“Speak Up Kōrerotia” — a radio show centred on human rights issues — has featured a nuclear-free Pacific and other issues in this week’s show.
Encouraging discussion on human rights issues in both Canterbury and New Zealand, Speak Up Kōrerotia offers a forum to provide a voice for affected communities.
Engaging in conversations around human rights issues in the country, each show covers a different human rights issue with guests from or working with the communities.
Analysing and asking questions of the realities of life allows Speak Up Kōrerotia to cover the issues that often go untouched.
Discussing the hard-hitting topics, Speak Up Kōrerotia encourages listeners to reflect on the issues covered.
Hosted by Sally Carlton, the show brings key issues to the fore and provides space for guests to “Speak Up” and share their thoughts and experiences.
The latest episode today highlights the July/August 2025 marking of two major anniversaries — 80 years since the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan, and 40 years since the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior here in Aotearoa.
What do these anniversaries mean in the context of 2025, with the ever-greater escalation of global tension and a new nuclear arms race occurring alongside the seeming impotence of the UN and other international bodies?
Anti-nuclear advocacy in 2025 Video/audio podcast: Speak Up Kōrerotia
Speak Up Kōrerotia . . . human rights at Plains FM Image: Screenshot
Guests: Disarmament advocate Dr Kate Dewes, journalist and author Dr David Robie, critical nuclear studies academic Dr Karly Burch and Japanese gender literature professor Dr Susan Bouterey bring passion, a wealth of knowledge and decades of anti-nuclear advocacy to this discussion.
Dr Robie’s new book Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage and Legacy of the Rainbow Warrior was launched on the anniversary of the ship’s bombing. This revised edition has extensive new and updated material, images, and a prologue by former NZ prime minister Helen Clark.
The Speak Up Kōrerotia panel in today’s show, “Anti-Nuclear Advocacy in 2025”, Dr Kate Dewes (from left), Sally Carlton, Dr David Robie, Dr Karly Burch and Susan Bouterey. Image: Screenshot
As the longest-serving Israeli prime minister (17 years), Benjamin Netanyahu is famous for his political wizardry and survival skills. But he is also a highly controversial figure with questionable moral standards and legacy.
His latest term in office, beginning in late 2022, has been particularly challenging, thanks to the far-right radical elements of his governing coalition and the unprecedented national disaster Israel experienced at the hands of Hamas on October 7 2023.
Yet, Netanyahu has managed to neutralise almost all immediate domestic threats to his power. At times, he has done this by manoeuvring rivals and partners into postponing moves that could topple his government. Other times, he has reshuffled his Likud Party ranks or realigned with bitter foes.
And he has clashed with Eyal Zamir, the Israel Defence Force’s (IDF) chief of staff, who argued against the plan to expand the war into Gaza City. Zamir received clear messages to fold or resign, and chose to stay.
Yet, Netanyahu chooses to ignore all of this noise, sending his entourage and loyalists to attack anyone with dissenting views. This week’s spray at Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is just one example.
As a long term political survivor, he does all of this with an eye on the next Israeli elections, due at the end of 2026.
Propping up his far-right coalition
Over the past two and a half years, Israel has faced unprecedented crises that have left society deeply divided.
Under Netanyahu’s leadership, the government introduced a highly controversial judicial reform plan in early 2023, clashing with the Supreme Court and attorney general. This resulted in mass street protests against it.
Then came the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023, which triggered an ongoing multi-front war with severe long-term social, economic and humanitarian consequences.
Netanyahu has claimed credit for successes during this time, such as the 12-day war against Iran in June, while deflecting responsibility for any failures.
Though stretched in many directions, Netanyahu is at his best in such conditions, pitting the conflicting sides around him against each other and playing them.
He has acceded to Ben Gvir and Smotrich’s demands to reject ceasefire agreements with Hamas, and instead ordered increased military action against the terrorist group to try to achieve what he has called a “total victory”.
Netanyahu has also indulged Ben Gvir and Smotrich’s talk of resettling Gaza and has enabled their moves to gradually expand Israeli settlements deeper into the West Bank and block any geographically feasible Palestinian state.
Proving Henry Kissinger’s famous observation that “Israel has no foreign policy, only domestic politics,” Netanyahu has also angrily rebuked the wave of Western countries recognising, or preparing to recognise, a Palestinian state.
His defiant letters to French President Emmanuel Macron and social media outbursts about Albanese are aimed less at diplomacy and more at cultivating his image as “a strong leader for Israel” among his base.
Supported by the Trump administration’s sanctions against the International Criminal Court (ICC), Netanayhu has also felt confident attacking it for issuing warrants against him.
Neutralising challenges from ultra-religious parties
The government’s biggest domestic challenge has been passing a draft law addressing the decades-long exemption of tens of thousands of ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) men from army service.
Following a Supreme Court ruling that the previous exemptions could not continue, religious parties in Netanyahu’s coalition demanded a bill to formally exempt the men from army service or they would bring down the government.
In response, Netanyahu enticed old rival Gideon Sa’ar from the opposition into joining his government, shoring up the coalition’s previously tiny majority.
Since then, he has bought time through broken promises, successfully persuading the ultra-Orthodox parties to wait until parliament’s return in October of this year. Meanwhile, he replaced Yuli Edelstein, the committee chair who had sought a strong bill with personal sanctions for draft evaders, with a more pliant loyalist, Boaz Bismuth.
Eyes on re-election
Now Netanyahu has his eye on the next general elections, officially set for late 2026 — though he would prefer they take place before the third anniversary of the October 7 attacks.
For two years, polls have consistently predicted his defeat. As such, he is working to reshape his image. He wants Israelis to forget his central role in the October 7 catastrophe, as well as the questions surrounding the war’s management.
He also hopes to continue diverting attention from his ongoing trial on bribery and breach of trust charges.
But Netanyahu faces a dramatic dilemma over the war. On the one hand, he may decide to sign a ceasefire deal with Hamas and secure the release of the hostages. This would win the cheers of most Israelis, but risk the loss of his government, given the far-right ministers’ threats to dissolve the coalition if he accepts any deal without fully conquering the strip.
On the other hand, he could proceed with the military operation in Gaza City, which may well result in the killing of the remaining hostages – either by Hamas or as a consequence of IDF attacks.
A third option would be to continue negotiations while escalating preparations for the attack, in the hope of achieving a better deal. We will soon know what direction he will take – and what it will mean for his political future.
Ran Porat is a research associate at The Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) and Research Fellow at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, Reichman University, Herzliya, Israel. He is affiliated with Australian Centre for Jewish Civilization, Monash University. He is also a former IDF military intelligence officer.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
Victorian and Queensland state Resolve polls both show Labor rebounding from big deficits to now lead. In Tasmania, Josh Willie from the left faction replaces Dean Winter as Labor leader.
A Victorian state Resolve poll for The Age, conducted with the federal July and August Resolve polls from a sample more than 1,000, gave the Coalition 33% of the primary vote (down eight since March), Labor 32% (up eight), the Greens 12% (down two), independents 9% (down five) and others 13% (up six).
Resolve doesn’t usually give a two-party estimate for its state polls, but The Poll Bludger estimated a Labor lead by about 53–47. Labor had been far behind in March.
Despite the big gain for Labor on voting intentions, Liberal leader Brad Battin led Labor incumbent Jacinta Allan by 32–25 as preferred premier (36–23 in March). This measure normally favours the incumbent more than voting intentions. Battin’s lead may indicate that Labor’s recovery is mostly due to the federal election result.
The Age’s article said Labor’s primary vote was 30% in July, before Allan announced her working from home policy, and it improved to 34% in August. A national Resolve poll had voters supporting working from home at least two days a week by 64–17. Allan’s net likeability surged 11 points, but is still at -21.
This poll agrees with late June Newspoll and Redbridge polls in giving Labor a lead in Victoria. The next Victorian state election is not due until November 2026.
While Labor has rebounded, they could fall back if voters focus more on state issues or if federal Labor’s popularity subsides. By the next election, Labor will have governed Victoria for the last 12 years, and 23 of the last 27 years, so the Liberals should benefit from an “it’s time” factor. However, the Liberals have their own problems with internal divisions.
Labor also rebounds in Queensland
A Queensland state Resolve poll for The Brisbane Times, conducted in July and August from a sample of 869, gave the Liberal National Party (LNP) 34% of the primary vote (down 11 since the January to April Resolve poll), Labor 32% (up ten), the Greens 10% (down two), One Nation 8% (steady), independents 8% (up one) and others 7% (up one).
Analyst Kevin Bonham estimated there would be a very narrow Labor lead after preferences.
LNP premier David Crisafulli’s net likeability was up two points to +20, as this was question last asked before the LNP won the October 2024 election. Labor leader Steven Miles, who was premier before the election, improved his net likeability 12 points to -1. Crisafulli led by 40–25 as preferred premier (44–22 in January to April).
Unlike Victoria, other recent Queesland polls disagree with Resolve. Early July Queensland polls from Redbridge and DemosAU gave the LNP a 55–45 or 56–44 lead.
New Tasmanian Labor leader
On Tuesday, Labor failed to gain support for its no-confidence motion in the Tasmanian Liberal government from any non-Labor MP, despite the five Greens and four of six others being left-leaning. With Labor losing the July 19 election, the party leadership was spilled.
On Wednesday, Josh Willie from the left faction replaced Dean Winter as Tasmanian Labor leader after a long meeting of Labor’s 10 state MPs. Officially this was unanimous to avoid a membership ballot, with Winter stepping aside. The ABC said many MPs wanted Winter to remain leader, but party members would have likely strongly favoured Willie.
If Labor wants to return to government soon, Willie will need to repair Labor’s relationship with the Greens and left-leaning independents. Labor’s last period in government finished in 2014.
Additional federal Resolve questions
I previously covered the August 11–16 federal Resolve poll that gave Labor a 59–41 lead. In additional questions, respondents supported a legislated right to work from home at least two days a week by 64–17 if an employee’s job allows this. By 66–13, respondents supported a four-day week if an employee did the same work they would have over five days.
Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The short answer is “yes”. If you haven’t had one already this year, it’s not too late.
Flu season started early, could end late
Flu seasons are notoriously unpredictable. Temperature swings, population immunity, and new viral strains are among factors influencing how widely the virus spreads.
Australia’s flu season usually runs from April to October, peaking between June and September.
But this year was different. It started early. Laboratory-confirmed cases between January and March 2025 were almost 60% higher than the same period in 2024. Since then, numbers have dipped slightly compared to last year.
However, we could still see thousands more cases before 2025 ends if the season follows last year’s pattern, and extends well beyond October.
This year, influenza A has been the dominant strain across all age groups. Think of influenza A as the more common, quickly evolving type of flu that often triggers larger, more severe outbreaks. The other main type, influenza B, evolves more slowly and usually causes milder illness, although it can still be serious, especially for children.
Is it still worth getting vaccinated in August?
Absolutely. While flu activity usually declines after July, the number of laboratory-confirmed cases of flu shows the virus does still circulate outside the typical flu season.
If you’ve already had flu this year, natural infection offers some protection. But this is generally less reliable and narrower than vaccination. Natural infection cannot reliably provide immunity in older people, who have a much poorer immune response to infection. For younger people, although their immmune system mounts a strong response, it is against the specific influenza strain that has infected them, and gives little protection against other strains. This is why vaccination is preferable.
If you are still sick with the flu, current recommendations are that you should wait until you are recovered before getting a flu shot. This allows your immune system to generate a strong response to the vaccine.
Once vaccinated, it takes about two weeks to develop immunity. Protection is strongest in the first few months.
Pregnant women and international travellers can benefit from vaccination at any time of year.
How well do they work?
Effectiveness of flu vaccines varies year to year, depending on how well the
vaccine strains match those going around. This season, the match appears excellent – about a 98% match (for key strains).
However, the vaccine doesn’t completely protect you from getting infected (no vaccine does). This is because levels of immunity and our response to infection vary from person to person.
Flu vaccines are generally 40–60% effective against experiencing a negative health outcome, for example
developing the flu and attending a GP practice or being hospitalised.
So vaccination against the flu is particularly important for high-risk groups such as elderly people, young children, pregnant women, and people with chronic (long-term) conditions.
Are they safe?
Data about vaccine safety are reassuring. According to AusVaxSafety, a surveillance system that monitors vaccine safety, so far in 2025 more than 114,000 people have reported their experience after a flu shot, and 83% had no adverse reactions within three days of their shot.
The most common were mild and short-lived, such as a sore arm, headache or fatigue. Only 0.2% needed to see a doctor.
You cannot catch the flu from the vaccine itself. This is because it contains an inactivated or “killed” version of the virus. This means it is not live and cannot cause infection.
Which flu vaccine should I get?
All flu vaccines in Australia this year are quadrivalent, which means they protect against four strains.
For people with egg allergies, there’s a newer option called Flucelvax Quad, which is produced in mammalian cells instead of chicken eggs. There are also special, higher-dose formulations for older adults, such as Fluad Quad for those 65 and older, and Fluzone High-Dose Quadrivalent for those 60 and over.
Your health-care provider will discuss the best option for you.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from six months of age
people with certain medical conditions, such as heart disease or with weakened immunity.
Everyone else can pay about A$20–30 at GPs or pharmacies. If your GP does not bulk bill, you may also need to pay an out-of-pocket cost for the consultation.
Currently, Queensland is the only state offering free flu vaccination to all ages over six months. But that program ends on September 30.
So what’s the verdict?
The bottom line is that it’s not too late to get vaccinated. Even as winter eases, getting a flu shot can make a real difference, protecting both you and the people around you from serious illness.
Adrian Esterman receives funding from NHMRC, ARC, and MRFF
Every February and August, business news sites are full of headlines about company reports and “earnings season”.
That’s because in Australia, most companies have a reporting period ending June 30 – the end of the financial year – meaning they will release their full-year results in August and half-year results in February.
Share prices can move dramatically depending on the company’s performance or its comments about the outlook.
If you’re new to investing and want to understand some of those results by reading company financial statements, here’s where to start.
What is a company financial statement?
Company financial statements show what a business owns, owes, earns and spends. It is like an annual health check-up for a business, written in numbers.
Most listed companies publish their financial statements on their company website, usually in an investor or annual reports section. They are free to access. They are also published on the Australian Securities Exchange (ASX) website.
What to read first
If you’re new to financial statements, start with the big picture before diving into the numbers.
First, look for the trading update in the half-year report or chief executive’s letter at the beginning of the full-year report. This explains the company’s performance in plain language and will discuss the results for different segments of the business.
You can then look at the statement of profit or loss, which shows the profit or loss for the period.
Revenue is what they have earned – but that’s not counting any costs.
Net profit after tax (known as NPAT) shows total income minus expenses and how much profit is available to shareholders after tax is paid. This is the key measure used in reporting season news stories.
Another term you might run into is EBIT (earnings before interest and tax). EBIT shows profit from core operations before financing costs and tax are taken out. So it is considered a measure of underlying profitability.
Earnings per share (EPS) shows the portion of a company’s profit attributed to each ordinary share in the company.
A closer look at the numbers
After getting a sense of the big picture, the statement of financial position tells you what the company owns and owes.
What percentage of the total assets of the company is made up of liabilities – what the company owes?
Note that “current” assets and liabilities are expected to be converted to cash, or due for payment within 12 months. A company should have enough current assets to pay for its current liabilities.
Total assets less total liabilities equals the total equity: the shareholders’ stake in the company. A negative figure means the company owes more than what the assets are worth. That’s why this statement is often called the balance sheet.
What’s the difference between cash and profit?
Cash and profit are not the same thing. Revenue and expenses are recorded in the reporting period they occur, not when the cash is actually paid or received.
It is possible for a company to show a healthy profit, but have poor cash flow – or the other way around.
For example, a company sells to thousands of new customers in June on credit. Sales are recorded in June, boosting profit. But if the customers don’t pay quickly, there’s no increase in cash.
The cash flow statement shows the cash inflows and outflows of a company, including how much is paid to investors as dividends.
Expectations are the key
Financial markets always look to price in the future, today.
If a company’s profit result is close to market expectations, there may not be a large share price reaction. If it beats expectations, the shares may jump. Likewise, a profit miss will see the share price punished.
But what the company says about its outlook for the coming period is where the greatest chance lies for a surprise that is above or below market expectations. And that can have a big impact on the share price.
To understand a company’s results, context is important. It’s worth reading media coverage from reputable outlets such as The Australian Financial Review (if you don’t have a subscription, try for free access via your local library) and ASX updates.
What are some positive signs to look for?
Look for:
consistent growth in revenue, profit, cash flow
more assets than liabilities, with debt at a manageable level
positive operating cash flow.
You should also consider industry and market trends, management quality, and competitive pressures.
What are some warning signs to watch for?
In its day-to-day operations, keep an eye out for falling revenues and low profit or an outright loss. Sometimes a one-off gain, such as from an asset sale, can prop up results.
Look out for current liabilities higher than current assets, or frequent changes in auditors or senior management.
Following these steps for reading financial statements can help investors to make more informed decisions. A registered financial adviser can provide you with investment advice.
This article is part of The Conversation’s “Business Basics” series, where we ask experts to discuss key concepts in business, economics and finance.
Disclaimer: This article provides general information only and does not take into account your personal objectives, financial situation, or needs. It is not intended as financial advice. All investments carry risk.
Michelle Cull is a member of CPA Australia, the Financial Advice Association Australia and President Elect of the Academy of Financial Services in the United States. Michelle is an academic member of UniSuper’s Consultative Committee and a member of the Financial Expert Advisory Panel for Ecstra Foundation. Michelle co-founded the Western Sydney University Tax Clinic which has received funding from the Australian Taxation Office as part of the National Tax Clinic Program.
Ushi Ghoorah serves on the Australian Accounting Standards Board (AASB) Standards Advisory Panel and is the Hon Treasurer and an Executive Member of the Australia and New Zealand Third Sector Research (ANZTSR) association. She is Chair of the AFAANZ Public Sector and Not-for-Profit Special Interest Group and a board member of the CPA NSW NFP Committee. Ushi has been the Chief Investigator on three AASB-funded research projects related to service performance reporting and the connectivity of financial and non-financial information in the not-for-profit sector.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 21, 2025.
