users. A major privacy act reform was also announced today that’s been several years in the making.

Three key actions

There are three key actions Australians can take to better protect their personal data from companies such as Facebook in the absence of targeted legislation.

First, Facebook users can ensure their data is marked as “private”. This would prevent any future scraping (although it won’t account for the scraping that has already occurred or any scraping we may not know about.)

Second, we can experiment with new approaches to consent in the age of AI. For example, tech startup Spawning is experimenting with new methods for consent to “benefit both AI development and the people it is trained on”. Their latest project, Source.Plus, is intended to curate “non-infringing” media for training AI models from public domain images and images under a Creative Commons CC0 “no rights reserved” license.

Third, we can lobby our government to pressure AI companies to ask for consent when they scrape our data and ensure that researchers and public agencies can audit AI companies for compliance.

We need a broader conversation about what rights the public should have to resist technology corporations using our data. This conversation also needs to include an alternative approach to building AI – one that is grounded in obtaining consent and respecting peoples’ privacy.

I previously worked as a volunteer for Creative Commons and Executive Director of iCommons.

Suneel Jethani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Facebook has scraped public data from Australian users without an opt out. What can we do? – https://theconversation.com/facebook-has-scraped-public-data-from-australian-users-without-an-opt-out-what-can-we-do-238814

Long-overdue Australian privacy law reform is here – and it’s still not fit for the digital era

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katharine Kemp, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law & Justice; Lead, UNSW Public Interest Law & Tech Initiative, UNSW Sydney

Wirestock Creators/Shutterstock

Almost four years since the Privacy Act review commenced, the Australian government has introduced a reform bill that fails to make most of the fundamental changes needed to modernise our privacy laws.

Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus said in May that the government would introduce legislation to reform a privacy regime that’s “woefully outdated and unfit for the digital age”.

But the new bill doesn’t touch most of the substantive principles in our privacy law, originally passed in 1988 and largely unchanged since then. This was an era long before our everyday lives were conducted via the internet or smartphones.

The reform bill does finally introduce a statutory tort for serious invasion of privacy, which has been anticipated for more than a decade. It also provides a process for a potential children’s privacy code, and “tiered” penalties that provide lower fines for more minor breaches of the act.

But it continues to leave Australians at the mercy of rampant tracking, targeting and profiling by data brokers, major retailers, rental platforms and data-matching firms. Catastrophic data breaches flow from poorly regulated data practices – and we’re still not protected.

What does the reform bill change?

While the government calls this a “first tranche” of reform, it has not yet committed to a timeline for further reform. That would come after the election.

The amendments are far from the “overhaul” that privacy experts and advocates expected. Instead, they focus on rules for relatively narrow situations or groups, without changing the most important principles that tell government and businesses how to treat our personal information.

A Children’s Online Privacy Code, to be developed by the privacy commissioner, is likely to be a long time in the making, following further periods of consultation. The deadline for registering this code is more than two years away.

But we urgently need fundamental privacy protections for all Australians, whether they be 13, 18 or 80 years old.

The proposed reform includes a statutory tort (a civil wrong) for serious invasions of privacy. This is a positive, if belated, development – it was already recommended in 2008 and 2014.

It would allow Australians to sue for damages for serious invasions of privacy. This is either an intrusion into seclusion (for example, being filmed in a private place) or misuse of information relating to a person, where they had a reasonable expectation of privacy.

This law would only apply if the invasion is “serious” and committed intentionally or recklessly. Serious harms caused by an organisation’s negligence would not be enough.

The bill also includes an “anti-doxing” offence, with prison sentences up to seven years. This amendment was not debated as part of the Privacy Act review. It responds to an incident earlier this year when the personal details of hundreds of Jewish members of an online support group were published without their consent.

The introduction of a doxing offence will not broadly improve the way organisations treat our personal data. Most privacy harms are not caused by the publication of personal details that is “menacing or harrassing” under criminal law.




Read more:
What is doxing, and how can you protect yourself?


What does the bill leave out?

The proposed amendments leave out most of the fundamental reforms necessary to make Australia’s privacy laws fit for the digital era.

There is no “fair and reasonable” test for dealing with personal information. This would have helped prevent businesses relying on supposed “consents” to use information unfairly in situations where a person has no real choice but to provide the information.

The proposal to end the small businesses exemption was also omitted. Unlike most countries, Australia’s privacy law doesn’t apply to small businesses, which make up about 95% of businesses.

For instance, real estate agents and rental platforms are becoming notorious for the privacy risks and harms some inflict on renters and clients. But if their annual revenue is less than A$3 million, they may have no obligations under the Privacy Act.