‘One of the older men catcalled me’: new research reveals the RSL’s woman problem Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Prevett, PhD Candidate, Flinders University Imagine serving your country overseas, returning home and feeling unwelcome in the very place meant to support you. That’s what happened to a 44-year-old Australian Army officer who attended a local Returned and Services League (RSL) lunch while on leave. She
Kangaroo Island is a quietly powerful Australian debut that explores family, grief and belonging Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Thompson, Lecturer in Theatre, Australian Catholic University Maslow Entertainment There’s a pretty funny “in joke” in the opening scenes of the new Australian film Kangaroo Island. Shortly after we meet Lou Wells (played by Rebecca Breeds) – an ex-pat Australian actor trying to make her Hollywood
NZ police chief acknowledges impact of criminal deportees on Pacific RNZ Pacific New Zealand’s police commissioner says he understands the potential impact the country’s criminal deportees have on smaller Pacific Island nations. Commissioner Richard Chambers’ comments on RNZ Pacific Waves come as the region’s police bosses gathered for the annual Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police conference in Waitangi. The meeting, which is closed to media,
Do you take your own blood pressure at home? Here’s how to choose the device that fits your arm best Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ritu Trivedi, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Health Sciences, University of Sydney J_art/Getty Images About one in three Australian adults have hypertension, or high blood pressure. High blood pressure is a leading contributor to preventable disability and early death because – particularly when it’s not well controlled
Flashing mouthguards that signal a head injury will soon hit the rugby field – are they a game changer? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nick Draper, Professor of Sport and Exercise Science, University of Canterbury Saeed Khan/AFP via Getty Images When the Women’s Rugby World Cup kicks off this weekend, spectators will witness more than the usual thrills, skills and physical brilliance the code delivers – they’ll also see something completely
Dingoes are not domestic dogs – new evidence shows these native canines are on their own evolutionary path Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kylie M. Cairns, Research fellow in canid and wildlife genomics, UNSW Sydney For decades, scientists, policymakers, graziers and land managers have been locked in a surprisingly high-stakes debate over what defines a dingo. Are these wild canids their own species? Or are they simply feral dogs? The
Astronomers have glimpsed the core of a dying star – confirming theories of how atoms are made Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Orsola De Marco, Professor of Astrophysics, Macquarie University Astronomers have glimpsed the inner structure of a dying star in a rare kind of cosmic explosion called an “extremely stripped supernova”. In a paper published today in Nature, Steve Schulze of Northwestern University in the United States and
Why bad arguments sound convincing: 10 tricks of logic that underpin vaccine myths Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hassan Vally, Associate Professor, Epidemiology, Deakin University The biggest lie those who create and spread misinformation perpetrate is that they want you to think for yourself. They warn their target audience not to be “sheep” and not to let themselves be told what to believe by “mainstream”
From sea ice to ocean currents, Antarctica is now undergoing abrupt changes – and we’ll all feel them Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nerilie Abram, Chief Scientist, Australian Antarctic Division and Professor of Climate Science, Australian National University Antarctica has long been seen as a remote, unchanging environment. Not any more. The ice-covered continent and the surrounding Southern Ocean are undergoing abrupt and alarming changes. Sea ice is shrinking rapidly,
Taxpayer bailouts are common, yet rarely make economic sense. Here’s how to strike a better balance Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Susan Stone, Credit Union SA Chair of Economics, University of South Australia Most market economists oppose the idea of large corporate bailouts, where taxpayer funds are used to provide failing companies with financial assistance. Despite this, Australia, and many other economies, seem to be embarking on a
Commodifying childhood: NZ children see marketing for unhealthy products 76 times a day Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leah Watkins, Associate Professor, Department of Marketing, University of Otago Fertnig/Getty Images Media headlines, industry figures and research confirm what many parents suspect: marketing to children has not only grown in scale but also in sophistication. It now happens in a wider variety of contexts, both physical
Swimming in the Seine: an old pastime resurfaces in the age of global warming Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Moutiez, Doctorante en Architecture et Enseignante à l’École d’architecture de Paris Val-de-Seine, Université Paris Nanterre – Université Paris Lumières Bathing on a hot day in Paris, 1932. Agence Rol / Gallica / BNF As the 2024 Olympic Games drew near, the promise of being able to
‘Thriving Kids’ could help secure the future of the NDIS. But what will the program mean for children and families? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Helen Dickinson, Professor, Public Service Research, UNSW Sydney Goodboy Picture Company/Getty Images Mark Butler, the minister for Disability and the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS), today announced a new plan to “secure the future” of the NDIS. Central to this plan is that children under nine with
View from The Hill: Everyone wants a slice of the productivity action Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra It’s too early to make a judgement about how productive the government’s economic reform (also known as productivity roundtable) will be, but the fact it’s behind closed doors is making it a rather amorphous affair to follow. Its sessions are
Granting visas to enter Australia is a delicate balancing act – whether you’re a politician or not Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Danielle Ireland-Piper, Associate Professor of Law, National Security College, Australian National University Israeli politician Simcha Rothman Gil Cohen-Magan/Getty The Australian government has cancelled the visa of Israeli politician Simcha Rothman, setting off a diplomatic falling out that’s escalated over the course of the week. Rothman is a
Australian Jewish representatives deliver stinging rebukes to Netanyahu and Albanese Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The peak body of Australian Jewry has delivered a stinging rebuke to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as strongly chastising Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, in letters to the two leaders. The Executive Council of Australia Jewry has told
When journalists like Anas al-Sharif are killed we lose access to truth in Gaza During the past 22 months in Gaza, the pattern has become unbearable yet tragically predictable: A journalist reports about civilians; killed or starved, shares footage of a hospital corridor, shelters bombed out, schools and homes destroyed, and then they are silenced. Killed. At the Committee to Protect Journalists we documented that 2024 was the deadliest
Productivity is the buzzword of the week, but we’re not making the most of half the workforce Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Duygu Yengin, Associate Professor of Economics; President, Economic Society of Australia (SA); Deputy Chair, Women in Economics Network, University of Adelaide Productivity is the buzzword at this week’s economic reform roundtable in Canberra. It’s about how effectively we turn our time, skills and resources into goods and
1 in 3 teens has thought about suicide this year. Here’s what to look for – and where to get help Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milena Heinsch, Professor and Head of Social Work, University of Tasmania Milan Markovic/Getty Talking about suicide can feel scary. But new data has found one in three Australian teenagers have thought about, planned or attempted suicide in the last 12 months – so starting the conversation is
Are you really an ISFJ? The truth about personality tests – and why we keep taking them Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelvin (Shiu Fung) Wong, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Psychology, Swinburne University of Technology Shutterstock Personality tests have become increasingly popular in daily life. From hiring to dating, they promise to help us understand who we are and how we are similar, or different, to others. But do
Imagine serving your country overseas, returning home and feeling unwelcome in the very place meant to support you.
That’s what happened to a 44-year-old Australian Army officer who attended a local Returned and Services League (RSL) lunch while on leave.
She recalls:
One of the older men catcalled me – when I raised it with the president, he dismissed it as “boys will be boys”. As a still-serving commissioned officer, it was deeply upsetting. I never returned.
Her story is far from unique.
Our research from the Open Door Initiative at Flinders University reveals many women feel unwelcome in RSL spaces. Some leave. Others never join.
Women describe subtle but persistent exclusion. One said:
It’s not for younger vets, especially those who still work or have a family.
Another nicknamed her local RSL, dominated by older male veterans from the Vietnam War era, a “Vietnam veteran club”, closed off to women and younger members. There she found walls lined with portraits of men in uniform, sexist jokes left unchallenged, and questions about the legitimacy of women veterans’ medals.
Founded in 1916 to support soldiers returning from the first world war, it offered camaraderie, assistance and a way back into civilian life. Today, 1,095 RSL sub-branches remain, barely half the number from its peak in 1946.
Known for mid-week lunches, cheap drinks and Anzac Day services, the organisation was built by men, for men – a culture that still shapes how many sub-branches look, feel and operate.
Fewer than 10% of the veteran population in some states choose to join their local RSL. In many branches nationally, non-veteran members now outnumber those who have served.
Yet many veteran men still resist making space for women or younger veterans. One male interviewee told us bluntly: “I don’t think we should change our traditions to accommodate [these] veterans”.
Sometimes exclusion is more direct.
Sarah Case, a former sub-branch president in Queensland, recalled being labelled “a real bitch” by male branch members, adding:
It’s typical of the experience of being a woman, a woman with a brain who’s prepared to stand up for herself.
Deborah Langford, another woman veteran on a sub-branch committee in regional Victoria said:
Many RSL branches feel frozen in time: beers, bingo and military banter. But younger veterans, especially women, are juggling work, families and the long-term impacts of service, including trauma. They need safe, inclusive spaces and real support.
For women who have served, especially those who experienced harassment or assault during service, traditional RSL environments can feel unsafe.
One veteran said:
Going into an RSL space where there are older male veterans can be challenging. Feeling safe is really important.
Small victories and further opportunities
Some branches are starting to shift and even small changes can have a real impact.
One woman veteran in Queensland described the support she received from her state branch as “faultless”, though she said it was only possible because she was supported by one of the few women advocates on staff.
At a Queensland sub-branch, Melissa Bishop, a veteran and newly appointed committee member, fought to move meetings to weekends so people with jobs and families could take part.
One woman veteran described it as “the first time I’d felt like someone had thought about veterans like me.”
These are modest, hard-won changes, but scattered progress alone won’t undo generations of exclusion.
Last year, the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide recommended creating a national body to better govern the veterans’ non-profit sector.
This presents a real opportunity to modernise veteran support. But without a strong focus on gender inclusion and cultural reform from the start, history may repeat, entrenching the same exclusions that have kept so many women veterans on the margins for decades.
Women are not asking for special treatment. They are asking for veteran spaces that recognise their service, value their contributions and meet their needs.
That means flexible programs, trauma-informed care, peer support and family-friendly events.
The RSL now faces a defining choice: cling to outdated ideas or evolve into a space where all who have served feel they belong.
Ben Wadham receives funding from DVA and the Australian Research Council. He is vice president of the Defence Force Welfare Association – SA (DFWA-SA).
Andrew Prevett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
There’s a pretty funny “in joke” in the opening scenes of the new Australian film Kangaroo Island.
Shortly after we meet Lou Wells (played by Rebecca Breeds) – an ex-pat Australian actor trying to make her Hollywood dream come true in Los Angeles – we learn her only real success to date has been playing a dubious character in a popular TV soap drama.
The joke, in case you missed it, is that Breed’s real-life launching pad was Home & Away. Although, if her performance in this film (along with her lead role in the 2021 series Clarice) is anything to go by, her career is on a much more successful trajectory than the train-wreck character of Lou Wells.
Home calling
After what appears to be a drunken one-night stand (not the first, we suspect) Lou gets a message from her dad Rory (Erik Thomson). He wants her to come home, and is so adamant he has even sent her the plane ticket.
At first, Lou appears to have no intention of giving up on her dream – and no intention of using the ticket.
However, as the viewer, you know she will get on that plane – and you suspect there’s a serious reason for Rory wanting his daughter to come home so suddenly.
This is the beginning of what turns out to be one of the many strengths of Sally Gifford’s first screenplay. It’s easy to become disinterested in a film when the telegraphed plot plays out the way you think it will. After all, why care about the story if you’re already ahead of it?
But Gifford and first time director Timothy David manage to sidestep this problem. They let you guess what’s going to happen, yet still surprise you when the inevitable unfolds – drawing you further into the story in a satisfying way.
Gifford’s screenplay slowly peels back the layers of this complex family unit as the film profgresses. Maslow Entertainment
An excellent island casting
Home for Lou, as you might have guessed, is on Kangaroo Island – a small paradise off the coast of South Australia that’s also home to an amazing array of wildlife, nature reserves and the Flinders Chase National Park.
Against this backdrop we meet the rest of Lou’s family: her dad Rory, her sister Freya (Adelaide Clemens), Freya’s husband Joel (Ben Roberts), their kids Teddy and Alby (Bodhi and Forest Palmer), Aunt Rose (Julie Wood), and Lou’s best friend Todd (Louis Henbest). This impressive ensemble cast believably portrays both the bonds and tensions that make for a compelling family picture.
The other very good piece of casting is Kangaroo Island itself. There is never a sense that it’s there just for its postcard tourism value (although it’s hard to not want to visit once you’ve seen it through cinematographer Ian McCarroll’s lens).
Rather, you can feel the deep connection between humans and nature in the island, as well as its vulnerability to exploitation in the wrong hands.
The film’s main setting, Kangaroo Island, is shot gloriously by cinematographer Ian McCarroll. Maslow Entertainment
The film has strong themes of death, grief, jealousy, betrayal and spirituality, which belie its often very light comic touch. Gifford and David confidently navigate between the serious and the humorous without running aground on moments that are too dark, or too flippant.
The humour will be relatable to anyone who doesn’t have a perfect family, or anyone who loves their family despite its imperfections (in other words, everyone).
One running gag about some lost luggage is so well peppered it’s hard to not laugh out loud when it finally reaches its punchline – albeit at the dramatic high point of the story.
A dramatically flat moment
If I were to pick one point of weakness in the film, it would be Freya’s long monologue that takes place by Lou’s beside while she’s sleeping.
Overall, Gifford’s screenplay deftly handles both the siblings’ present-day story and backstory, in a way that helps us understanding the subtle family dynamics.
So it’s jarring when this mostly static monologue, full of exposition, is delivered as though trying to cover all the points that haven’t yet been explained, in one efficient but dramatically flat moment.
This quibble aside, Kangaroo Island is a highly enjoyable and engaging film that lets its deeply emotional aspects sneak up on you. Even as you see them coming, they arrive fresh and surprising.
Kangaroo Island is in cinemas now.
Chris Thompson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
New Zealand’s police commissioner says he understands the potential impact the country’s criminal deportees have on smaller Pacific Island nations.
Commissioner Richard Chambers’ comments on RNZ Pacific Waves come as the region’s police bosses gathered for the annual Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police conference in Waitangi.
The meeting, which is closed to media, began yesterday.
Chambers said a range of issues were on the agenda, including transnational organised crime and the training of police forces.
Inspector Riki Whiu, of Northland police, leads (from right), Secretary-General of Interpol Valdecy Urquiza, Vanuatu Police Commissioner Kalshem Bongran and Northern Mariana Islands Police Commissioner Anthony Macaranas during the pōwhiri. Image: RNZ/Peter de Graaf
Across the Pacific, the prevalence of methamphetamine and its role in driving social, criminal and health crises have thrust the problem of organised crime into the spotlight.
Commissioner Chambers said New Zealand had offered support to its fellow Pacific nations to combat transnational organised crime, in particular around the narcotics trade.
Deportation policies However, the country’s own transnational crime advisory group also identified the country’s deportation policies as a “significant contributor to the rise of organised crime in the Pacific”.
In 2022, a research report showed that New Zealand returned 400 criminal deportees to Pacific nations between 2013 and 2018.
The report from the Lowy Institute also said criminal deportees from New Zealand, as well as Australia and the US, were a significant contributor to transnational crime in the Pacific.
Te Waaka Popata-Henare, of the Treaty Grounds cultural group Te Pito Whenua, leads the Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police to Te Whare Rūnanga for a formal welcome. Image: RNZ/Peter de Graaf
When Chambers was asked about the issue and whether New Zealand’s criminal deportation policy undermined work against organised crime across the region, he said it had not been raised with him directly.
“The criminal networks that we are dealing with, in particular those such as the cartels out of South America, the CJNG [cartels] and Sinaloa cartels, who really do control a lot of the cocaine and also methamphetamine trades, also parts of Asia with the Triads,” Commissioner Chambers said.
“I know that the Pacific commissioners that I work with are very, very focused on what we can do to combat and disrupt a lot of that activity at source, in both Asia and South America.
“So that’s where our focus has been, and that’s what the commissioners have been asking me for in terms of support.”
Pacific nation difficulties He said he understood the difficulties law enforcement in Pacific nations faced regarding criminal deportees, as New Zealand faced similar challenges under Australia’s deportation policy.
In New Zealand, the country’s returned nationals from Australia are known as 501 deportations, named after the section of the Australian Migration Act which permits their deportation due to criminal convictions.
These individuals have often spent the majority of their lives in Australia and have no family or ties to New Zealand but are forced to return due to Australia’s immigration laws.
New Zealand’s authorities have tracked how these deportees — who number in the hundreds — have contributed significantly to the country’s increasingly sophisticated and established organised crime networks over the past decade.
Chambers said that because police dealt with the real impacts of Australia’s 501 law, he could relate to what his Pacific counterparts faced.
“I understand from the New Zealand perspective [which is] the impact that New Zealand nationals returning to our country have on New Zealand, and the reality is, they’re offending, they’re re-offending.
“I suspect it’s no different from our Pacific colleagues in their own countries. And it may be something that we can talk about.”
This week’s conference was scheduled to finish tomorrow. Speakers due to appear included Interpol Secretary-General Valdecy Urquiza and Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Baron Waqa.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
About one in three Australian adults have hypertension, or high blood pressure.
High blood pressure is a leading contributor to preventable disability and early death because – particularly when it’s not well controlled – it increases the risk of developing conditions including heart disease, stroke, kidney disease and dementia.
Doctors are increasingly using blood pressure measurements taken at home to guide decisions about managing hypertension, such as whether you have hypertension in the first place, and whether you need to start or change medications. These readings can complement measurements taken in a doctor’s office and can be done more often.
Notably, home blood pressure measurements also reduce the “white coat” effect, which refers to someone’s blood pressure being high due to anxiety associated with a doctor’s office or medical environment. For this reason your doctor may ask you to measure your blood pressure at home to confirm whether it’s high or not.
For people who may have been advised to measure their blood pressure at home, having a device with a correctly sized cuff is essential to obtain accurate readings.
But in a new study, we’ve found many people could be using cuffs that don’t fit their arm properly.
Why is cuff size important?
Home blood pressure devices are usually sold with a single cuff size – either standard or a larger one, sometimes called “wide-range”.
But having the wrong cuff size affects the accuracy of the blood pressure reading.
If the cuff is too small, systolic blood pressure (the top number in a blood pressure reading, which denotes the pressure in your arteries when the heart pumps blood) will be overestimated. Conversely, if the cuff is too big, systolic blood pressure will be underestimated. The worse the cuff fits, the greater the measurement error is likely to be.
If your doctor makes decisions about your blood pressure based on inaccurate data, it could mean missing out on treatment to reduce your blood pressure when it’s needed, or starting treatment when it’s not needed.
Our study
In our analysis, we estimated the arm sizes of 18.7 million Australian adults based on data from the National Health Survey for 2017–18. We estimated upper-arm circumference ranged from 20 to 62 centimetres, with an average of 32cm.
We then categorised these arm sizes to see how many would fit common home blood pressure cuffs: standard (22 to 32cm) and wide-range (22 to 42cm).
About 9 million people – 48% of Australian adults – had arms too big for the standard cuff size. And about 700,000 people (roughly 3.7% of Australian adults) had arms larger than 42cm, which means both the standard and wide-range cuff sizes could be too small. Only a very small number had arms that would be too small for both cuff sizes.
We calculated that, among adults reported to have hypertension in 2018, the standard cuff size would be unsuitable in about 60% of people, while both the standard and wide-range cuff size would be unsuitable in about 6%.
The main limitation of our study is that we estimated arm sizes, because a measurement of arm size wasn’t available in the survey data. This estimate was based on an equation developed from a group of people in the United States relatively similar to the Australian population.
It’s possible some of our estimates may not be completely accurate, affecting our results. That said, research in the US has produced broadly similar findings, indicating 6.4% of adults would have arms too big for the wide-range cuff size.
You can measure the size of your arm at home by wrapping a measuring tape around the half-way point of your upper arm. This is roughly where your bicep is.
When choosing a home blood pressure monitor, the cuff size range is often reported on the cuff itself, on the box, or in the product description online. Some cuffs also have markings which can be used to double check if it fits your arm.
It’s best to use the cuff that came with your device. If you use a different cuff, even one that says it is compatible with many devices, it may not give a correct reading. Home blood pressure devices are tested to work accurately with the specific cuffs they come with, so it’s not clear how well other cuffs would work with your device.
If you can’t find a cuff that fits, many manufacturers have a range of different devices, so contacting them to see if they have other options is a good place to start. A wrist cuff device is an option but is only recommended when blood pressure can’t be measured on the upper arm.
Finally, ensure the device you choose is validated, meaning it has passed accuracy testing in a broad sample of people using a standard process. You can search for the device manufacturer name and model number on lists of validated devices compiled by the independent international organisation STRIDE BP.
If you are unsure about the accuracy of your home blood pressure device, you can take it to your doctor to see if the measurements are similar to the device they use in the clinic.
Ritu Trivedi is a member of the Australian National Hypertension Taskforce working groups for patient activation and engagement, and awareness and screening of high blood pressure.
Clara Chow is a NHMRC investigator grant recipient and is an investigator on current MRFF and NHMRC grants. She is a member of the WSLHD Board & National Heart Foundation Board, Australian National Hypertension Taskforce, has previously received grants from NSW Health, Australian Digital Health Agency, Google. She has also previously received speakers’ fees from several organisations including Novartis, Limbic, Eli Lilly, Novo Nordisk, Amgen, AbbVie.
The George Institute has submitted patent applications with respect to low fixed-dose combination products for the treatment of cardiovascular and cardiometabolic disease. Professors Rodgers and Chow are listed as inventors. Both do not have direct financial interests in these patent applications or investments.
Dean Picone receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, NSW Government Office of Health and Medical Research and is an investigator on a current MRFF grant. He a member of the Hypertension Australia Clinical Council, member of American Heart Association Hypertension Professional/Public Education & Publications Committee and Chair of International Society of Hypertension New Investigator Committee. He has previously received funding from the National Heart Foundation of Australia and acted as a consultant on blood pressure monitoring to the Pan American Health Organisation and United States Centers for Disease Control.
When the Women’s Rugby World Cup kicks off this weekend, spectators will witness more than the usual thrills, skills and physical brilliance the code delivers – they’ll also see something completely novel: flashing mouthguards.
Designed to help keep professional players safer, these smart mouthguards flash when a player experiences a collision big enough to potentially result in a concussion. This is an advance on existing instrumented mouthguards, used in the professional game since the 2023 men’s Rugby World Cup.
The mouthguards contain accelerometers and a gyroscope to measure the size of collisions. If a collision exceeds the threshold for a head injury assessment, a light-emitting diode (LED) will flash red, alerting the player and officials.
The smart mouthguards can measure collision impact forces, the direction of the impact and the number of collisions for any player during a game.
Collision impact is measured in “peak linear acceleration” (the g-force) and “peak rotational acceleration”. Based on the data, a decision can be made to pull a player from the game for a head injury assessment.
The threshold for male players is a g-force of 75 and for female players 65. But problems with Bluetooth capability meant there could be delays between a player receiving a head knock and the data being downloaded. The new flashing mouthguards are designed to overcome this delay.
A head injury assessment is done off-field by a trained medical professional. Background is collected about the collision and the player’s symptoms. The player then completes memory and balance tests. If they fail the assessment they’re out for the rest of the game.
World Rugby is using the women’s World Cup tournament to introduce the new LED mouthguards, ahead of using them at the top level of the men’s and women’s game in general. In time, we may see them become more common in non-professional and youth grades, too.
What about amateur and junior rugby?
The primary purpose of the new mouthguards is to improve surveillance of likely concussions by reducing the time between a sizeable impact being detected and then reported to officials.
In turn, this may reduce the likelihood of a player experiencing a second large collision – and therefore keep them safer. Like other smart mouthguards, these new ones will also record all collisions in a game for longer-term monitoring.
The high cost of these innovative safety technologies has so far been prohibitive for lower and non-professional leagues. Aside from professional franchises, really only researchers have had access, given the nature of the hardware, software and 3D-printing process involved.
But that might be changing, with recent innovations by mouthguard companies bringing their products into a more viable price range for community rugby.
High quality “boil and bite” instrumented mouthguards currently retail for A$350, which is only about $100 more than a dentist-fitted custom unit. As the technology evolves, the price will no doubt reduce more.
The advantage of smart mouthguards is the objectivity they can bring to collision assessment in community rugby, something not available in the past.
Using a phone app linked to the product, parents, coaches or referees can see the size of impact a player has received in a collision. That then allows them to make a more informed choice about removing a player from the field.
It would also be harder for a player to hide a concussion and therefore likely reduce under-reporting. As well, our research shows concussions for junior players can occur well below the adult thresholds, so this type of technology and information could be very helpful.
Benefits for brain health
While these safety developments are potentially beneficial, junior and community rugby still relies largely on non-medically trained staff to identify possible concussions.
Despite greater awareness and concern about concussions, research indicates there are still many youth athletes and parents who don’t know how to recognise the symptoms. There also appears to be a stigma about concussion reporting.
We know that in New Zealand, Māori and Pasifika players appear to suffer from higher rates of sport-related concussion, but are less aware of and less willing to report symptoms.
An early return to play following an unreported concussion can lead to a player suffering a second and worse concussion, which could have longer-term recovery implications for a young person.
Improved coach awareness is one area that would make a big difference, and there are already concussion recognition courses available such as RugbySmart in New Zealand and BokSmart in South Africa.
The flashing mouthguards on show at the Women’s Rugby World Cup can’t prevent concussions. But they represent another step towards better managing the risks and effects of concussions over a player’s season and career.
As prices drop and these technologies become more accessible, we will likely see greater uptake in community rugby, further improving player safety at the grassroots level.
The authors thank George Stilwell, Natalia Kabaliuk and Keith Alexander from the University of Canterbury for their contribution to this article.
Nick Draper receives funding from the Health Research Council, Cure Kids, the Neurological Foundation, Canterbury Medical Research Foundation, Pacific Radiology Group, the Maurice and Phyllis Paykel Trust, and the UC Foundation.
Kevin Mangan receives funding from the Health Research Council, Cure Kids, the Neurological Foundation, Canterbury Medical Research Foundation, Pacific Radiology Group, the Maurice and Phyllis Paykel Trust, and the UC Foundation.
For decades, scientists, policymakers, graziers and land managers have been locked in a surprisingly high-stakes debate over what defines a dingo. Are these wild canids their own species? Or are they simply feral dogs?
In 2020, researchers proposed four conditions dingoes would have to meet to be considered separate from domestic dogs: reproductive isolation (they don’t mate and produce fertile offspring), genetic distinctiveness, independent evolutionary path and distinctiveness from South-East Asian village dogs, which superficially resemble dingoes.
In our new research, we lay out the scientific case showing dingoes do indeed meet these requirements, across genetic, behavioural, ecological and archaeological evidence. We now have a clear answer: dingoes are distinct.
Australia’s wild canines have been on their own evolutionary path for thousands of years. As a distinct lineage, they should be recognised in their own right as a species or subspecies. They are not Canis familiaris, the domestic dog. They should be named either Canis dingo or Canis lupus dingo.
A typical ginger dingo in the Strzelecki desert, South Australia. Matthew Brun, CC BY-ND
Species aren’t always in neat boxes
One of the greatest challenges for modern taxonomy is how to categorise “species” that don’t fit in neat little boxes but exist along a continuum.
It’s widely accepted domestic and wild animal populations should be distinguished and be given different scientific names. Domestication is often portrayed as a simple before-and-after event. But this isn’t accurate.
Domestication is a long, messy continuum. Some domesticated species such as cattle and modern dog breeds depend on humans for their survival. But dingoes are different. They have lived alongside people but are also entirely capable of surviving without us, and have done so for thousands of years.
In evolutionary terms, what matters is the trajectory. Did human contact fundamentally alter the appearance, biology and behaviour of the species, locking it into a domestic lifestyle? Or did human influence have little effect, meaning the species has been shaped primarily by natural selection in the wild?
Many modern dog breeds such as pugs have been bred for specific body shapes and traits rendering them less likely to survive in the wild by themselves. Abuk Sabuk/Wikimedia, CC BY
Do dingoes meet the criteria to be considered taxonomically distinct?
Our research shows how the four conditions have been met to consider dingoes separate:
1. Reproductive isolation
Dingoes have been separated from other Canis lineages for 8,000-11,000 years. Genetic studies show dingoes have little contemporary interbreeding with domestic dogs, even when they live in the same areas. While all Canis species can interbreed and produce fertile offspring, differences in breeding seasons and behaviour act as natural barriers. Unlike dingoes, domestic dogs rarely establish wild, self-sustaining populations.
2. Genetic distinctiveness
Genome-wide analyses reveal dingoes descend from an ancient “eastern” dog lineage, while most modern domestic dogs come from “western” and “Arctic” dog lineages. Since their arrival in Australia, dingoes have remained genetically isolated.
3. An independent evolutionary lineage
From a genetic point of view, dingoes are more distinct from domestic dogs than domestic dog breeds are from each other. Modern dog breeds have undergone waves of mixing and human selection, while dingoes have not. This is why dingoes lack the genetic adaptations to starch-rich diets that domestic dogs evolved alongside agriculture and human contact.
Dingoes have carved out their own ecological niche in Australia’s unique environments, from deserts to snowy mountains. They have developed separate traits such as hyperflexible joints and a single breeding season over autumn and winter. By contrast, humans have heavily shaped the evolutionary path of domestic dogs, making them reliant on us.
4. Clear up whether dogs found in South-East Asia are dingoes
Some researchers have suggested dingo-like village dogs in South-East Asia are actually dingoes. While dingoes share some ancestors with these dogs, modern genetic evidence shows dingoes and their closest relatives, New Guinea singing dogs, are a separate population.
What’s in a name?
The question over how dogs evolved is not yet resolved. Some taxonomists believe dogs are a subspecies of wolf, while others disagree. Given this uncertainty, giving dingoes a unique scientific name can be done in two ways.
If we consider dingoes distinct from both dogs and wolves, the most appropriate name would be Canis dingo — recognising the dingo as its own species with a long, separate evolutionary history.
But if dingoes are not distinct from wolves, the correct name would be Canis lupus dingo. This would treat it as a subspecies of wolf, while still acknowledging its wild lineage separate to domestic dogs.
Under some state laws, dingoes are defined as “wild dogs”. This means dingoes are targeted for lethal control – even in many national parks. If treated as a domestic dog, dingoes can be ineligible for official threatened species lists.
As a result, the species is often overlooked for targeted conservation, while its culturally significant role for many First Nations peoples is often not recognised nor respected.
Defining dingoes as a distinct species or subspecies would allow governments to differentiate them from domestic dogs in laws, policies and conservation programs, and align western science with First Nations knowledge holders who have long distinguished between dingoes and dogs.
Dingoes are culturally important for many First Nations peoples. This is a black and tan Wilkerr (the name used by Wotjobaluk peoples in northwestern Victoria) in Wyperfeld National Park. Big Desert Dingo Research, CC BY-NC-ND
Ending decades of confusion will take work
To clear up long-running disagreement over the dingo, we believe the time has come for an independent, evidence-based review by a national scientific body. This would bring together geneticists, ecologists, taxonomists and First Nations representatives.
This approach helped untangle similarly knotty problems overseas, such as the United States National Academies’ review to settle the taxonomy of red and Mexican wolves.
An Australian review could finally end decades of confusion for the dingo and ensure our laws reflect the most up-to-date scientific evidence.
Taxonomic debates might sound obscure. But this naming question will shape the future of one of Australia’s ecologically and culturally significant animals.
We believe the evidence shows the dingo is not a domestic dog – it’s on its own path. The question is whether Australia can accept this evidence.
Kylie M. Cairns receives funding from the Australian Dingo Foundation, the Australia and Pacific Science Foundation, the ACT government and donations from the general public. She is a director of the Paddy Pallin Foundation and provides scientific advice to the Australian Dingo Foundation and the New Guinea Highland Wild Dog Foundation. She also serves as co-coordinator of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) dingo working group which is part of its Species Survival Commission (SSC) Canid Specialist Group.
Bradley Smith is an unpaid director of the Australian Dingo Foundation, a non-profit environmental charity that advocates for dingo conservation. He also serves as a member of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) dingo working group, which is part of its Species Survival Commission (Canids Specialist Group).
Euan Ritchie receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action. Euan is a Councillor within the Biodiversity Council, a member of the Ecological Society of Australia and the Australian Mammal Society, and President of the Australian Mammal Society.
Thomas Newsome receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is immediate past-president of the Australasian Wildlife Management Society and President of the Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales.
Astronomers have glimpsed the inner structure of a dying star in a rare kind of cosmic explosion called an “extremely stripped supernova”.
In a paper published today in Nature, Steve Schulze of Northwestern University in the United States and colleagues describe the supernova 2021yfj and a thick shell of gas surrounding it.
Their findings support our existing theories of what happens inside massive stars at the end of their lives – and how they have shaped the building blocks of the universe we see today.
How stars make the elements
Stars are powered by nuclear fusion – a process in which lighter atoms are squished together into heavier ones, releasing energy.
Fusion happens in stages over the star’s life. In a series of cycles, first hydrogen (the lightest element) is fused into helium, followed by the formation of heavier elements such as carbon. The most massive stars continue on to neon, oxygen, silicon and finally iron.
Each burning cycle is faster than the previous one. The hydrogen cycle can last for millions of years, while the silicon cycle is over in a matter of days.
As the core of a massive star keeps burning, the gas outside the core acquires a layered structure, where successive layers record the composition of the progression of burning cycles.
While all this is playing out in the star’s core, the star is also shedding gas from its surface, carried out into space by the stellar wind. Each fusion cycle creates an expanding shell of gas containing a different mix of elements.
Core collapse
What happens to a massive star when its core is full of iron? The great pressure and temperature will make the iron fuse, but unlike the fusion of lighter elements, this process absorbs energy instead of releasing it.
The release of energy from fusion is what has been holding the star up against the force of gravity – so now the iron core will collapse. Depending on how big it is to start with, the collapsed core will become a neutron star or a black hole.
The process of collapse creates a “bounce”, which sends energy and matter flying outwards. This is called a core-collapse supernova explosion.
The explosion lights up the layers of gas shed from the star earlier, allowing us to see what they are made of. In all known supernovae until now, this material was either the hydrogen, the helium or the carbon layer, produced in the first two nuclear burning cycles.
The inner layers (the neon, oxygen and silicon layers) are all produced in a mere few hundred years before the star explodes, which means they don’t have time to travel out far from the star.
An explosive mystery
But that’s what makes the new supernova SN2021yfj so interesting. Schulze and colleagues found the material outside the star came from the silicon layer, the last layer just above the iron core, which forms on a timescale of a few months.
The stellar wind must have expelled all the layers right down to the silicon one before the explosion occurred. Astronomers don’t understand how a stellar wind could be powerful enough to do this.
The most plausible scenario is a second star was involved. If another star were orbiting the one that exploded, its gravity might have rapidly pulled out the deep silicon layer.
Exploding stars made the universe what it is today
Whatever the explanation, this view deep inside the star has confirmed our theories of the cycles of nuclear fusion inside massive stars.
Why is this important? Because stars are where all the elements come from.
Carbon and nitrogen are manufactured primarily by lower mass stars, similar to our own Sun. Some heavy elements such as gold are manufactured in the exotic environments of colliding and merging neutron stars.
However, oxygen and other elements such as neon, magnesium and sulfur mainly come from core-collapse supernovae.
We are what we are because of the inner workings of stars. The constant production of elements in stars causes the universe to change continuously. Stars and planets formed later are very different from those formed in earlier times.
When the universe was younger it had much less in the way of “interesting” elements. Everything worked somewhat differently: stars burned hotter and faster and planets may have formed less, differently, or not at all.
How much supernovae explode and just what they eject into interstellar space is a critical question in figuring out why our Universe and our world are the way they are.
Orsola De Marco received funding from the Australian Research Council. She is affiliated (non-executive director of the Board) with Astronomy Australia Ltd. a not-for-profit company serving Australian astronomy.
The biggest lie those who create and spread misinformation perpetrate is that they want you to think for yourself. They warn their target audience not to be “sheep” and not to let themselves be told what to believe by “mainstream” voices, the “deep state” or other bogey men.
But in a classic case of misdirection, at the same time they warn you about this, they deploy a range of manipulative tricks to ensure you don’t actually think clearly or independently.
One of these tactics is to seduce you into subscribing to “logical fallacies”. These are flawed patterns of reasoning that sound convincing but lead to false or misleading conclusions.
Logical fallacies are like optical illusions of thought: convincing on the surface, but ultimately an apparition. Like a magician who tries to convince you he really has pulled a rabbit from a hat, getting you to fall for logical fallacies is a sleight of hand that aims to trick you into believing something is true that isn’t.
But when you know how a magic trick works, it no longer fools you. If you recognise the most common logical fallacies and understand how they work, they very quickly lose their power. Once you can see behind the curtain, the illusion fades, and you begin to understand things as they really are.
Here are ten of the most common ones you need to be on the lookout for when it comes to vaccine misinformation.
1. Appeal to nature fallacy
Typical claim:
Vaccines are unnatural, so they must be bad.
Fallacy: Assumes that natural is always better or safer, which is not logically or scientifically valid. Plenty of natural substances are very harmful or deadly, and plenty of man-made products, including many medicines, are life-saving.
2. Slippery slope fallacy
Typical claim:
If we allow vaccine mandates, next we’ll lose all medical freedom.
Fallacy: Assumes a minor or reasonable action will inevitably spiral into something more extreme and implausible. This is one of the easiest logical fallacies to spot and relies on stretching logic to its breaking point in order to provoke fear. Politicians particularly like this tactic.
3. Ad hominem fallacy
Typical claim:
You can’t trust that doctor, he’s obese and doesn’t know how to look after himself.
Fallacy: Attacks the person instead of engaging with their argument or evidence. This is usually the go-to strategy when one either has no evidence to back up what they are saying or doesn’t have any capacity to engage with the evidence.
4. False dichotomy fallacy
Typical claim:
You either trust vaccines blindly or you’re a free thinker.
Fallacy: Ignores the nuanced middle ground and oversimplifies the choices. Often this is a version of the “you’re either with us or against us” ploy. It frames the debate so that one option is clearly unreasonable, creating the false impression that the right choice is obvious.
5. Straw man fallacy
Typical claim:
Pro-vaccine people think vaccines are perfect and have no risks.
Fallacy: This may be the most relied upon tactic by those spreading vaccine misinformation. It relies on misrepresenting the evidence to make it easier to attack. It often involves a number of different tactics such as distorting, cherry picking or oversimplifying the evidence. RFK Jr is a big fan of this tactic.
6. Post hoc fallacy (false cause)
Typical claim:
My child got sick after a vaccine, so the vaccine caused it.
Fallacy: Confuses correlation with causation without considering other explanations. Just because two events occur at about the same time doesn’t mean one caused the other. The false belief that the MMR vaccine causes autism stems from a single fraudulent study that wrongly inferred causation from a mere correlation.
Millions of people are questioning vaccines so there must be something wrong.
Fallacy: Assumes that a widespread belief is equivalent to truth. This is also called the “illusory truth effect” and it’s one of the main reasons misinformation has such an influence on social media. When people find themselves in echo chambers where they are led to believe a view is commonly held, even when it is obviously untrue, they are more likely to believe it. Humans are wired up to follow the herd.
8. Anecdotal fallacy
Typical claim:
I know someone who got vaccinated and still got sick so vaccines can’t work.
Fallacy: Uses personal stories instead of statistical or scientific evidence. This is equivalent to the reference to the grandmother who smoked a pack of cigarettes a day and lived to be 100 years old. It’s often the go-to strategy when there is no evidence to support a claim. Apart from the fact these anecdotes are usually not verifiable, anecdotes are no substitute for rigorous scientific evidence.
9. Perfectionist fallacy
Typical claim:
Vaccines aren’t 100% safe and effective, so they are useless.
Fallacy: Rejects a good solution (vaccines) because it is not perfect. No medical intervention is 100% risk-free. Even something universally used like aspirin can have side effects, and so an extension of this logic is that every single therapeutic intervention is useless because it is not perfect, which is absurd.
10. Base rate fallacy
Typical claim:
More vaccinated people are getting sick, so vaccines don’t work.
Fallacy: In a highly vaccinated population, most people will be vaccinated and inevitably some vaccinated people will still get sick. While the absolute numbers of vaccinated people who get sick will outnumber those who did not get vaccinated and got sick, this is misleading as the proportion will be much smaller due to the sheer numbers of vaccinated individuals in the population.
In a nutshell
We live in a time where bad-faith actors are easily able to spread deliberate misinformation. Therefore, we all need to educate ourselves in the tactics and tricks used by these con artists, so we’re not fooled.
Being able to recognise how logical fallacies are used to make misleading arguments seem persuasive is one of the things we can do to protect ourselves. The good news is, once you understand the most commonly used logical fallacies, it’s harder be to fooled.
Hassan Vally does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nerilie Abram, Chief Scientist, Australian Antarctic Division and Professor of Climate Science, Australian National University
Antarctica has long been seen as a remote, unchanging environment. Not any more.
The ice-covered continent and the surrounding Southern Ocean are undergoing abrupt and alarming changes. Sea ice is shrinking rapidly, the floating glaciers known as ice shelves are melting faster, the ice sheets carpeting the continent are approaching tipping points and vital ocean currents show signs of slowing down.
Published today in Nature, our new research shows these abrupt changes are already underway – and likely to significantly intensify in the future.
Several authors of this article have witnessed these startling changes during fieldwork on the ice. These changes spell bad news for wildlife, both iconic and lesser known. But the changes will reach much further. What’s happening in Antarctica right now will affect the world for generations to come, from rising sea levels to extreme changes in the climate system.
Antarctica’s enormity can give the illusion of permanence. But abrupt changes are arriving. David Merron Photography/Getty
What is an abrupt change?