The bill leaves out an updated definition of “personal information”, which would capture data commonly used to track and profile Australians online. An updated definition would help guard against data brokers singling out individuals using unique identifiers, but claiming the Privacy Act doesn’t apply to them.

An improved definition of “consent” was also left out. The proposal would have required consent to be “voluntary, informed, specific, current, and unambiguous”. The current law allows consent to be “implied”. Companies have used this to rely on vague terms hidden in the fine print of website policies.

There is still no direct right of action for individuals to seek relief in the courts for a breach of the Australian privacy principles. Instead, they must make a complaint to the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner, which then decides whether it will make any investigation or determination.

Four years and little to show

The Australian Competition & Consumer Commission recommended wide-ranging reform of Australia’s privacy law in 2019. It noted other countries have modernised their privacy laws, but Australians use the same digital platforms without comparable protections in place.

The Privacy Act review began in 2020 and received hundreds of submissions. This culminated in 116 proposals made in a report by the Attorney-General’s department in 2023. Later that year, the government agreed or agreed “in principle” to 106 of those proposals.

In the interim, following several major data breaches in 2022, the government did pass narrow amendments to the Privacy Act. This included large increases in maximum penalties. But the underlying rules remained unchanged and no penalty has ever been imposed.

The bill is likely to be referred to a parliamentary committee for review. This in turn means it isn’t likely to be passed until 2025, further delaying the limited amendments. As it stands, the reform bill is not enough to fundamentally change the way organisations treat Australians’ personal information.

Our data-protection laws will likely remain well behind those in jurisdictions such as the European Union for years to come.

Katharine Kemp is a member of the Expert Advisory Panel of the Consumer Policy Research Centre.

ref. Long-overdue Australian privacy law reform is here – and it’s still not fit for the digital era – https://theconversation.com/long-overdue-australian-privacy-law-reform-is-here-and-its-still-not-fit-for-the-digital-era-238214

Which gut drugs might end up in a lawsuit? Are there really links with cancer and kidney disease? Should I stop taking them?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nial Wheate, Professor and Director – Academic Excellence, Macquarie University

Doucefleur/Shutterstock

Common medicines used to treat conditions including heartburn, reflux, indigestion and stomach ulcers may be the subject of a class action lawsuit in Australia.

Lawyers are exploring whether long-term use of these over-the-counter and prescription drugs are linked to stomach cancer or kidney disease.

The potential class action follows the settlement of a related multi-million dollar lawsuit in the United States. Last year, international pharmaceutical company AstraZeneca settled for US$425 million (A$637 million) after patients made the case that two of its drugs caused significant and potentially life-threatening side effects.

Specifically, patients claimed the company’s drugs Nexium (esomeprazole) and Prilosec (omeprazole) increased the risk of kidney damage.

Which drugs are involved in Australia?

The class of drugs we’re talking about are “proton pump inhibitors” (sometimes called PPIs). In the case of the Australian potential class action, lawyers are investigating:

  • Nexium (esomeprazole)

  • Losec, Asimax (omeprazole)

  • Somac (pantoprazole)

  • Pariet (rabeprazole)

  • Zoton (lansoprazole).

Depending on their strength and quantity, these medicines are available over-the-counter in pharmacies or by prescription.

They have been available in Australia for more than 20 years and are in the top ten medicines dispensed through the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme.

They are used to treat conditions exacerbated by stomach acid. These include heartburn, gastric reflux and indigestion. They work by blocking the protein responsible for pumping acid into the stomach.

These drugs are also prescribed with antibiotics to treat the bacterium Helicobacter pylori, which causes stomach ulcers and stomach cancer.

This class of drugs is also used with antibiotics to treat Helicobacter pylori infections.
nobeastsofierce/Shutterstock

What do we know about the risks?

Appropriate use of proton pump inhibitors plays an important role in treating several serious digestive problems. Like all medicines, there are risks associated with their use depending on how much and how long they are used.

When proton pump inhibitors are used appropriately for the short-term treatment of stomach problems, they are generally well tolerated, safe and effective.

Their risks are mostly associated with long-term use (using them for more than a year) due to the negative effects from having reduced levels of stomach acid. In elderly people, these include an increased risk of gut and respiratory tract infections, nutrient deficiencies and fractures. Long-term use of these drugs in elderly people has also been associated with an increased risk of dementia.

In children, there is an increased risk of serious infection associated with using these drugs, regardless of how long they are used.

How about the cancer and kidney risk?

Currently, the Australian consumer medicine information sheets that come with the medicines, like this one for esomeprazole, do not list stomach cancer or kidney injury as a risk associated with using proton pump inhibitors.