Scientists define an abrupt change as a climatic or environmental shift taking place much faster than expected.
What makes abrupt changes so concerning is they can amplify themselves. For example, melting sea ice allows oceans to warm more rapidly, which melts more sea ice. Once triggered, they can be difficult or even impossible to reverse on timescales meaningful to humans.
While it’s common to assume incremental warming will translate to gradual change, we’re seeing something very different in Antarctica. Over past decades, the Antarctic environment had a much more muted response overall to human-caused climate warming compared to the Arctic. But about a decade ago, abrupt changes began to occur.
Shrinking sea ice brings cascading change
Antarctica’s natural systems are tightly interwoven. When one system is thrown out of balance, it can trigger cascading effects in others.
Sea ice around Antarctica has been declining dramatically since 2014. The expanse of sea ice is now shrinking at double the rate of Arctic sea ice. We found these unfolding changes are unprecedented – far outside the natural variability of past centuries.
The implications are far reaching. Sea ice has a reflective, high-albedo surface which reflects heat back to space. When there’s less sea ice, more heat is absorbed by darker oceans. Emperor penguins and other species reliant on sea ice for habitat and breeding face real threats. Less sea ice also means Antarctica’s ice shelves are more exposed to waves.
The expanse of ocean covered by sea ice began shrinking in 2014 and the rate is accelerating. Ted Mead/Getty
Vital ocean currents are slowing
The melting of ice is actually slowing down the deep ocean circulation around Antarctica. This system of deep currents, known as the Antarctic Overturning Circulation, plays a critical role in regulating Earth’s climate by absorbing carbon dioxide and distributing heat.
In the northern hemisphere, the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation is facing a slowdown.
We’re now observing a similar risk in Southern Ocean currents. Changes to the Antarctic Overturning Circulation may unfold at twice the rate of the more famous North Atlantic counterpart.
A slowdown could reduce how much oxygen and carbon dioxide the ocean absorbs and leave vital nutrients at the seafloor. Less oxygen and fewer nutrients would have major consequences for marine ecosystems and climate regulation.
The West Antarctic Ice Sheet alone has enough ice to raise global sea levels by more than five metres – and scientists warn we could be nearing the point where this ice sheet could collapse even without substantial further warming, though this might take centuries to millennia.
These enormous ice sheets represent the risk of a global tipping point. They contribute the greatest uncertainty to projections of future sea level rise because we don’t know just how quickly they could collapse.
Antarctica’s biological systems are also undergoing sudden shifts. Ecosystems both under the sea and on land are being reshaped by warming temperatures, unreliable ice conditions and human activity bringing pollution and the arrival of invasive species.
It’s essential to protect these ecosystems through the Antarctic Treaty, including creating protected areas of land and sea and restricting some human activities. But these conservation measures won’t be enough to ensure emperor penguins and leopard seals survive. That will require decisive global action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
Which future?
Antarctica is often seen as a symbol of isolation and permanence. But the continent is now changing with disturbing speed – much faster than scientists anticipated.
These abrupt changes stem largely from the extra heat trapped by decades of unchecked greenhouse gas emissions. The only way to avoid further abrupt changes is to slash emissions rapidly enough to hold warming as close to 1.5°C as possible.
Even if we achieve this, much change has already been set in motion. Governments, businesses and coastal communities must prepare for a future of abrupt change. What happens in Antarctica won’t stay there.
The stakes could not be higher. The choices made now will determine whether we face a future of worsening impacts and irreversible change or one of managed resilience to the changes already locked in.
Nerilie Abram received funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Ariaan Purich receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Felicity McCormack receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Jan Strugnell receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Matthew England receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Most market economists oppose the idea of large corporate bailouts, where taxpayer funds are used to provide failing companies with financial assistance.
Despite this, Australia, and many other economies, seem to be embarking on a golden age of corporate support. My analysis of data from Global Trade Alert shows that in the past two years alone governments made more than 2,830 direct market interventions, including bailouts.
More than 64% of these were to specific firms, as opposed to sectors. And while countries such as Brazil and China account for the majority of interventions, Australia, the United States and the European Union also feature prominently.
This year, there have already been several high-profile government bailouts in Australia’s minerals sector, including a A$2.4 billion joint state-federal support package for Whyalla steelworks, and a $135 million bailout for Nyrstar’s lead and zinc smelters.
Taxpayers are also on the hook for the federal government’s $50 million investment as part of lithium miner Liontown Resources recent capital raise – even though shareholder Gina Rinehart (Australia’s richest person) decided not to take part.
Earlier this month, representatives from several Australian smelter owners met in Sydney to discuss possible government support, including Glencore for its struggling Mt Isa smelter.
Speaking ahead of the meeting, Glencore chief executive Gary Nagle said:
If the government would like to take an equity piece of these operations as part of [assistance measures], and that is contributing towards making these operations financially viable and commercially viable in the short, medium and long term, we are open to that.
But herein lies the problem. Why should a government invest in a firm – especially over the long term – if private sector investors don’t think it is worth it?
The case against ‘corporate welfare’
In a nutshell, the main argument against bailouts and other types of “corporate welfare” is one of efficiency.
The worry is bailouts can create what’s called a “moral hazard”. This is the idea that companies will take more risks if they have reason to believe someone (such as the government) will cover the costs of things going wrong.
If that happens, government support can encourage a misallocation of resources and lead to higher costs across many other sectors that must compete for capital and people with the subsidised sector.
As economist Milton Friedman pointed out, private enterprise isn’t just about profits – it’s about profits and losses. If anything, losses are a more important part of the system as they are more effective in forcing firms to change their ways.
So, why do we do it?
Why do governments fork over taxpayer dollars to save individual companies? One common justification for stepping in to save a firm is that it plays a large role in regional or local employment.
There is some evidence that areas experiencing large plant closures have worse economic and health outcomes over time. However, these studies are largely based on old economic models.
Governments can no longer assume factory workers will find other factory jobs, for example. Many sectors – hotels, retail, grocery stores – are also subject to disruption and employ large numbers of people.
Does that mean the government should get involved every time a retail chain falters? Probably not – money is often better spent on assistance for retraining and re-employment in growing sectors.
National security
One area where most economists accept the need for industry support is national security.
Many recent bailouts have been for companies in Australia’s mineral sector. Proponents say they are vital to ensuring Australia can meet its own needs to build and utilise modern technology, including for the transition to net-zero.
These markets have been operating under the cloud of foreign subsidies for years now. Chinese subsidies have long distorted markets in ways that make operating at a profit in these sectors close to impossible.
While maintaining domestic production capacity in certain strategic sectors may be a real priority, we still need to recognise that it comes at a cost.
Hidden costs
Those costs do not just relate to the use of taxpayer money, although admittedly this is a big factor. They also bear on the discussion currently underway in Canberra about Australia’s economic performance and productivity.
One of the biggest challenges facing the Australian economy is the lack of capital investment by firms, which is driving a slowdown in innovation and productivity.
If government funds are used to prop up firms that have been shown to be ineffective, unprofitable or lack a drive for innovation, what happens to those firms that are – or are on the road to being – innovative and profitable?
How to strike the right balance
When considering bailing out a firm, governments need to assess the situation carefully. That means asking some key questions, such as:
Why is this company struggling in the first place? Is it due to mismanagement, or external factors? What are the long-term expectations for this industry?
Will an investment lead to sustainable growth and jobs? Or is it simply providing a lifeline for the company to collapse sometime in the future?
Is there a legitimate national security issue at stake for Australia? And are there potential spillovers to the rest of the economy that could drive growth as a result?
Generally, bailouts are inefficient, but if we need to do them, let’s make sure we do them for the right reasons.
Susan Stone is affiliated with SA Business Chamber as a member of the Board of Directors.
Media headlines, industry figures and research confirm what many parents suspect: marketing to children has not only grown in scale but also in sophistication.
It now happens in a wider variety of contexts, both physical and digital, and in a more systematic, integrated and personalised way than ever before.
Children in Aotearoa New Zealand are growing up in a commercial environment unlike any previous generation. Advertising isn’t just something they see between TV programmes. It’s woven into their physical environment and the digital platforms they use to learn, play and socialise.
Our new research showed just how pervasive this exposure is. We used data from the earlier Kids’Cam observational study, which tracked 90 New Zealand children’s real-world experiences using wearable cameras that captured what they were looking at from waking up to going to sleep.
On average, we found children encountered marketing for “unhealthy” products – junk food, alcohol and gambling, 76 times per day. That’s almost two-and-a-half times more than their daily exposure to “healthy” marketing.
Coca-Cola topped the list of most frequently encountered brands, appearing 6.3 times a day on average. The findings also show stark inequalities. Children from more socioeconomically deprived areas were exposed to significantly more unhealthy marketing for junk food.
Why exposure matters
Advertising directed at children extends far beyond simply promoting products. It profoundly shapes their cognitive, social and behavioural development.
Research has shown it can spark an immediate desire for products and contribute to conflict between children and parents.
It can also influence the formation of broader consumption values and desires. Advertising exposure has been linked to increased materialism, by associating possessions with happiness and success.
Moreover, marketing plays a pivotal role in shaping children’s beliefs, attitudes and social norms.
There is evidence connecting advertising to the internalisation of gender and racial stereotypes and distorted body image. It has also been linked to the early use of harmful products such as tobacco and alcohol.
Children are uniquely vulnerable to the influence of advertising as they lack the critical reasoning skills to recognise and evaluate persuasive intent.
In the online environment where advertising is embedded in games, influencer content and social feeds, children are especially vulnerable.
Our study found a clear pattern. The less regulation there is, the higher the exposure.
Tobacco marketing, which is tightly regulated, was rarely encountered by the children in our study. Alcohol and gambling – regulated by a patchwork of laws and voluntary codes – appeared moderately often. But junk food marketing, almost entirely self-regulated by industry, dominated what they saw.
More than half of the unhealthy food and alcohol marketing children saw came from just 15 multinational companies. This highlights the systemic nature of the problem, as well as the resources behind it. These companies have the money to spend on marketing these harmful products to children.
To respond to this growing harm, governments need to:
protect children through comprehensive regulation restricting junk food, alcohol and gambling marketing, similar to what already exists for tobacco
introduce restrictions on product packaging for unhealthy products, which the study found was a key medium for marketing
conduct further research to understand the digital marketing environment, in particular to identify disparities in targeting based on ethnicity, gender or socioeconomic status.
This is not just about protecting children’s innocence. It’s about protecting their health, autonomy and future opportunities. Left unchecked, the current commercial environment risks deepening health inequities and normalising harmful consumption patterns from an early age.
Aotearoa New Zealand has the chance to lead efforts to create a digital and physical environment where commercial interests do not undermine children’s rights and wellbeing.
That requires moving beyond voluntary codes towards enforceable protections – grounded in evidence, public health priorities and equity. If we don’t act now, we risk commodifying childhood itself.
This research was funded by a Health Research Council of New Zealand Programme grant and was supported by grants from the Science Foundation Ireland, European Commission FP7 International Research Staff Exchange Scheme and the University of Otago. The writing of this paper was supported by the Cancer Society of New Zealand.
Leah Watkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Moutiez, Doctorante en Architecture et Enseignante à l’École d’architecture de Paris Val-de-Seine, Université Paris Nanterre – Université Paris Lumières
As the 2024 Olympic Games drew near, the promise of being able to swim in the Seine turned into a media countdown: first as part of the official sporting events and then for the general public. As bids for the Olympic and Paralympic Games have become less and less popular due to the staggering costs involved and the difficulty of justifying them in terms of benefits for local communities, allowing Parisians to swim in the river flowing through Paris was heavily promoted ahead of last summer’s Games.
This kind of media framing, however, has overlooked current and historical realities. River bathing was widely practised over the last few centuries, and in the Seine, it has survived to the present day despite bans on swimming. Additionally, the practice does not only include recreational or sporting dimensions – it is also climate-related, at a time when rising temperatures suggest that compliance with the Paris Agreement will be a difficult, if not impossible task.
A centuries-old bathing tradition
While bathing in the Seine in 2024 was sometimes presented as a novel project, it is key to remember that swimming in Paris is a centuries-old practice. Traces of bathing facilities have been found in the capital dating back to the 13th century. However, the practice is difficult to document in detail as such traces are few, except in cases of major pieces of infrastructure. Over the centuries, swimming continued for hygiene, refreshment and leisure purposes, gradually spreading beyond the city limits.
It was not until the 17th century that the first documented boom in bathing practices in the Seine took place, as evidenced by the introduction of the first prohibitions on bathing and the emergence of the first facilities specifically designed for river bathers. Whether for washing, relaxing or socialising, these facilities were primarily set up to keep bathers safe from the current, and to conceal their nudity on the riverbanks. From the end of the 18th century onwards, these facilities became more complex: additional services were added to improve the comfort of swimmers and the first swimming schools appeared on the Seine.
At the end of the 19th century, floating baths became increasingly popular on the Seine and the Marne outside Paris, while the first-heated swimming pools were built in the capital.
A long-standing practice despite bans
Bans on swimming in the Seine have been numerous over the centuries, though they never completely eradicated the practice.
Historians Isabelle Duhau and Laurence Lestel trace the first restrictions back to the 17th century, when the provosts of merchants and aldermen expressed concern about public nudity on the banks of the river. Until the end of the 19th century, restrictions on swimming in the capital were always based on concerns about nudity. A second reason, that of hindering navigation, appeared in an ordinance of 1840. This was regularly amended until the prefectural decree of 1923, which is still in force today and prohibits bathing in rivers and canals throughout the former département (administrative unit) of the Seine.
However, these bans did not put an end to swimming. After 1923, bathing establishments continued to operate. They even experienced a boom in the interwar period, especially in the suburbs. Photos show that swimming was quite popular during heatwaves.
It was not until the second half of the 20th century that swimming in the Seine became less common, mainly due to the spread of public swimming pools, which offered a more artificial and controlled environment for this form of leisure.
And it was not until 1970, with the ban on swimming in the Marne, that the issue of water quality was raised, even though water quality was already being measured and questioned before then.
Indefatigable bathers
Even today, however, there are still occasional, activist, or even regular swimmers taking to Paris’s waterways. Sporting competitions have brought athletes to the Seine, for example in 2012 for the Paris triathlon, and in a more gradual way in recent years.
In amateur sports, cold-water swimmers also began training in the canals a few years ago, despite the ban. To deal with the risks posed by water temperatures, and possibly police surveillance, these swimmers set their own safety rules: they watch out for each other from the bank and wear life jackets and caps so they are always clearly visible. To date, none of these swimmers has ever been fined by the police.
In recent years, others have also taken a dip for more political reasons. In 2005, members of the Green Party (including its future leader Cécile Duflot) swam in the Seine on World Water Day to raise awareness about how polluted it was.
Diving in the Seine to raise awareness about river pollution also isn’t a new idea. It’s actually the trademark of the NGO European River Network, founded in 1994 and known for its Big Jump events, annual group swims calling for better water quality. Around the same period in the Paris region, the Marne Vive union was created to make the river swimmable again and protect its flora and fauna. In association with local elected officials, it has also been organising Big Jumps since the early 2000s.
In recent times, members of the Bassines Non Merci collective also took dips in Paris to protest against the appropriation of water resources, ahead of planned demonstrations against schemes for large agricultural water reservoirs in the Poitou region.
Other activists have also taken action to make Parisian waterways more suitable for swimming again. The Laboratoire des baignades urbaines expérimentales (Laboratory for Experimental Urban Swimming) organized collective “pirate” swims and shared them on social media and in the press to get local authorities to take up the issue.
Finally, despite the general ban on swimming throughout Paris, it should be noted that swimming is, once again, permitted under certain conditions in the Bassin de la Villette and the Canal Saint-Martin in the summer. For several years, the city has been organising its own collective swimming events, which are supervised and limited in terms of space and time. This is one of the paradoxes of urban swimming in Paris: on the one hand, public authorities are making efforts to improve water quality, in particular by opening sites where people can swim; on the other, they are reinforcing the general ban on swimming in the Seine, for example through more prominent signposting.
The many European versions of urban bathing
Looking at urban swimming practices in Europe, there are many cities where residents already bathe within city limits. These include Basel, Zurich, Bern, Copenhagen, Vienna, Amsterdam, Bruges, Munich and others. That said, putting together a comprehensive list remains tricky because of differences in how urban regulations are applied across Europe, where swimming might be allowed, tolerated, banned, or just accepted.
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In these different cities, the widespread practice of swimming may have been a goal, or it may be a byproduct of water sanitation policies. Copenhagen, for example, isn’t crossed by a river but by an inlet. In the 1990s, the city renovated its aging sanitation system and restored the port, in particular to prevent overflowing. It is also building on national policies, implemented since the 1970s, aimed at preserving water quality and aquatic biodiversity.
These developments, carried out by separate departments and for sometimes different purposes, gradually improved the water quality in the Danish capital, which then sought to highlight the new environmental standards it had achieved. The initial focus was on developing water-based leisure activities. Ideas included areas for fishing and wildlife observation, and plans for an aquarium and the development of canoeing. Ultimately, the focus shifted to a swimming area inaugurated in the early 2000s called Harbour Bath. The site was initially intended as temporary but was made permanent due to its success. Some 20 years later, urban swimming has become an asset that Copenhagen is keen to promote, for example by distributing maps of swimming areas to tourists.
The links between open water swimming and improved water quality are varied. The practice may be used to raise awareness of the need to improve water quality, or to gain support from the general public and elected officials for sanitation projects.
In Europe, numerous directives aimed at preserving biodiversity and water quality have prompted municipalities to clean up the waterways running through areas under their jurisdiction. In this context, then Paris Mayor Jacques Chirac pledged in 1988 to swim in the Seine following reports of the return of numerous fish species, indicating an improvement in the river’s condition. In this video, however, Chirac was not claiming to make the Seine swimmable again for all Parisians. Rather, he was just trying to demonstrate that its water quality had improved.
River bathing in the age of global warming
Another motivation is becoming increasingly important in the creation of urban waterways: providing people with access to cool places in the face of increasingly frequent heatwaves.
Another motivation for allowing swimming in urban waterways is becoming increasingly important: providing people with access to cool places during frequent heatwaves. Paris is particularly vulnerable to climate change due to its dense landscape. A recent scientific study ranks it as one of Europe’s most dangerous cities in the event of a heatwave.
The urban heat-island effect is particularly strong in Paris, and the city’s housing is not well suited to cope with heatwaves. Waterways are seen as a potential solution to the problem of cooling off outside the home. But riverbanks are often very exposed to the sun, which means that only direct contact with water can effectively cool the body – at least to a certain extent. Paris has therefore set up temporary swimming areas, initially in the form of removable pools, before allowing direct access to canals. The Bassin de la Villette, for example, is part of the city council’s Parcours Fraîcheur (Cooling Route) plan, and is also included in its heatwave plan.
Swimming in the Seine was also mentioned in 2015 in the city’s adaptation strategy, in the context of a general overhaul of municipal water policies that was initiated with the decision to take over Eau de Paris, the company responsible for the city’s water supply and wastewater collection.
A decade later, and after the success of the Paris Olympics where swimmers competed in the Seine, the future of swimming in Paris is still uncertain. But one thing is clear: rarely has the subject of urban bathing generated so much discussion, interest, and media coverage.
Julia Moutiez ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.
Mark Butler, the minister for Disability and the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS), today announced a new plan to “secure the future” of the NDIS.
Central to this plan is that children under nine with mild to moderate developmental delays or autism will transition from the NDIS to a new foundational support program called Thriving Kids.
Speaking at the National Press Club, Butler argued the NDIS was never intended to serve this age group and it’s currently falling short of meeting their needs.
Thriving Kids will be jointly funded by the federal government and states and territories, with an initial A$2 billion committed from the Commonwealth.
The program is set to launch in July 2026 and roll out over the following 12 months. From mid-2027, children in this group will no longer enter the NDIS, but instead receive support through Thriving Kids.
So what’s behind this change, and is it a good idea?
Sustainability struggles
Since returning to office in 2022, the Labor government has introduced several reforms to the NDIS which, over time, has ballooned in cost.
According to Butler, much more work is needed to get it back on track. But he highlighted two challenges in particular:
returning the scheme to its original purpose of supporting those with significant and permanent care and support needs
ensuring the scheme is sustainable from a budget perspective.
The original 2011 estimates for the scheme were that the NDIS would cover 411,000 participants and cost $13.6 billion per year. Today there are more than 740,000 participants, and it’s forecast to cost $64 billion by 2029.
The government has set a target to reduce annual growth of the scheme from 22% a year to 8% by next year. However Butler described this as only an interim measure, noting growth needed to be further restricted.
Children aged under 15 years are over-represented in the scheme, making up just under half of NDIS participants. Half of new entrants are under nine. Across the country, one in ten six-year-olds is on the NDIS.
Butler emphasised families were not to blame. Rather, the issue is the lack of alternative support systems. The NDIS Review highlighted this gap and recommended the development of foundational supports: services for people with disability that sit outside the NDIS.
However negotiations between federal, state, and territory governments to establish foundational supports recently stalled.
In establishing Thriving Kids, the minister argued children will be better served and there will be less budgetary pressure on the NDIS.
Is it a good idea?
There have been concerns for some time that the NDIS is not working well for some young children. Best practice in early childhood intervention and care generally suggests children should be integrated into mainstream settings where they live, play and learn.
Parents and caregivers of young children on the NDIS receive individual funding that they use to pay for therapies and other supports which are largely delivered on a one-to-one basis outside these settings.
For families, it can be confusing and difficult to choose between different NDIS supports and providers to work out what will be best for their child.
Rather than providing individualised funding to families, Thriving Kids will leverage existing systems including:
infant or child and maternal systems (community-based nurses who see children at health and developmental check-ups from birth to 3.5 years)
GPs
early learning centres
community centres
schools.
These are services most families are already engaged with. The minister says this should result in a more integrated and universal offering to all children – not just children with disability.
New Medicare items will be introduced so families are able to continue to access allied health services such as occupational therapy, speech pathology and psychosocial therapy. We don’t know whether families will have to contribute towards the cost of these services.
Whether Thriving Kids delivers all that is promised will depend on the design of the program and whether it can be effectively implemented, particularly within a short time frame.
Although the government has said access processes to the NDIS will not change until 2027, a number of families over the past six months have found their child has been reassessed and determined ineligible for the scheme.
Yet there are few other support options for these families. An important step will be making sure that while Thriving Kids is being established, children and families don’t miss out on support.
There could be some challenges
Over the past year, relations between state/territory and federal governments have become more fractious.
Thriving Kids will be a national program led by the federal government, but will require close work with other levels of government if it’s to be successful.
States and territories are responsible for many of the services that Thriving Kids will leverage. This program will also need good understanding of local areas to make sure it’s appropriate and doesn’t lead to any gaps in services.
Some experts have argued that we have seen diagnostic drift in relation to autism in recent years, with some children being diagnosed as having moderate autism when previously it would have been diagnosed as mild.
Creating a system where some children are eligible for the NDIS (such as those with severe autism) and others for Thriving Kids (those with mild to moderate developmental delays or autism) could accentuate this. Some health professionals or families may seek a diagnosis that gives them access to better support.
Costs and pricing also need to be harmonised across systems, so families are not incentivised to access services through one system over the other. Services and support funded through Thriving Kids should not incur out-of-pocket costs and payments to providers should not differ between the systems.
Another challenge will be to ensure those groups who are most marginalised and disadvantaged under the current NDIS – for example culturally and linguistically diverse families or Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people – receive equitable benefits from the Thriving Kids program.
Helen Dickinson receives funding from NHMRC, ARC, MRFF and Australian governments.
Anne Kavanagh receives funding from the NHMRC, MRFF, ARC, MS Australia, and the Australian government.
Catherine Smith has previously received research funding from Children and Young People with Disability Australia (CYDA) and Down Syndrome Victoria.
It’s too early to make a judgement about how productive the government’s economic reform (also known as productivity roundtable) will be, but the fact it’s behind closed doors is making it a rather amorphous affair to follow.
Its sessions are clearly defined, and there seems agreement Treasurer Jim Chalmers is proving a good chair. But, although participants are not sworn to silence about the conversation in the room, what’s coming out depends partly on which players decide to be interviewed or to chat in the corridors.
Talking to the ABC, the ACTU’s Sally McManus admitted to feeling rather lonely in some of the discussions. This followed business representatives on Tuesday predictably shooting down a union proposal for a training levy on employers.
Apart from the financial burden, a similar scheme was less than effective previously.
McManus also anticipated that “I think it may be a bit lonely on AI, but we’ll see”. The unions want substantial regulation of AI; business and Chalmers favour a light touch.
Meanwhile, Nationals senator Matt Canavan organised for Wednesday an alternative roundtable, held in a parliamentary committee room, that he dubbed the “real productivity roundtable”. Canavan worked for the Productivity Commission in an earlier life.
A while after the current chair of the Productivity Commission, Danielle Wood, addressed the Chalmers roundtable, Gary Banks, who once headed that commission, told the Canavan gathering, “the government’s productivity agenda is mainly a spending agenda”.
“It’s not one that involves, well as to date anyway, the kind of regulatory reforms that are needed.” Indeed, he said, energy and labour markets were areas that had been “casualties” of reform.
In the cabinet room, Wood had a stack of slides documenting the productivity problem and how to tackle the “thicket” of regulations.
On its day two, the roundtable had substantial discussions about housing and the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act, both hampered by excessive regulation.
There was also consideration of a road user charge. That was strongly advocated by former treasury secretary Ken Henry.
The chair of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, Gina Cass-Gottlieb, told the roundtable Commonwealth regulators – all 22 of them apparently – were working together to improve the regulatory regime.
“There is a recognition of the critical element of reducing regulatory duplication […] including in information gathering,” she said.
Chalmers said that on the regulatory challenge, the government had “more than 100 ideas we’re progressing, about 100 that require legislative change and about 100 that we’re still considering”.
He said a lot of those ideas weren’t ambitious enough. “Some are”, he said, and gave the example of RG97 (a regulation relating to restrictions on superannuation funds that has the effect of discouraging investment in housing).
Chalmers flagged he wanted the regulators to be “even more ambitious” in their ideas to boost productivity.
Former head of the ACCC Rod Sims, talking in the session about competition, made an obvious but important point.
“Doing things that mean we ‘can’ increase productivity does not mean that we ‘will’ increase productivity. Boosting skills, or lowering taxes may increase the ‘can’ but not the ‘will’. To get increased productivity we need increased competition so that companies are required to increase their performance to remain competitive.”
Chalmers said at the end of day two that it had been “dominated by how we can boost housing supply, how we can responsibly reduce and improve regulation and speed up approvals”.
“I’m really encouraged by the consensus in the room for economic reform in these areas, and we’re enthusiastic about some of the policies that participants put on the table.
“We’ve already got a big agenda to ease the burden on businesses, cut red tape and build more homes but we’re keen to do more where we can.
“There is a real prospect of a useful consensus emerging on a number of key reform areas.”
The message from Canavan after his (much briefer) roundtable was: “to make our economy bigger, we need to make our government smaller”.
Day three of the roundtable is about budget sustainability. Minister for Health and Ageing, and Minister for Disability and the National Disability Scheme, Mark Butler has already announced his bit on that quest, outlining at the National Press Club on Wednesday plans to curb the huge growth in the NDIS.
On Wednesday evening, the roundtable participants went off to The Lodge for drinks, and to meet Toto the dog, who had played her part by posing with the prime minister and treasurer in their show of pre-roundtable unity on Monday.
The rebel roundtable attendees had earlier snacked on protein balls and Anzac biscuits.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Danielle Ireland-Piper, Associate Professor of Law, National Security College, Australian National University
The Australian government has cancelled the visa of Israeli politician Simcha Rothman, setting off a diplomatic falling out that’s escalated over the course of the week.
Rothman is a member of a far-right political party, Mafdal-Religious Zionism, which is part of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s ruling coalition.
Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke says the visa was cancelled because of comments Rothman had made about Palestinian children. Israel then retaliated by revoking the visas of some Australian diplomats.
While the government stands by the decision in the face of intense criticism from Netanyahu, the Liberal Party has had a different take. Shadow Home Affairs Minister Andrew Hastie has said the government shouldn’t be stopping foreign elected representatives from entering the country.
These sorts of cancellations raise a number of issues, including freedom of expression, public safety, national security and international law.
So what does the law say about whether foreign politicians should be subject to different rules, particularly ones from nations with which Australia has diplomatic ties?
The basic visa laws
Australia’s federal government has discretion over which non-citizens can enter the country. Other than the specific rights of those seeking protection under international law, such as refugees, the capacity of a non-citizen to enter Australia is a privilege, not a right.
This is a big part of how all nations protect their sovereignty.
There are several grounds on which a minister can decline a visa. These include someone’s criminal record and concerns about domestic violence or terrorist activity.
The minister can also consider the risk of vilification of a segment of the community, including conduct likely to be incompatible with the smooth operation of a multicultural society.
It is not unusual for visas to be cancelled or knocked back for this reason. Notably, a Palestinian cookbook author, Mona Zahed, also had her visa cancelled this month for reportedly expressing support for the terrorist organisation Hamas.
These cases can have broader implications for freedom of expression, generally. Constitutionally, for example, the implied freedom of political communication can lawfully be burdened where there is a legitimate public interest (like protection from vilification). The means used must be proportionate to that legitimate public interest.
Overall, the minister is to consider the best interests of the Australian community.
Importantly, ministerial decisions about visas cannot be reviewed. The minister’s decision is final.
What about foreign politicians?
For private individuals, the way visa laws are applied is relatively straightforward.
Rothman’s case is more complicated. He is not merely an individual travelling to Australia to air personal views, but a member of a democratically elected government with which Australia has diplomatic relations. Rothman is the chair of the Knesset’s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee.
Under international law, heads of state, ministers and diplomats have a special status and can be generally seen to be acting on behalf of the nation-state.
This means the decision to revoke the visa of a senior politician may make a political statement not just about a person, but a government and, by extension, a state.
This is why it has implications for Australia’s international relations, despite the fact Rothman is not a foreign or senior minister.
Not cancelling the visa may also have signalled a political and legal position on the actions of Israel in relation to the conflict in Gaza. Rothman is part of a government whose prime minister is the subject of a warrant from the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes, including:
starvation as a method of warfare, and
intentionally directing an attack against the [Gazan] civilian population.
Further, even if we accept the argument that Rothman is visiting as an official representative of the state of Israel, then it is relevant to consider the current international position of Israel.
In July 2024, the International Court of Justice delivered an advisory opinion confirming its view that the occupation of Palestine was illegal. It said Israel had an obligation to leave the occupied territory.
Australia seeks to promote the international rule of law to the world, so these matters may be relevant factors.
Social cohesion means safety
This is also a national security issue.
In February 2025, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) Director-General Mike Burgess gave his annual threat assessment. He noted a “polarised, grievance-rich environment” in which “social cohesion will remain strained and we can expect spikes in communal violence”.
This observation was made against a backdrop of a widely reported and marked increase in antisemitic and Islamaphobic incidents in Australia since October 2023.
In the year after the October 7 Hamas attacks on Israel, the Executive Council of Australian Jewry reported a 316% increase in the number of reported antisemitic incidents in Australia compared with the same period in the previous year.
The Islamophobia Register Australia has recorded a surge of more than 530% in Islamophobic incidents being reported between October 2023 and July 2025.
A 2024 report on social cohesion showed negative attitudes towards Muslims remain by far the highest of any single faith group for more than ten years.
This unrest threatens both the safety of individuals and the stability of our entire society. It increases our vulnerability to external threats, including foreign interference. This may have also been taken into consideration when deciding whether to cancel the visa.
A fine balancing act
In short, freedom of expression is a basic human right and our relationships with other countries matter, even countries with whom we disagree.
After all, Australia receives many foreign officials from countries that may not share our values. Decisions like these have consequences for our international relations.
At this point in history, however, we should take care when considering to whom we grant a platform.
The issue of visa cancellations of foreign officials is complex and nuanced. There is not always an easy answer.
Danielle Ireland-Piper has previously received funding from the Department of Defence.
The peak body of Australian Jewry has delivered a stinging rebuke to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as strongly chastising Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, in letters to the two leaders.
The Executive Council of Australia Jewry has told both leaders, in the letters sent on Wednesday, to address their two governments’ policy differences “through diplomacy rather than public posturing”, and accused them of playing to their respective domestic constituencies.
In the letter to Netanyahu, the council condemned his denouncing Albanese on social media as “a weak politician who betrayed Israel and abandoned Australia’s Jews”.
It said these comments were “inflammatory and provocative, and demonstrated a woeful lack of understanding of social and political conditions in Australia”.
“These comments have played straight into the hands of opponents of Israel and antisemites, to the detriment of the Australian Jewish community.
“Had we been consulted, we would have warned against such a clumsy intervention into Australia’s domestic politics. The charge of antisemitism, whether made directly or indirectly, is a serious one and never to be made lightly. Doing so only invites scepticism, and undermines the efforts we and the government have been making to combat this pernicious phenomenon.”
In both letters the council expressed “deep dismay and concern” at the “war of words” between the two leaders. Both parties had been at fault, it said.
In the letter to Albanese the council said his July 30 statement accusing Netanyahu of being “in denial” about the consequences of the Gaza war “was excessive and gratuitously insulting”.
“It was unseemly for an Australian Prime Minister to depart from diplomatic norms concerning the leader of a country with which Australia has had friendly relations for many decades.
“You could simply have said that you vehemently disagreed with the Israeli Prime Minister, without descending into a personal attack,” the letter said.
It also condemned Wednesday’s comment by Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke, who, responding to Netanyahu’s description of Albanese as weak, said, “strength is not measured by how many people you can blow up, or how many children you can leave hungry”.
“This from a senior minister whose responsibilities go directly to maintaining social cohesion in Australia, a priority to which you have repeatedly committed your government,” the letter said.
The council told both leaders, “the Australian Jewish community will not be left to deal with the fallout of a spat between two leaders who are playing to their respective domestic audiences”.
The dramatically deteriorating relations between the traditional allies has presented a fork in the road for many Australian Jews, with leading figures increasingly critical of the Israeli prime minister.
Albanese on Wednesday said of the Netanyahu attack, “I don’t take these things personally. I engage with people diplomatically. He has had similar things to say about other leaders.”
The Israeli government is reacting to Albanese’s announcement Australia will recognise a Palestinian state, and the government’s refusal of visas for high profile Israeli figures to visit Australia, including right wing parliamentarian Simcha Rothman.
Sky News has revealed Netanyahu also wrote to Albanese on Monday accusing him of “pouring fuel on this antisemitic fire” by the Palestinian decision.
Ophir Falk, foreign policy adviser to Netanyahu, told the ABC late Wednesday, the Albanese government was “morally bankrupt”.
“Instead of supporting Israel and demanding the unconditional and the immediate release of the hostages, the Australians government chooses to recognise a Palestinian state, on the backdrop of the October 7 massacre. It’s a huge, huge, huge prize for terrorism.”
Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar told the Erin Molan Show this week that “what the Australian government is doing these days is shameful”.
“Instead of battling against antisemitism in Australia, as they should, they are doing the opposite – they are fuelling antisemitism.”
He described as “mad” the government’s banning “the entrance to Australia of Israeli politicians and other figures, with no justification, by saying that will be against the public order or will cause emotions among the Muslim population in Australia.” This was “totally false”, he said.
Albanese told a news conference, “Australians look at their TV coverage […] They look at the increased settler violence in the West Bank, they look at the decision that Israel has made in March to restrict the access of aid, food and water that people in Gaza needed, and they look at that and they think that something needs to change. The cycle of violence needs to change. Australia is a part of a global community.”
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
During the past 22 months in Gaza, the pattern has become unbearable yet tragically predictable: A journalist reports about civilians; killed or starved, shares footage of a hospital corridor, shelters bombed out, schools and homes destroyed, and then they are silenced.
Killed.
At the Committee to Protect Journalists we documented that 2024 was the deadliest year for journalists, with an unprecedented number of those killed by Israel reporting from Gaza while covering Israel’s military operations.
That trend did not end; it continued instead in 2025, making this war by far the deadliest for the press in history.
When a journalist is killed in a besieged war city, the loss is no longer personal. It is institutional, it is the loss of eyes and ears on the ground: a loss of verification, context, and witness.
Journalists are the ones who turn statistics into stories. They give names to numbers and faces to headlines. They make distant realities real for the rest of the world, and provide windows into the truth and doors into other worlds.
That is why the killing of Anas al-Sharif last week reverberates so loudly, not just as a tragic loss of one life, but as a silencing of many stories that will now never be told.
Not just reporting Anas al-Sharif was not just reporting from Gaza, he was filling a vital void. When international journalists couldn’t access the Strip, his work for Al Jazeera helped the world understand what was happening.
On August 10, 2025, an airstrike hit a tent near al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City where journalists had gathered. Al-Sharif and several of his colleagues were killed.
The strike — its method, its targets, and its aftermath – wasn’t isolated. It fits a pattern CPJ and other press freedom organisations have tracked for months: in Gaza, journalists are facing not just the incidental risks of war, but repeated, targeted threats.
And so far, there has been no accountability.
The Israeli military framed its action differently: officials alleged that al-Sharif was affiliated with Hamas and that the attack was aimed at a legitimate threat. But so far, the evidence presented publicly failed to meet the test of independent witnesses; no public evidence has met the basic standard of independent verification.
UN experts and press freedom groups have called for transparent investigations, warning of the danger in labelling journalists as combatants without clear, verifiable proof.
In the turmoil of war, there’s a dangerous tendency to accept official narratives too quickly, too uncritically. That’s exactly how truth gets lost.
Immediate chilling effect The repercussions of silencing reporters in a besieged territory are far-reaching. There is the immediate chilling effect: journalists who stay risk death; those who leave — if they even can — leave behind untold stories.
Second, when local journalists are killed, international media have no choice but to rely increasingly on official statements or third-party briefings for coverage, many with obvious biases and blind spots.
And third, the families of victims and the communities they represented are denied both justice and memory.
Al-Sharif’s camera recorded funerals and destroyed homes, bore witness to lives cut short. His death leaves those images without a voice, pointing now only into silence.
We also need to name the power dynamics at play. When an enormously powerful state with overwhelming military capability acts inside a densely populated area, the vast majority of casualties will be civilians — those who cannot leave — and local reporters, who cannot shelter.
This is not a neutral law of physics; it is the to-be-anticipated result of how this war waged in a space where journalists will not be able to go into shelter.
We have repeatedly documented that journalists killed in this war are Palestinian — not international correspondents. The most vulnerable witnesses, those most essential to documenting it, are also the most vulnerable to being killed.
So what should the international community and the world leaders do beyond offering condolences?
Demand independent investigation For starters, they must demand an immediate, independent investigation. Not just routine military reviews, but real accountability — gathering evidence, preserving witness testimony, and treating each death with the seriousness it deserves.
Accountability cannot be a diplomatic nicety; it must be a forensic process with witnesses and evidence.
Additionally, journalists must be protected as civilians. That’s not optional. Under international law, reporters who aren’t taking part in the fighting are civilians — period.
That is an obligation not a choice. And when safety isn’t possible, we must get them out. Evacuate them. Save their lives. And in doing so, allow others in — international reporters who can continue telling the story.
We are past the time for neutrality. The use of language like “conflict”, “collateral damage”, or “civilian casualties” cannot be used to deflect responsibility, especially when the victims are people whose only “crime” was documenting human suffering.
When the world loses journalists like Anas al-Sharif, it loses more than just one voice. We lose a crucial balance of power and access to truth; it fails to maintain the ability to understand what’s happening on the ground. And future generations lose the memory — the record — of what took place here.