So what does the evidence say about the risk?

Over the past few years, there have been large studies based on observing people in the general population who have used proton pump inhibitors. These studies have found people who take them are almost two times more likely to develop stomach cancer and 1.7 times more likely to develop chronic kidney disease when compared with people who are not taking them.

In particular, these studies report that users of the drugs lansoprazole and pantoprazole have about a three to four times higher risk than non-users of developing chronic kidney disease.

While these observational studies show a link between using the drugs and these outcomes, we cannot say from this evidence that one causes the other.

Researchers have not yet shown these drugs cause kidney disease.
crystal light/Shutterstock

What can I do if I’m worried?

Several digestive conditions, especially reflux and heartburn, may benefit from simple dietary and lifestyle changes. But the overall evidence for these is not strong and how well they work varies between individuals.

But it may help to avoid large meals within two to three hours before bed, and reduce your intake of fatty food, alcohol and coffee. Eating slowly and getting your weight down if you are overweight may also help your symptoms.

There are also medications other than proton pump inhibitors that can be used for heartburn, reflux and stomach ulcers.

These include over-the-counter antacids (such as Gaviscon and Mylanta), which work by neutralising the acidic environment of the stomach.

Alternatives for prescription drugs include nizatidine and famotidine. These work by blocking histamine receptors in the stomach, which decreases stomach acid production.

If you are concerned about your use of proton pump inhibitors it is important to speak with your doctor or pharmacist before you stop using them. That’s because when you have been using them for a while, stopping them may result in increased or “rebound” acid production.

Nial Wheate in the past has received funding from the ACT Cancer Council, Tenovus Scotland, Medical Research Scotland, Scottish Crucible, and the Scottish Universities Life Sciences Alliance. He is a fellow of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute, a member of the Australasian Pharmaceutical Science Association and a member of the Australian Institute of Company Directors. Nial is the chief scientific officer of Vaihea Skincare LLC, a director of SetDose Pty Ltd (a medical device company) and was previously a Standards Australia panel member for sunscreen agents. Nial regularly consults to industry on issues to do with medicine risk assessments, manufacturing, design, and testing.

Joanna Harnett and Wai-Jo Jocelin Chan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Which gut drugs might end up in a lawsuit? Are there really links with cancer and kidney disease? Should I stop taking them? – https://theconversation.com/which-gut-drugs-might-end-up-in-a-lawsuit-are-there-really-links-with-cancer-and-kidney-disease-should-i-stop-taking-them-238766

PNG’s Marape remains PM after no confidence vote against him fails

By Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent

Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape has successfully thwarted a vote of no confidence after 75 MPs backed him and 32 voted for the opposition.

But the session was not without drama.

Just after 10am, after the opposition leader moved a motion for a vote of no confidence announcing Renbo Paita as the alternate prime minister, Parliament Haus descended into momentary chaos as members questioned why Speaker Job Pomat refused to allow debate after the motion.

The opposition had intended to use the opportunity to highlight pressing concerns that caused MPs to move to the opposition.

The Member for Madang, Bryan Kramer, a former minister of justice and police, challenged the Speaker to follow standing orders to the letter as stipulated in the constitution while Wabag MP Lino Tom accused the Speaker of “stifling the people’s voices” by not entertaining debate.

“The people of this country paid our salaries to debate this. The people need to know why we put in a vote of no confidence,” Tom said.

“This is the right forum where our voices need to be heard”

Speaker admits error
After intense exchanges between the chair and the opposition, the Speaker admitted to making an error in parliamentary process.

But he still proceeded to call for a vote.

PNG’s constitution allows a government a grace period of 18 months before a vote of no confidence can be brought to Parliament. Since 1977, every sitting prime minister has had to fend off threats of votes of no confidence.

James Marape himself, came to power in 2018, through a vote of no confidence.

While Prime Minister Marape may have been successful this time, he still faces the possibility of another vote of no confidence if the opposition musters enough numbers to do so.

Speaking after the vote, Marape said that while votes of no confidence were an essential part of democracy, Section 145 of the constitution, which provides for the process, had been abused in many instances.

“Provincial governors have five years to work. Provincial legislators have five years to work. The most important chair of the land has 18 months . . . and managing 18 months of politics and doing work, comes with great cost.”

The pressure is now on him to prove that that he has the ability and the political will to stem instances of corruption, fix the ailing economy, stem inflation and address crime — the biggest concerns for Papua New Guineans.