Stand up for facts The international press community, human rights organisations, and diplomatic actors need to stand up. Not just for investigations, but for facts. Families in Gaza deserve more than empty statements. They deserve the truth about who was killed, and why. So does every person reading this from afar.
And the journalists still risking everything to report from inside Gaza deserve more than sympathy. They deserve protection.
The killing of journalists — like those from Al Jazeera — isn’t just devastating on a human level. It’s a direct attack on journalism itself. When a state can murder reporters without consequence, it sends a message to the entire world: telling the truth might cost you your life.
I write this as someone who believes that journalism is, above all, a moral act. It’s about bearing witness. It’s about insisting that lives under siege are still lives that matter, still worth seeing.
Silencing a journalist doesn’t just stop a story — it erases a lifetime of effort to bring others into view.
The murder of al-Sharif isn’t just another tragedy. It’s an assault on truth itself, in a place where truth is desperately needed. If we let this keep happening, we’re not just losing lives — we’re losing the last honest witnesses in a world ruled by force.
And that’s something we can’t afford to give up.
Sara Qudahis the regional director for Middle East and North Africa of the Committee to Protect Journalists.Sara on LinkedIn: Sara Qudah
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Duygu Yengin, Associate Professor of Economics; President, Economic Society of Australia (SA); Deputy Chair, Women in Economics Network, University of Adelaide
Productivity is the buzzword at this week’s economic reform roundtable in Canberra. It’s about how effectively we turn our time, skills and resources into goods and services. Who wouldn’t want to get more done with less?
Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time — important for all of us but especially for young people with their working life ahead of them.
The problem is Australia is falling behind. The Reserve Bank now expects productivity to grow by just 0.7% a year, which in turn will drag down wage growth.
Yet even now, with just one day left of the summit, we’re yet to hear much about a multi-billion-dollar opportunity: boosting women’s workforce participation.
What have you done for growth today?
Day two of the three-day roundtable focused on cutting red tape, boosting innovation with AI, and keeping markets competitive. Tackling these issues means asking hard questions and finding real answers. In Wood’s words,
No one wants to be the ‘big meanie’, but not delivering enough housing, infrastructure or innovation comes with a cost.
Wood has explained boosting productivity requires a “growth mindset” and steady, incremental reforms. Every policy — from housing and infrastructure to innovation and care — should consider its impact on long-term growth.
She reportedly told Tuesday’s session the government should review sectors where growing regulatory burdens are a concern, especially construction and finance.
Some of the attendees on Tuesday discussed a pause on changes to the National Construction Code, which governs building standards but has blown out to 2,000 pages.
Similarly, former Treasury Secretary Ken Henry, who is attending the roundtable, has called out Australia’s system of environmental impact assessments as “slow, opaque, duplicative, and contested”.
Regulation was a consistent theme of the day. Australia ranks 14th in a World Bank study for ease of doing business.
Red tape delays housing and climate projects and burdens care providers with overlapping accreditation rules. Half of small businesses said they spent more time on regulatory compliance than the year before. There is backlog of 30,000 housing projects waiting for environmental approval. The average renewables project takes 500 days for approval.
Streamlining these processes is central to lifting productivity. As Treasurer Jim Chalmers told the participants:
Making sure approvals can be quicker, without ignoring our responsibility to our communities or to the environment.
Is AI coming to the rescue?
Next on the agenda was artificial intelligence (AI) and innovation.
A recent report by the Productivity Commission estimates AI could add more than 4% to labour productivity and $116 billion in economic activity, over the next decade.
In the public sector, AI can sift through huge amounts of data, spot problems, and support faster, smarter decision-making. If used carefully, it could cut costs, improve efficiency, and make public services more transparent and accountable.
OECD data shows about 70% of countries use AI to improve internal operations, and 67% apply it to public service design and delivery.
Competition matters too
Also on the agenda was “economic dynamism”. Dynamic markets encourage firms to try new ideas, adopt better technologies, and work more efficiently.
The stakes are high. In just a year, business efficiency, covering productivity, management practices, and the labour market, dropped from 22nd to 37th in Institute for Management Development’s World Competitiveness Ranking.
Wood flagged that inconsistent state regulations hold businesses back. A national approach, guided by the National Competition Policy, could make it easier to start and grow businesses across borders.
We talk about productivity, but overlook half the workforce
Productivity is about removing barriers so innovation and growth can happen. Day two made it clear: cut red tape, embrace AI, keep markets dynamic.
Yet one major driver is being overlooked, including so far at this summit: women’s productivity.
Australian women make up just 39.6% of full-time workers. Almost half are in part-time roles, well above the rich country average of 28%.
With 80% of Australians in gender-segregated jobs, many women’s skills sit idle, contributing to skill shortages and slowing productivity.
Life still built for a 1950s family
The biggest barrier is care. Nearly six in ten women who want to work but aren’t available say caring for children or family is the reason, compared to just 7% of men.
School finishes well before the workday ends, and after-school care is scarce. Everyday systems – from sports to medical appointments and therapy – still assume a parent, usually the mother, is free in the middle of the day.
Mental load translates into stress, burnout, and lower productivity. About 61% of women report experiencing burnout in the past year due to balancing home and work.
The economic cost
The cost is huge. If women’s workforce participation matched men’s, there would be an additional one million workers with post-school qualifications, boosting economic growth by 8.7% or $31 billion by 2050.
This would be enough to fund universal after-school and early childhood care many times over. Publicly provided care also improves children’s long-term labour outcomes and future productivity.
The gains wouldn’t just come from more hours worked. They would come from better use of skills, more women in higher-paying and higher-skilled jobs, and reduced career interruptions.
Despite record female workforce participation, men still out-earn women in 98% of occupations. A 25-year-old mother is on track to earn $2 million less over her lifetime than a father, costing the economy an estimated $93 billion a year.
Equal Pay Day on August 19 was a reminder that women must work 50 extra days a year just to catch up. Closing the gap could lift long-term productivity growth by 5.7%. It’s a reform too big to ignore.
Duygu Yengin is affiliated with the Women in Economics Network and the Economic Society of Australia.
Talking about suicide can feel scary. But new data has found one in three Australian teenagers have thought about, planned or attempted suicide in the last 12 months – so starting the conversation is crucial.
The report, released on Tuesday by the Australian Institute of Family Studies, found female teens were more likely (38%) than males (31%) to report suicidal thoughts and behaviours. These peaked for both at 16–17 years old.
For girls these experiences begin to decline after 17. But for boys they either stayed the same or, in the case of planning, continued to increase between 17 and 19.
Worryingly, for some (9% of males and 6% of females) a suicide attempt did not always involve prior thinking or planning.
But there can be warning signs.
If you’re concerned about your teenager, or you notice changes in how they’re talking or behaving, it’s best to speak up. You might worry it will make things worse, but research confirms there is no harm and can actually help. Asking directly and listening without judgement lets your teen know they’re not alone.
Signs your teen might be struggling
Suicidal thoughts can be difficult to spot, but there are things you can look for. These include:
“You don’t seem like yourself right now. I care about you – is it okay if we talk?”
Give them space to talk. Don’t interrupt or try to fix things straight away. Just listen and thank them for trusting you if they open up.
How to ask about suicide and why it matters
This is the hardest part, but it’s also the most important. If you’re really worried, ask directly:
“Are you thinking about suicide?”
“Have you thought about ending your life?”
Avoid saying things like “You’re not thinking about doing something silly, are you?” This can feel dismissive or judgmental.
If they say yes, try to understand more:
“Do you have a plan for how you would end your life?”
“Have you thought about when or how you would end your life?”
“Have you done anything to prepare?”
People who have a plan are usually at the highest immediate risk of suicide. These questions can help you assess how serious things are and whether to seek assistance from emergency services.
What to do next
If you’re worried your teen is in immediate danger – for example, if they have a plan and intend to act on it – call 000 and ask for an ambulance.
Let them know you love them and that there is hope. Stay with them until help arrives.
At the emergency department, a mental health worker will assess your child and may speak with you both together and separately. They may recommend admission, but more often your child will go home with a treatment plan and a handover for your GP. They may also arrange for a community-based follow up.
If your teen refuses to go in an ambulance, you can contact the local Crisis Assessment and Treatment Team (CATT) through your closest public hospital. This is sometimes called the Psychiatric Emergency Team (PET).
These teams involve mental health professionals who can assess the risk and decide how best to support your teen. This may be a home visit or a stay in hospital.
If they’re not in immediate danger, take your teen to a GP, who can create a mental health treatment plan and refer them to a specialist such as a psychologist or psychiatrist.
There can be long wait times for a specialist appointment. While you wait, you may want to ask your GP to help develop a plan with practical strategies. Or you can visit a walk-in Medicare mental health centre, which provides immediate, free, short and medium-term care. You can also access free and immediate support from the organisations listed below.
It’s also a good idea to work together on a safety plan – a step-by-step guide for what to do if the thoughts come back. Free tools such as the Beyond Now app can help them create and share this plan.
Don’t forget to look after yourself
Supporting a child with suicidal thoughts is incredibly hard and feeling scared, exhausted or helpless is normal.
13YARN (First Nations support): 13 92 76 or 13yarn.org.au.
Reaching out can feel scary, but it can make a real difference, and it might be what your child needs most right now.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Personality tests have become increasingly popular in daily life. From hiring to dating, they promise to help us understand who we are and how we are similar, or different, to others.
But do these tests paint an accurate picture? And could it be harmful to take them too seriously?
What are personality tests?
A personality test is an instrument designed to elicit a response that may reveal someone’s “personality” – that is, their patterns of behaving and thinking across different situations.
These tests can take the form of self-reporting questionnaires, such as the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (first developed in the 1940s) and the Big Five Inventory (developed in the 1990s).
Or they may be “projective” tests, where the individual talks freely about their interpretation of ambiguous stimuli. One famous example of this is the Rorschach inkblot test, developed in the early 1920s by Swiss psychiatrist Hermann Rorschach.
The first card in the Rorschach inkblot test. There are ten cards in total. Wikimedia
Early beginnings
Personality testing isn’t new. Historical texts from across the globe suggest humans have been interested in understanding and categorising personality for thousands of years.
Around 400 BCE, Greek philosopher Hippocrates suggested an individual’s temperament was influenced by the balance of four bodily fluids, known as “humours”.
Even earlier, around 1115 BCE, government officials in ancient China examined the behaviour and character of individuals to determine their suitability for different jobs in the public system.
However, the systematic and scientific development of tools to understand and categorise personality only began in the 20th century.
One of the first was developed in 1917 by the United States army to predict how new recruits may react to war, and whether they were at risk of “shell shock” (now classified as post-traumatic stress disorder). The goal was to identify individuals who may be unsuitable for combat.
This assessment had 116 “yes” or “no” items, including questions about somatic symptoms, social adjustment, and medical and family history. Examples included “Have you ever fainted away?” and “Do you usually feel well and strong?”. Those who scored highly were referred to a psychologist for further assessment.
Since then, thousands of similar “personality” tests have been developed and used across clinical, occupational and educational settings. Many of these, such as the Myers-Briggs test, have gained mainstream appeal thanks to the internet and media.
Why are we drawn to these tests?
The answer to this lies not in the specific characteristics of the tests, but in the deep-seated psychological need they promise to satisfy.
The drive to understand oneself starts at an early age and continues throughout life. We ask ourselves questions such as “who am I?” and “how do I fit into the world?”
Personality tests are a simple way to get answers to these difficult questions. It can be quite comforting – even exhilarating – to see yourself reflected in the results.
According to American psychologist Abraham Maslow’s theory of human needs, people are driven towards self-improvement and “self-actualisation”, which broadly refers to the realisation of one’s potential.
So, people may be drawn to personality tests in the hope that knowing their personality “type” will help them make better choices for their personal growth, whether that’s in their career, relationships, or health.
Maslow also identified another human need: the need for belonging. Learning your personality type, and the types of those around you, is one way to find “your kind of people”. According to social identity theory, finding a group we feel we belong to feeds back into our sense of who we are.
One of the main critiques is that completing the test more than once within a short period of time can generate different results (what is called poor “test-retest reliability”). Since personality is generally stable in the short-term, you would ideally expect the same results.
Furthermore, Myers-Briggs and similar tests use broad, positive, and sufficiently vague language when describing personality types. In doing so, they effectively harness the “Barnum effect” or “Forer effect”: the tendency for people to accept general statements as unique descriptions of themselves.
Sound familiar? That’s because horoscopes do the same thing. The results of horoscopes and personality tests can “feel right” because they are designed to resonate with universal human experiences and aspirations.
That said, personality tests are still routinely used in research and clinical practice – although experts suggest using measures that are proven to be scientifically sound.
One common test used in clinical practice is the revised form of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI-2-RF). This 338-item test measures problematic personality traits that may impact an individual’s mental health.
While it has its own set of problems, the MMPI-2-RF is useful in accurately assessing for symptoms of personality disorders, and predicting how different personality traits may impact treatment outcomes.
Taking tests too seriously
If you pigeonhole yourself into a rigid personality type, you run the danger of limiting yourself to the boundaries of this label. You may even use the label to excuse your own or others’ problematic behaviours as “just ESTP things”.
Moreover, by seeing the world purely through these simplified categories, we may ignore the fact that personality can evolve over long periods. By putting others, or ourselves, into a box, we fail to see people as individuals who are capable of change and growth.
While there’s nothing wrong with taking a personality test for fun, out of curiosity, or even to explore aspects of your identity, it’s important to not get too attached to the labels – lest they become all that you are.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A small Australian trial that used psychedelic-assisted therapy to improve the mental health and wellbeing of terminally ill patients is in the news today.
The results are based on research conducted in Melbourne involving 35 people. All had an advanced, life-threatening illness, such as cancer or motor neurone disease. They also had anxiety and/or depression.
In the first part of the trial, they took either a synthetic version of psilocybin (usually found in magic mushrooms) or a placebo. In the second part, all participants took psilocybin.
Patients had psychotherapy with trained clinicians before and after taking the drugs.
Benefits included reduced symptoms of anxiety and depression, and improved spiritual wellbeing and quality of life.
One person withdrew from the trial due to anxiety during dosing. Others withdrew for a number of reasons unrelated to the treatment, including their medical condition worsening, leaving 25 people to complete the trial.
Several clinical trials in Australia and New Zealand are testing psychedelic drugs for a range of conditions. For example, trials have focused on depression, anxiety, prolonged grief, anorexia and addiction.
Psychedelic-assisted therapy offers promise. But in other new research, which has been accepted for publication, we show that the path to safe and equitable access is complex.
For about two years, Australian psychiatrists have had a legal pathway to do this. They’ve been allowed to prescribe MDMA and psilocybin for specific mental health conditions.
When the scheme began in July 2023, Australia became the first country to establish a national, regulated clinical model for these therapies.
The psychiatrist then applies to the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), Australia’s medicines regulator, to become an “authorised prescriber” of MDMA for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or psilocybin for treatment-resistant depression (depression that hasn’t responded to other treatments).
The TGA’s decision to allow psychedelic-assisted therapy was controversial. Its own expert panel concluded the available evidence to support its use was of low quality.
Now, officials in the new US administration signal they may fast-track the approval of psychedelics for psychotherapy. This includes backing from Secretary of Health and Human Services, Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
Yet, the TGA has already issued more than a dozen warning letters for the unlawful promotion of MDMA and psilocybin, compelling clinics, researchers, and media outlets to remove or amend their advertising.
In the US, however, direct-to-consumer drug advertising is legal, pervasive – even celebrated. So medicalising psychedelics in the US would likely fuel online promotion that would inevitably influence Australian attitudes.
Evidence of therapist misconduct – including allegations of sexual abuse in the US clinical trials – was a key factor in the FDA’s decision to reject MDMA therapy.
This inconsistency between jurisdictions creates a “postcode lottery” for care.
A cautionary lesson?
Australia’s decision to medicalise psychedelics was a bold step. But the scheme’s flaws show that legalisation is not a simple switch.
It requires a robust, nationally consistent framework that prioritises patient safety and confronts the unique ethical risks of these powerful medicines.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The South Australian Royal Commission into Domestic, Family and Sexual Violence has released its final report. Led by Royal Commissioner Natasha Stott Despoja, the 700-page report presents findings from extensive consultations, including more than 380 written submissions, 800 survey responses, ten days of public hearings and submissions completed over 13 months.
The 136 recommendations provide a transformative roadmap to achieve “a once in generation opportunity” for reform. They cover the full spectrum of prevention, early intervention, response, recovery and healing. They also reflect the partnership between the royal commission and the commission’s Aboriginal Partnership Committee.
The royal commission was announced after four women were killed in South Australia in one week in November 2023. The report lays bare the breadth of violence across the community, finding that one in three women in the state experience physical or sexual violence in their lifetime.
Meaningful change means listening to people’s experiences
The report acknowledges that domestic, family and sexual violence is an ongoing experience, with cumulative harms and often lifelong impacts.
The report release is accompanied by the Voices report, which presents direct quotes from hundreds of victim-survivors and their family members. It emphasises that meaningful reform can only happen with these voices in mind.
The commission’s report also acknowledges individuals killed, as well as the adults, children and young people who have died by suicide as a result of domestic, family and sexual violence.
In 2024, the Australian government’s rapid review Unlocking the Prevention Potential acknowledged the need to improve understanding of, and responses to, family violence-related suicides.
Improving the response system
The commission found the state’s crisis response system is fragmented, crisis-driven and siloed. South Australian Police respond to approximately 100 domestic violence related call-outs each day. One-third of calls made to the state’s crisis line go unanswered because of under resourcing. This means “significant investment” will be required to build effective responses.
A 24-hour central hub for victim-survivors seeking help is recommended. Drawing from the Western Australian one-stop hub model, this would create an accessible, community-based entry point for domestic, family and sexual violence services across South Australia.
A core focus for reform is the need to invest in building and supporting the domestic, family and sexual violence workforce. Recommendations include setting up a workforce fund to attract and retain the workers needed in what has long been an under-resourced sector. The report also identifies the need to improve frontline responses across the entire system, including specialist training for police and judicial officers.
Other recommendations include:
reforms to consent laws and intervention orders
a statewide service for harmful sexual behaviour interventions
a new offence of facilitating a breach of a domestic violence order on behalf of the respondent
minimum standards for government-funded behaviour change programs
“vulnerable witness suites” in courts to ensure victim-survivors do not have to confront their perpetrator.
Preventing violence
The report details opportunities for prevention through education and whole of community approaches. It also recommends regulatory reforms and further attention is paid to alcohol and other drugs, gambling, pornography and online harms.
Aligning with calls made as part of the rapid review, specific recommendations made include liquor licensing reforms to restrict the sale and delivery of alcohol. It also recommends a review of state gambling legislation to give paramount consideration to harm minimisation and encourage reform.
The report recommends a primary prevention saturation model, which is based on whole of community prevention approaches. This would be informed by the Ballarat Community Saturation Model and the Our Town model. It recommends the model be piloted over four years in two community sites in partnership with local government.
Specific needs of children and young people
One of the defining features of the work of this royal commission has been its genuine commitment to fully understand and reflect the experiences of children and young people. As part of this commitment, I interviewed 53 teenage victim-survivors of domestic, family and sexual violence in South Australia. Their voices shaped both the standalone report Silence and Inaction and the commission’s final report, including in the framing of what constitutes coercive control, which recognises that parents and caregivers may use coercive and controlling behaviours against a child.
The recommendations focused on children and young people include to:
establish a child and young people specific lived experience advisory network
co-design and implement a government website to provide information targeted specifically for children and young people
co-design and develop innovative help seeking pathways for children and young people
ensure the safety of children is prioritised by police and police prosecutors in their inclusion on intervention orders.
If fully implemented, these reforms – among others included – will position South Australia as the leading jurisdiction in Australia to build whole of system responses to children and young people as victim-survivors in their own right.
Government response
The Malinauskas government has “immediately accepted” seven of the recommendations. These include to:
establish a standalone ministerial portfolio for domestic, family and sexual violence
develop a five-year statewide strategy
establish separate lived experience advisory networks for adults and children.
Premier Peter Malinauskas has committed to responding to all recommendations by year’s end.
The government has not yet announced the scale of investment that will follow. Meaningful reform will require significant funding. With the breadth and depth of the problem laid bare, this is a moment that demands courage, decisive action and substantive investment.
As Australia confronts the ongoing crisis of men’s violence against women and children, this survivor-centred, evidence-driven inquiry provides direction and hope for other jurisdictions. Its recommendations must not only be implemented in South Australia but considered by governments across the country.
Kate has received funding for research on violence against women and children from a range of federal and state government and non-government sources, including Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS), South Australian Government, ACT Government, Australian Childhood Foundation, and 54 Reasons. This piece is written by Kate Fitz-Gibbon in her role at Monash University. Kate is the Chair of Respect Victoria and a member of the Victorian Children’s Council.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kirsten Zemke, Pouako Matua (Senior Lecturer) in Ethnomusicology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau
Matariki has come and gone for another year, but the melody still shimmers. I’m referring in particular to a song released for the 2025 Māori new year: Matariki Hunga Nui – Calling Me Home, by Rob Ruha, Troy Kingi and Kaylee Bell.
Bilingual and line-dance friendly, the music video for the track featured many joining in the fun, including former politician Kiri Allan and artist-activist Tame Iti. The song brought a musical heritage back into contemporary consciousness: Māori country.
It might not seem the most typical Māori musical genre, with rap, reggae, R’n’B and pop more usually associated with Māori creativity. But there has been a long history of Māori engagement with country music – dating back to the beginnings of popular music in Aotearoa.
Māori musicians related to country music’s lyrical themes – longing, land, rural life, loneliness, love, humour, community – and excelled at the musicianship central to its style.
Beyond the genre aesthetics, this musical story is also entwined in colonial histories and global pop culture flows.
Country music in the United States might currently be associated with conservative (even racist) politics, making it possibly seem an odd choice for a song celebrating an Indigenous celestial remembrance. But country as a genre is deeply rooted in African American musical traditions – the banjo, spirituals, field songs, hymns.
Recently, African American artists such as queer rapper Li’l Nas X and Beyoncé have challenged erroneous racial and cultural associations. The backlash against Beyoncé’s 2024 Cowboy Carter album highlighted how many people were unaware of the musical and cultural reality of “Black Country”.
The Hawaiian sound
American country music is also indebted to Hawaiian innovations and artists, meaning Polynesian stylistic elements were already ingrained in the country oeuvre when it arrived in New Zealand.
The steel guitar was invented on the Hawaiian island of Oahu by Joseph Kekuku in 1885. The Spanish guitar had been introduced in the earlier 1800s and Kekuku modified the instrument (and its sound) to create the lap steel guitar.
This became wildly popular in the mainland US during the 1920s and 30s, eventually becoming a staple sound of what became known as country music.
In the mid-20th century, Pacific and Māori artists in New Zealand gravitated towards this “Hawaiian sound”. In 1949, the Ruru Karaitiana Quintette recording the first ever locally produced hit song, Blue Smoke, with Pixie Williams on vocals, heavily featuring Hawaiian guitar slides.
Later, Tongan New Zealanders Bill Sevesi and Bill Wolfgramme had popular hits and successful careers with their Hawaiian sound and deft lap steel playing.
The shift of the steel guitar from Hawaii/Pacific styles into local country music can be seen in Manu Rere (1955) by Johnny Cooper (who became known as “the Māori cowboy”), and the humorous locally-flavoured Dennis Marsh’s Have a Maori Hangi (formal release 2000).
The Māori showbands of the 1950s and 1960s performed a range of styles, including country, in high-energy, elaborate shows that toured the globe.
Featuring Māori waiata (songs) alongside comedy, popular American tunes, soul and Hawaiian sounds, these bands generated local stars, including Prince Tui Teka. You can hear the Hawaiian-country blend in his song Mum and his rendition of Freddy Fender’s When the Next Teardrop Falls.
Creative negotiation
By the 1970s, Māori artists such as Eddie Low and Dean Waretini were having country-flavoured local hits, further weaving the genre into the Māori music story.
And it’s impossible to even measure country’s popularity in the covers band scene, school concerts, marae, pubs and homes. While not Māori themselves, queer country singing sisters The Topp Twins collaborated with Māori composer Hirini Melbourne in 1984 on Ngā Iwi E, a country song sung in te reo Māori.
As US country music has branched into various sub-genres, from traditional Nashville and bluegrass to cowpunk, Americana and “red dirt”, Māori country artist Marlon Williams has embraced alternative country-and-western gothic, perhaps resonating with his own southern New Zealand roots.
“I want to think and dream in Māori,” he said of his 2025 country album Te Whare Tīwekaweka, sung entirely in te reo Māori. Of Ngāi Tahu and Ngāi Tai descent, Williams had been disconnected from his language, but this album saw him composing his own original waiata.
While not known specifically as a country artist, TEEKS (Te Karehana Gardiner-Toi) has a smoky, deep soul voice that evokes and embodies the Māori-country connection when he sings (check out his live 2019 cover of Bonnie Rait’s I Can’t Make You Love Me, for example).
There has been a thriving country music scene among Pākeha New Zealanders, too. But the Māori contribution to and enjoyment of the genre is integral to the story. That creative negotiation, between the worlds of US country and Māori waiata, lives on in Matariki Hunga Nui – Calling Me Home
This complex American genre offers a vehicle for Aotearoa to celebrate its own heritage in the present, remember the past and plan for the future … under the Matariki stars.
Kirsten Zemke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Most Australians invest much of their income into housing, making employment, education and retirement decisions based on the location, timing and strength of their housing investment.
Across the nation, the housing choices of the last four generations have shaped our cities’ economic success and productivity. Stable housing enabled development, and affordable housing provided a stable workforce fuelling this progress.
Yet, in recent decades, policymakers have largely lost sight of how important housing is for productivity. It’s pleasing to see it’s a focus of discussions at the government’s economic roundtable.
A key reason is that subcontracting has fragmented the construction industry. A head contractor signs on dozens of subcontractors. Then, costs grow due to days with no-one on site, or with delays due to a specific subcontractor being unavailable.
This will require rapid testing and scaling up a range of innovative technologies such as prefabrication, alternative materials (such as recycled steel), 3D printing and robotics to deliver housing more quickly, and standardisation to deliver more efficiently.
2. Use our housing stock more productively
As the population ages and household composition changes, we need to move beyond the myth of the quarter-acre block, Hills Hoist and Victa mower.
Greater stock diversity through townhouses, apartments and other higher density forms will narrow the mismatch between the housing stock and population needs.
Abolishing stamp duties on home purchases and replacing them with a broad-based land tax will also promote labour mobility and downsizing.
3. Streamline government responsibility for housing
If we want to increase housing supply and improve productivity, we need to consider integrated policy.
Federal and state governments need to think about impact: aligning the housing and cities portfolios under one minister, with a mandate to deliver housing first and foremost. We need to get away from multiple ministers and departments tripping over each other.
We’ve seen successful streamlining already in some states. In South Australia, ministers have combined housing and planning responsibility as the head of a housing “super department”.
Our regions have boomed in recent years and could grow further if governments gave priority to planning their future and delivering infrastructure, unlocking tens of thousands of new homes.
Pressure would come off big city housing markets, while more regional housing would provide the workforce needed to deliver national ambitions around a better connected electricity grid and strong regions.
Building more housing in the regions would help drive productivity outside the major cities. Unsplash, CC BY-NC
5. Embrace housing innovation
Australia has many housing markets that behave very differently across urban, regional and remote areas.
Waves of AI innovation not only provide the promise of streamlined planning processes, but now make it possible to generate precise predictions of housing behaviours at the individual level through machine learning models.
These are already being tested in the health sector to screen for disease risk.
They can be turned into reality in the housing space through partnerships built on leading edge housing and computing science.
Housing programs such as the HomeBuilder and Commonwealth Rent Assistance have earned unwelcome reputations for being badly targeted. Machine learning models offer much-needed tools to achieve laser-like precision in housing modelling.
This will deliver overdue improvements in housing policy designs.
Time for new thinking
We need to abandon the search for some singular silver bullet to solve the housing affordability crisis. It is time to tackle policy inertia and experiment with new solutions.
The Australian government, states and territories, the private sector and individual communities need to undertake pilots, acknowledge what fails and then scale-up the most promising innovations.
For instance, emerging construction methods could be pioneered in regional areas where the supply chain is fragile, then rolled out nationally.
As Australia’s productivity levels hit all-time lows, the need to understand, discuss and act upon the wider housing system has never been more urgent.
Like labour and capital investment, housing is essential economic infrastructure. It’s a massive and powerful lever that needs to be harnessed to reverse declines in productivity and revive prospects for long-term economic growth.
The authors would like to acknowledge the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute’s Managing Director, Michael Fotheringham, for his contributions to this article.
Emma Baker receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC), the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), and the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI).
Andrew Beer receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Centre, the City of Lithgow and the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute.
Rachel Ong ViforJ receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC) and Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI).
The AFL is facing a monumental stress test in its efforts to tackle homophobia, with one of the league’s biggest stars facing a season-ending suspension on the eve of the finals series.
Adelaide star Izak Rankine has joined a growing number of AFL players and coaches who have been sanctioned for anti-gay language in the past two seasons.
These offenders have been hit with suspensions, fines and mandatory sensitivity training.
However, Rankine’s case is putting the AFL’s policy under increased scrutiny because he is a star player on a league-leading team gearing up for its first finals run since 2017.
High stakes as finals loom
There is a high-stakes, on-field storyline here. The length of Rankine’s suspension will have a significant impact on how the finals play out.
Indeed, much of the coverage and commentary across AFL media is focused on how many games he will miss and how this will affect the Crows’ chances.
This demonstrates a shortcoming in how the AFL media understands and communicates cultural homophobia.
We have spent the past ten months researching homophobia in the AFL, specifically looking at how a cultural issue like homophobia is understood and communicated across AFL media.
We analysed news and commentary about instances of homophobic abuse across the 2024 season, from mainstream outlets including The Age, AFL Media and FoxFooty.
We found the reporting prioritised on-field consequences, precedent and punishment. This imagines homophobia as a problem of individual players to be “solved” with the right length of suspension.
While anti-gay slurs on the field clearly need to be stamped out, reporters and commentators also need to be telling a broader story about the AFL’s attempts to change its culture.
Homophobia and elite sports
There has long been a link between elite sports and homophobia.
Australian sporting institutions, such as the AFL or rugby league, have been accused of marginalising gay players. When violent masculinity is a valued attribute of a sporting culture, traits such as femininity or queerness can be seen as threats to a team’s success.
Indeed, homophobia is difficult for the AFL to reconcile, given it’s believed to be the only major sporting code in the world where no past or present male player has identified publicly as gay.
A slur isn’t a high bump or tackle
Researchers have noted how the Australian public’s appetite for year-round AFL news has empowered the league to act as a gate-keeper to stories and players, leading to favourable coverage.
In our yet-to-be-published research, we also found the decision-making processes of the AFL tribunal and the league’s integrity unit dictate the terms by which stories about impropriety or misconduct are constructed in AFL coverage.
This has implications on how a cultural challenge like homophobia is understood. It also affects how meaningfully the AFL is then compelled to respond.
Themes of “precedent”, “consistency” and “fairness” are overwhelmingly represented in coverage of homophobic incidents.
All of these themes are focused on punishment against a player for their transgression.
This is inadequate for understanding long-held cultural problems, because it presents intolerance as contained and solvable. Punishment may be deemed “too soft” or “an overreaction”, but it is then the end of the story.
The tribunal is generally a mechanism for dealing with physical harm during play. This means reportage also encourages a strange debate in football media about the severity and context of using anti-gay slurs.
In speculating on the precedent that Clarkson’s suspended ban set, AFL media voices – such as ESPN’s Footy Podcast – were awkwardly debating which homophobic slur was worse and why. One slur was likened to “striking” and the other “bumping”.
Notably, the reportage often falls short of interrogating the issue of homophobia beyond the incidents in question.
A high-profile investigation from Louise Milligan for Four Corners in 2023 was the most robust attempt so far. She observed the league was so resistant to her enquiries that the report was titled “the silence”.
That so many reports of anti-gay language and resulting suspensions have occurred since Milligan’s story is a promising sign the AFL is taking the issue seriously.
Yet, in obsessing over precedent, context and on-field consequences, coverage of anti-gay slurs individualises these incidents and moves the conversation onto the AFL’s terms.
A stress test on the AFL
The Rankine case is a turning point given the stakes: a star player of the ladder-topping team.
If precedent dictates a five-match suspension, he will miss a potential Grand Final.
The AFL has a reputational problem with homophobia that it has neglected for too long, and which likely dissuades gay players from coming out.
How the league responds to the high stakes of the Rankine case will be telling.
The story should not stop at a penalty against an individual, and the AFL needs to front harder questions about ongoing efforts to improve its culture.
Our research into the AFL media’s coverage of anti-gay abuse advocates instead for stronger and more consistent scrutiny into proactive measures by the AFL across all levels of its playing culture.
Problems such as homophobia require collective solutions: continuing to rely on punishment frameworks would be too soft.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 20, 2025.
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As the world grapples with myriad environmental problems, a growing number of studies shows the role of religion is key.
Religion influences people’s worldviews, including how we think about nature and our roles within it. This is true of Islam, one of the world’s biggest and fastest-growing religions.
Islamic teachings on protecting nature can help inform how we respond to the ecological and climate crises. In particular, Australia can look to our neighbour, Indonesia, where the “Green Islam” movement is growing.
So let’s take a closer look at how Islamic teachings promote care for nature, establishing common ground for environmental action across faiths and cultures.
What is Green Islam?
In Islam, humans are described as khalīfah, or caretakers of the Earth. Islamic teaching also states that Islam is rahmatan lil‘ālamīn – a mercy to all creation.
This means Muslims are responsible for the wellbeing of everything on Earth – humans, animals, plants, land and water. Taking care of the environment is considered an act of worship.
The colour green has always held special meaning in Islam. It is said to have been the Prophet Muhammad’s favoured colour, symbolising hope, paradise and new life.
The Qur’an – Islam’s sacred scripture and the main source of Islamic teaching – frequently discusses nature. It describes the sky, trees, rivers and animals, and the beauty of the natural world. It also reminds people to live in mīzān, or balance, with the environment, in verses such as:
He has raised up the sky. He has set the balance, so that you may not exceed in the balance: weigh with justice and do not fall short in the balance.
The hadith, another source of Islamic teaching, also promotes environmental care. The hadith is a collection of words, actions, and approvals attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, the last prophet of Islam. One such hadith refers to care for nature as an act of giving:
There is none amongst the Muslims who plants a tree or sows seeds, and then a bird, or a person or an animal eats from it, but is regarded as a charitable gift from him.
The emergence of Green Islam
While the Qur’an and hadith have long talked about nature, the Green Islam movement emerged much more recently.
Muslim scholar Seyyed Hossein Nasr was among the first to articulate the idea. In the late 1960s, he argued environmental problems were not only physical but also spiritual and moral. He believed people, regardless of their faith, should reconnect with spiritual values that teach care and balance.
In following decades, as environmental problems worsened, more Muslim voices began calling for environmental responsibility based on Islamic principles. This was supported by a growing body of research exploring the relationship between Islam and environmental care.
Over the past 25 years or so, Green Islam has moved from theory to real-life action. Today, the ideas are practised in many Muslim nations and communities around the world.
Indonesia is also the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, and is at the forefront of the Green Islam movement. There, Green Islam is helping to mobilise leaders and communities to support environmental protection.
Environmentalism is taught at Islamic schools across Indonesia. This is supported by the nation’s Green Islamic Boarding School program known as Pesantren Hijau.
Indonesia’s Islamic boarding schools, or pesantren, are large and well-established, and their teachers and students are well respected. This makes the school network an effective way to encourage green practices both within the schools and in the broader community.
In 2022, Indonesia’s national mosque, Istiqlal, became the world’s first place of worship to be environmentally certified by the International Finance Corporation.
The mosque building includes reflective paint for the roof and external walls, energy-saving lighting, smart energy meters and solar panels. It also features low-flow taps and water recycling. Professor Nasaruddin Umar, Grand Imam of Istiqlal, said the mosque had become a “centre of enlightenment for environmental protection”, adding:
Muslims feel a strong imperative for mosques to go green to enhance the quality of their worship and honour the leadership of the [Prophet Muhammad] Rasulullah SAW who insisted on the need to protect the environment.
The Indonesian government has also urged religious leaders to include environmental themes in sermons. For example, in April this year the Ministry of Religious Affairs encouraged preachers to talk about environmental protection during Friday prayers, to coincide with Earth Day.
Istiqlal Mosque includes solar panels among its environmentally-friendly features. Garry Lotulung/NurPhoto via Getty Images
To ensure more effective and respectful cooperation with Indonesia, Australia should recognise and respect how Green Islam can help care for our shared planet.
Looking to a green future
Prominent examples of Green Islam can be found around the world.
Morocco, for example, has a green mosques movement. In Egypt, the Islamic authority Dar al-Ifta has issued a “fatwa” (religious edict) prohibiting activities that harm nature.
And many countries support environmental initiatives through Green Sukuk, an instrument to fund eco-friendly projects that align with Islamic principles.
In a time of mounting ecological challenges, all sources of wisdom are vital. Islamic teachings, along with that of other faiths, offer guidance for living in harmony with nature. Together, they can inspire meaningful and practical action for the planet.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
LRG 3-757, or the Cosmic Horseshoe, where the yellow galaxy has magnified the light of the blue one farther away.NASA, ESA
Astronomers are living in a golden age of bigger and better telescopes. But even our most advanced technology pales in comparison to the power of nature’s own “cosmic magnifying glasses” – strong gravitational lenses.
With these lenses, we can look deep into the universe, and catch glimpses into the most puzzling of contemporary cosmic mysteries: dark matter and dark energy.
So, what are gravitational lenses and how do they work?
A spectacular demonstration of gravity
Gravitational lenses are the most visually spectacular demonstration of Albert Einstein’s theories of gravity.
According to Einstein, mass bends and warps the very fabric of space, in much the same way that a heavy bowling bowl placed on a mattress will bend the mattress beneath it.
Everything with mass (you, me, a leaf, an atom) bends space-time in this way.
But it’s only when an object is really massive – such as entire galaxies and clusters of galaxies – that this effect becomes so apparent. As light travels from distant objects and passes these massive galaxies, the warped space-time around them bends and focuses this light, magnifying it for us to see.
In this diagram, a cluster of many galaxies distorts the light-rays from another galaxy behind it. When viewed from Earth, we see the background galaxy as a warped and highly magnified arc around the foreground cluster. NASA, ESA & L. Calçada, CC BY
We’re not always in the right place to see this effect. Just like how you need to align a magnifying glass in front of your eye, we only observe the gravitational lensing effect when there is a chance alignment of the background object, the foreground lens, and us.
On the rare occasions when this happens, through our telescopes we see multiple, distorted but magnified versions of an object that we wouldn’t otherwise be able to see because it’s too faint.
The Hubble Space Telescope captures a striking gravitational lens called GAL-CLUS-022058s. Here, a cluster of galaxies is warping a background galaxy, giving us a close-up view of how this galaxy looked 9 billion years ago. ESA/Hubble & NASA, S. Jha Acknowledgement: L. Shatz, CC BY
Revealing the invisible
Even Einstein couldn’t have predicted how important gravitational lenses would become to modern astronomy. In fact, he believed them impossible to observe at all.
This was because Einstein was thinking about gravitational lensing around individual stars, not galaxies. It wasn’t until decades later that astronomers came to realise just how massive galaxies are, and just how full of them our universe is.
Impressively, gravitational lenses can also reveal details about things we can’t see at all.
Theories predict about 85% of the matter that makes up the universe is invisible stuff called dark matter. The way a gravitational lens bends and warps light allows us to measure how much matter is in galaxies – not just the regular matter we can see, but dark matter as well.
Gravitational lenses can also help us map galaxy clusters across the universe, helping us to understand its shape. Is our universe perfectly flat like a sheet of paper? Or does it have curvature to it like a sphere, or flare outwards like a horse saddle?