Over the next few days, the Prime Minister will announce a cabinet reshuffle to fill vacancies left by MPs who have left.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

In sports-mad Australia, new research suggests physical education can be undervalued at school

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Casey Peter Mainsbridge, Senior Lecturer in Personal Devlopment, Health and Physical Education, University of New England

WBMUL/Shutterstock

Sport is a significant part of Australian culture and for many represents national pride and social connection.

So, it would be fair to assume sport is viewed as central to Australian schools, with physical education (PE) ingrained into the curriculum.

However, increasingly, some school students are not provided with opportunities to learn through PE and engage with physical activity regularly.

This is concerning because PE and physical activity can provide benefits in terms of physical fitness, fundamental movement skills, mental health, social integration and overall wellbeing.

Because of this, we recently researched what is actually learnt by Australian school students in PE and how things could be improved.

Why is physical education important?

With students spending up to 200 days per year at school, regular PE can contribute to the development of skilled movement and feelings of success and confidence to pursue physical activity.

Broadly, students who enjoy PE are likely to feel positive about being physically active.

Evidence suggests attitudes, beliefs and behaviours learned during the school years, including those relating to physical activity, track into adulthood.

This highlights the importance of PE in shaping healthy habits.

The benefits of physical activity for children are wide-ranging.

Some concerning trends

Despite the benefits of physical activity, studies show the levels of physical activity among children and adolescents globally have decreased over the past 25 years.

This trend exists in Australia, with decreases in student fundamental movement skill levels and increases in screen time in the past ten years.

This trend is demonstrated by Australia receiving a grade of D- on the Global Physical Activity Report card in 2014, 2018, and 2022 – suggesting the future health of Australian children and our status as a “sporting nation” is at risk.

To address this decline, PE teachers and the school community must be leaders in supporting the health and wellbeing of students by emphasising regular participation in physical activity, promoted by quality PE.

What is the current state of PE in Australia?

The Australian school curriculum provides schools, teachers, parents and students with a clear understanding of what students should learn from the first year of school through to Year 10.

The curriculum applies no matter where a student lives or what school system they are in. It includes eight key learning areas, one of which is Health and Physical Education.

This part of the curriculum aims to prepare students to take positive action to protect, enhance and advocate for their own and others’ health, wellbeing, safety and physical activity participation across their lifespan.

In Australia, PE is usually taught by a specialist teacher in secondary schools, although this is not always the case in primary schools.

A lack of teaching expertise, together with other factors – a teacher’s negative experiences from their own schooling, perceived lack of time and interest, low confidence levels to teach the subject – can often lead to less curriculum time being given to PE compared to subjects such as maths, science and English.

Also, some school leaders and teachers view PE as less academically rigorous and less important to the primary mission of education. This is often informed by their own experience of PE in schools, rather than its curricular potential.

Despite Health and Physical Education being an essential key learning area that is compulsory in Australian schools, there are sometimes significant challenges for PE teachers to achieve curriculum aims, such as subject marginalisation due to its practical nature, lack of time, lack of resources and facilities, and staff outsourcing.

Our research and next steps

To try to get a better understanding of PE in this country, we recently conducted a systematic review trying to understand what Australian school students learn in PE.

A systematic review is a structured and detailed analysis on a presented topic, with our review analysing 27 studies.

Broadly, we found an absence of research in Australia that explored this issue.

However, our research did identify that teachers and schools should be encouraged and supported to engage in research to measure and evaluate their own teaching practices.

More teacher-engaged research and partnerships between schools and higher education institutions will help to truly understand what students are learning in PE.

There is also a need to recognise the challenges faced by PE teachers and to enable them to help students gain the broad physical and mental health benefits associated with PE.

What could this look like?

For teachers, regular professional development opportunities particularly for primary school teachers, greater consideration for PE curriculum time that is comparable to other subjects, and time to measure and track longitudinally the impact of PE on student learning.

There is also a need for PE to be at the forefront of a national conversation to respond to low levels of child and youth physical activity.

A strong link exists between childrens’ health status and their learning capacity, so placing more value and resources towards PE, physical activity opportunities during the school day, and sport in schools must become an educational priority and prominent part of school culture.

Through PE, schools should be providing young people with opportunities to be physically active now and into their future.

The Conversation

John Williams receives funding from a range of organisations including an international sporting body and a local government education authority, to conduct research.

Shane Pill receives funding from the Education Department, national and local sport, and not for profit organisations to conduct research.

Casey Peter Mainsbridge and Cassandra Iannucci do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. In sports-mad Australia, new research suggests physical education can be undervalued at school – https://theconversation.com/in-sports-mad-australia-new-research-suggests-physical-education-can-be-undervalued-at-school-233448

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