Gravitational lenses typically make the background objects ten to 100 times brighter than they would be otherwise. This effect provides a high-definition view of the distant universe.
The James Webb Space Telescope has been taking advantage of this magnification boost to get a glimpse into what the universe was like in its infancy more than 13 billion years ago, shortly (300 million years) after the Big Bang.
Looking far into the past helps us piece together how our own celestial home, the Milky Way galaxy, formed and how it might change in the future.
The catch to all this is gravitational lenses are rare – akin to a needle in a cosmic-scale haystack. To find them, we need high quality images of large swaths of the night sky.
Euclid, which launched in 2023 and released its first batch of data earlier this year, will image a monumental one-third of the entire sky, with a clarity that only comes from being in space.
Conversely, the Vera Rubin Observatory will be working from the ground, but will image the entire southern hemisphere sky. It will create the most detailed time-lapsed view of the cosmos ever seen.
Over their lifetimes Euclid and the Vera Rubin Observatory are predicted to unveil 100,000 new gravitational lenses, 100 times more than we currently know.
One of the first images released by the James Webb Space Telescope, this cluster (called SMACS J0723.3−7327) is lensing many distant galaxies behind it. NASA, ESA, CSA, and STScI
How do we find these 100,000 gravitational lenses among the billions of galaxies observed by these telescopes? It is not feasible for scientists to wade through that many images alone.
Instead, Euclid is relying on citizen scientists to help train AI models to know what to look for. By having people each look through a few images and classifying whether they are gravitational lenses or not, AI models can learn from these examples and can then search the entire dataset (if you want to get involved, check out their website).
From individual lenses providing unique new insights into distant galaxies, to studying the effect over large statistical samples to understand the very nature of the universe, gravitational lenses do it all. They are the Swiss Army knife in an astronomer’s toolkit, and we’re about to be spoilt for choice.
Tania Barone receives funding from the Australian Research Council for research with gravitational lenses.
I unequivocally support Irish author Sally Rooney with all my heart and soul. The author risks imprisonment for donating funds from her books and the TV series based on Normal People to a Palestinian group.
Once again the United Kingdom tells Palestinians who they should support. Go figure. In her opinion piece in The Irish Times last Saturday she said that:
“Activists who disrupt the flow of weapons to a genocidal regime may violate petty criminal statutes, but they uphold a far greater law and a more profound human imperative: to protect a people and culture from annihilation.”
Whenever the people resist or rebel they are deemed terrorists. That has been the case for indigenous people around the world from indigenous Americans to Indians in India to Aborigine and Māori, the Irish and the Scots, and the Welsh.
I went from being a “born-again” starry-eyed kibbutznik who believed in Zionism to a journalist who researched the facts and the hidden truths.
Those facts are revolting. Settler colonialism is revolting. Stealing homes is theft.
I kept in touch with some of my US-based Zionist kibbutznik mates. When I asked them to stop calling Palestinians animals, when I asked them not to say they had tails, when I asked them to stop the de-humanisation — the same de-humanisation that happened during the Nazi regime, they dumped me.
Zionism based on a myth Jews who support genocide are antisemitic. They are also selfish and greedy. Zionists are the bully kids at school who take other kids toys and don’t want to share. They don’t play fair.
The notion of Zionism is based on a myth of the superiority of one group over another. It is religious nutterism and it is racism.
Empire is greed. Capitalism is greed. Settler colonialism involves extermination for those who resist giving up their land. Would you or I accept someone taking our homes, forcing us to leave our uneaten dinner on the table? Would you or I accept our kids being stolen, put in jail, raped, tortured.
Irish author Sally Rooney on why she supports Palestine Action and rejects the UK law banning this, and she argues that nation states have a duty not only to punish but also to prevent the commission of this “incomparably horrifying crime of genocide”. Image: Irish Times screenshot APR
The country was weird when I visited in 1982. It had just invaded Lebanon. Later that year it committed a genocide.
The Sabra and Shatila massacre was a mass murder of up to 3500 Palestinian refugees by Israel’s proxy militia, the Phalange, during Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982. The horrific slaughter prompted outrage and condemnation around the world, with the UN General Assembly condemning it as “an act of genocide”.
I had been primed for sunshine and olives, but the country gave me a chill. The toymaker I worked with was a socialist and he told me I should feel sorry for the Palestinians.
It isn’t normal for a country to be ruled by the militia. Gun-toting soldiers roamed the streets. But you need to defend yourself when you steal.
Paranoia from guilt Paranoia is a consequence of a persecutor who fails to recognise their guilt. It happens when you steal. The paranoia happens when you close doors. When you don’t welcome the other — whose home you stole.
In 2014, soldiers of the IDF — a mercenary macho army — were charged with raping their own colleagues. Now footage of the rape of Palestinian men are celebrated on national television in Israel in front of live audiences. Any decent person would be disgusted by this.
The army under this Zionist madness has committed — and continues to commit — the crimes it lied about Palestinians committing. And yes, the big fat liar has even admitted its own lies. The bully in the playground really doesn’t care now, it does not have to persuade the world it is right, because it is supported, it has the power.
This isn’t the warped Wild West where puritans invented the scalping of women and children — the sins of colonisers are many — this is happening now. We can stand for the might of racism or we can stand against racist policies and regimes. We can stand against apartheid and genocide.
Indigenous people must have the right to live in their homeland. Casting them onto designated land then invading that land is wrong.
When Israelis are kidnapped they are called hostages. When Palestinians are kidnapped they are called prisoners. It’s racist. It’s cruel. It’s revolting that anyone would support this travesty.
Far far more Palestinians were killed in the year leading up to October 7, 2023, than Israelis killed that day (and we know now that some of those Israelis were killed by their own army, Israel has admitted it lied over and again about the murder of babies and rapes).
Ōtautahi author and journalist Saige England . . . “It isn’t normal for a country to be ruled by the militia. Gun-toting soldiers roamed the streets.” Image: Saige England
Mercenary macho army So who does murder and rape? The IDF. The proud mercenary macho army.
Once upon a time, a Palestinian kid who threw a stone got a bullet between the eyes. Now they get a bullet for carrying water, for going back to the homeground that has been bombed to smithereens. Snipers enjoy taking them down.
Drones operated by human beings who have no conscience follow children, follow journalists, follow nurses, follow someone in a wheelchair, and blow them to dust.
This is a game for the IDF. I’m sure some feel bad about it but they have to go along with it because they lose privileges if they do not. This sick army run by a sick state includes soldiers who hold dual US and Israeli citizenship.
Earlier this year I met a couple of IDF soldiers on holidays from genocide, breezily ordering their lattes in a local cafe. I tried to engage with them, to garner some sense of compassion but they used “them” and “they” to talk about Palestinians.
They lumped all Palestinians into a de-humanised mass worth killing. They blamed indigenous people who lived under a regime of apartheid and who are now being exterminated, for the genocide.
The woman was even worse than the man. She loathed me the minute she saw my badge supporting the Palestinian Solidarity Network of Aoteara. Hate spat from her eyes.
Madness.
De-brainwashing I saw that the only prospect for them to change might be a de-brainwashing programme. Show them the real facts they were never given, show them real Palestinians instead of figments of their imagination.
It occurred to me that it really was very tempting to take them home and offer them a different narrative. I asked them if they would listen, and they said no. If I had forced them to come with me I would have been, you know, a hostage-taker.
Israel is evidence that the victim can become the persecutor when they scapegoat indigenous people as the villain, when they hound them for crime of a holocaust they did not commit.
And I get it, a little. My Irish and French Huguenot ancestors were persecuted. I have to face the sad horrid fact that those persecuted people took other people’s land in New Zealand. The victims became the persecutor.
Oh they can say they did not know but they did know. They just did not look too hard at the dispossession of indigenous people.
I wrote my book The Seasonwife at the ripe young age of 63 to reveal some of the suppressed truths about colonisation and about the greed of Empire — a system where the rich exploit the poor to help themselves. I will continue to write novels about suppressed truths.
And I call down my Jewish ancestors who hid their Jewishness to avoid persecution. I have experienced antisemitism.
Experienced cancelling But I have experienced cancelling, not by my publisher I hasten to add, but I know agencies and publishers in my country who tell authors to shut up about this genocide, who call those who speak up anti-semitic.
I have been cancelled by Zionist authors. I don’t have a publisher like that but I know those who do, I know agencies who pressure authors to be silent.
I call on other authors to follow Rooney’s example and for pity’s sake stop referencing Hamas. Learn the truth.
Benjamin Netanyahu refused to deal with any other Palestinian representative. Palestinians have the right to choose their own representatives but they were denied that right.
What is a terrorist army? The IDF which has created killing field after killing field. Not just this genocide, but the genocide in Lebanon in 1982.
I have been protesting against the massacre of Palestinians since 2014 and I wish I had been more vocal earlier. I wish I had left the country when the Phalangists were killed. I did go back and report from the West Bank but I feel now, that I did not do enough. I was pressured — as Western writers are — to support the wrongdoer, the persecutor, not the victim.
I will never do that again.
Change with learning I do believe that with learning we can change, we can work towards a different, fairer system — a system based on fairness not exploitation.
I stand alongside indigenous people everywhere.
So I say again, that I support Sally Rooney and any author who has the guts to stand up to the pressure of oppressive regimes that deny the rights of people to resist oppression.
I have spent a decade proudly standing with Palestinians and I will never stop. I believe they will be granted the right to return to their land. It is not anyone else’s right to grant that, really, the right of return for those who were forced out, and their descendants, is long overdue.
And their forced exile is recent. Biblical myths don’t stack up. Far too often they are stacked to make other people fall down.
Perhaps if we had all stood up more than 100,000 Palestinians would still be alive, a third of those children, would still be running around, their voices like bells instead of death calls.
I support Palestinians with all my heart and soul.
Saige England is an award-winning journalist and author ofThe Seasonwife, a novel exploring the brutal impacts of colonisation. She is also a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
The Liberals won 14 of the 35 lower house seats at the July 19 Tasmanian state election, Labor ten, the Greens five, independents five and the Shooters, Fishers and Farmers one.
Liberal Jeremy Rockliff was reappointed premier pending parliament’s resumption on Tuesday. Labor moved a no-confidence motion in Rockliff, but it failed by 24 votes to 10. Labor didn’t get votes from any non-Labor MP. The Liberals will continue to govern Tasmania, with Labor’s last period in government ending in 2014.
Four of the five independents are left-leaning, with the Shooter the only right-leaning crossbencher. In total, Labor, the Greens and left-leaning independents won 19 of the 35 seats, against 15 for the Liberals and Shooters. Yet no left-leaning independents or Greens supported Labor’s motion.
Under Labor party rules, when they lose an election the leadership is spilled. Current leader Dean Winter could be challenged. If there is a Labor leadership election, the new leader will be decided by a combined vote of Labor party members and state delegates.
A more left-wing Labor leader than Winter may have had a better relationship with the Greens and left-leaning independents, which could have helped Labor to form government.
In a Tasmanian EMRS poll, conducted August 12–14 from a sample of 503, respondents opposed Labor’s no-confidence motion by 49–35 (44–38 were in favour of a Liberal over a Labor minority government in late July). Excluding undecided, Greens support for the motion fell from 90–10 to 73–27. On budget repair, abandoning the Macquarie Point stadium was supported by 56–33.
Respondents supported the Liberals phasing out greyhound racing by 2029 by 74–14. They supported the Liberals abandoning their proposal to open up 40,000 hectares of native forestry to harvesting by 61–24.
Federal polls give Labor big leads
A national Newspoll, conducted August 11–14 from a sample of 1,283, gave Labor a 56–44 lead, a one-point gain for the Coalition since the July Newspoll. Primary votes were 36% Labor (steady), 30% Coalition (up one), 12% Greens (steady), 9% One Nation (up one) and 13% for all Others (down two).
Anthony Albanese’s net approval was up three points to +3, with 49% satisfied and 46% dissatisfied. This is his first positive net approval in Newspoll since September 2023. Liberal leader Sussan Ley’s net approval was down two points to -9. Albanese led Ley as better PM by 51–31 (52–32 previously).
This is the graph of Albanese’s net approval in Newspoll with a trend line. The trend line is below the latest two data points.
Asked whether they were more worried about Donald Trump’s tariffs or China’s military threat, voters selected tariffs by 42–37, with Labor and Greens voters strongly favouring tariffs.
A national Resolve poll for Nine newspapers, conducted August 11–16 from a sample of 1,800, gave Labor a 59–41 lead by respondent preferences, a three-point gain for Labor since the July Resolve poll.
Primary votes were 37% Labor (up two), 29% Coalition (steady), 12% Greens (steady), 9% One Nation (up one), 8% independents (steady) and 6% others (down two). By 2025 preference flows, Labor led by about 57–43.
Albanese’s net approval was down five points to -2, with 45% giving him a poor rating and 43% a good rating. Ley’s net approval was steady at +9. Albanese led Ley as preferred PM by 41–26 (40–25 in July).
Labor led the Liberals on economic management by 34–28 (31–30 previously). On keeping the cost of living low, Labor led by 32–26 (30–26 previously).
The question on Australia’s recognition of Palestine is biased and confusing. The 44% who wanted “no change” in Australia’s existing policy would include many who confused this with a don’t know option.
Now 29% said they were more sympathetic to Gaza than when the conflict began (up nine since October 2024), while 16% were more sympathetic to Israel. On Australia’s security, 41% (down ten since January) said Australia was less safe as a result of the Middle East conflict.
On the economic roundtable, 51% thought the government should act now on important reforms, while 22% said they should take proposals to the next election. Voters were opposed by 51–20 to an increase in the GST rate and by 44–26 to broadening the GST. They were in favour of other proposed reforms.
Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls is once again in New Caledonia for a four-day visit aimed at maintaining dialogue, despite a strong rejection from a significant part of the pro-independence camp.
He touched down at the Nouméa-La Tontouta Airport last night on his fourth trip to New Caledonia since he took office in late 2024.
For the past eight months, he has made significant headway by managing to get all political parties to sit together again around the same table and discuss an inclusive, consensual way forward for the French Pacific territory, where deadly riots have erupted in May 2024, causing 14 deaths and more than 2 billion euros (NZ$3.8 billion) in material damage.
On July 12, during a meeting in Bougival (west of Paris), some 19 delegates from parties across the political spectrum signed a 13-page document, the Bougival Accord, sketching what is supposed to pave the way for New Caledonia’s political future.
The document, labelled a “project” and described as “historic”, envisages the creation of a “State” of New Caledonia, a dual New Caledonia-French citizenship and the transfer of key powers such as foreign affairs from France to New Caledonia.
The document also envisions a wide range of political reforms, more powers for each of the three provinces and enlarging the controversial list of eligible citizens allowed to vote at the crucial local provincial elections.
When they signed the text in mid-July, all parties (represented by 18 politicians) at the time pledged to go along the new lines and defend the contents, based on the notion of a “bet on trust”.
But since the deal was signed at the 11th hour in Bougival, after a solid 10 days of tense negotiations, one of the main components of the pro-independence camp, the FLNKS, has pronounced a “block rejection” of the deal.
FLNKS said their delegates and negotiators (five politicians), even though they had signed the document, had no mandate to do so because it was incompatible with the pro-independence movement’s aims and struggle.
Signatures on the last page of New Caledonia’s new agreement. Image: Philippe Dunoyer/RNZ Pacific
FLNKS rejection of Bougival The FLNKS and its majority component, Union Calédonienne, said that from now on, while maintaining dialogue with France, they would refuse to talk further about the Bougival text or any related subject.
They also claim they are the only pro-independence legitimate representative of the indigenous Kanak people.
They maintain they will only accept their own timetable of negotiation, with France only (no longer including the pro-France parties) in “bilateral” mode to conclude before 24 September 2025.
French Overseas Minister Manuel Valls . . . not giving up on the Bougival project and his door remains open. Image: Outre-mer la Première
Later on, the negotiations for a final independence should conclude before the next French Presidential elections (April-May 2027) with the transfer of all remaining powers back to New Caledonia.
The FLNKS also demands that any further talks with France should take place in New Caledonia and under the supervision of its President.
It warns against any move to try and force the implementation of the Bougival text, including planned reforms of the conditions of voter eligibility for local elections (since 2007, the local “special” electoral roll has been restricted to people living in New Caledonia before 1998).
During his four-day visit this week (20-24 August), Valls said he would focus on pursuing talks, sometimes in bilateral mode with FLNKS.
The minister, reacting to FLNKS’s move to reject the Accord, said several times since that he did not intend to give up and that his door remained open.
‘Explain and convince’ He would also meet “as many New Caledonians as possible” to “explain and convince”.
Apart from party officials, Valls also plans to meet New Caledonia’s “Customary (chiefly) Senate”, the mayors of New Caledonia, the presidents of New Caledonia’s three provinces and representatives of the economic and civil society.
The May-July 2024 riots have strongly impacted on New Caledonia’s standard of living, with thousands of jobless people because of the destruction of hundreds of businesses.
Health sector in crisis Valls also intends to devote a large part of his visit to meetings with public and private health workers, who also remain significantly affected by an acute shortage of staff, both in the capital Nouméa and rural areas.
Tomorrow, Valls plans to implement one of the later stages of the Bougival signing — the inaugural session of a “drafting committee”, aimed at agreeing on how necessary documents for the implementation of the Bougival commitments should be formulated.
These include working on writing a “fundamental law” for New Caledonia (a de facto constitution) and constitutional documents to make necessary amendments to the French Constitution.
Elections again postponed to June 2026 Steps to defer once again the provincial elections from November 2025 to May-June 2026 were also recently taken in Paris, at the Senate, Valls said earlier this week.
A Bill has been tabled for debates in the Senate on 23 September 2025. In keeping with the Bougival commitments and timeline, it proposes a new deadline for provincial elections: no later than 28 June 2026.
But FLNKS now demands that those elections be maintained for this year.
On a tightrope again This week’s visit is perceived as particularly sensitive: as Valls’s trip is regarded as focusing on saving his Bougival deal, he is also walking on a tightrope.
On one side, he wants to maintain contact and an “open-door” policy with the hard-line group of the FLNKS, even though they have now denounced his Bougival deal.
On the other side, he has to pursue talks with all the other parties who have, since July 12, kept their word and upheld the document.
If Valls was perceived to concede more ground to the FLNKS, following its recent claims and rejections, parts of the pro-Bougival leaders who have signed and kept their word and commitment could well, in turn, denounce some kind of betrayal, thus jeopardising the precarious equilibrium.
The “pro-Bougival” signatories held numerous public meetings with their respective militant bases to explain the agreement and the “Bougival spirit”, as well as the reasons for why they had signed.
This not only includes pro-France parties who oppose independence, but also two moderate pro-independence parties, the PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party) and the UPM (Union Progressiste en Mélanésie), formed into a “UNI” platform (Union Nationale pour l’Indépendance), who have, since August 2024, distanced themselves from the FLNKS.
At the same time, FLNKS took into its fold a whole new group of smaller parties, unions and pressure groups (including the Union Calédonienne-created CCAT –a field action coordination group dedicated to organising political campaigns on the ground) and has since taken a more radical turn.
Simultaneously, Christian Téin, head of CCAT, was also elected FLNKS president in absentia, while serving a pre-trial jail term in mainland France.
His pre-trial judicial control conditions were loosened in June 2025 by a panel of three judges, but he is still not allowed to return to New Caledonia.
One of the moderate UNI leaders, Jean-Pierre Djaïwé (PALIKA) told his supporters and local media last week that he believed through the Bougival way, it would remain possible for New Caledonia to eventually achieve full sovereignty, but not immediately.
Ruffenach: No intention to ‘undo’ Bougival Several pro-France components have also reacted to the FLNKS rejection by saying they did not intend to “undo” the Bougival text, simply because it was the result of months of negotiations and concessions to reach a balance between opposing aspirations from the pro-independence and pro-France camps.
“Let’s be reasonable. Let’s get real. Let’s come back to reality. Has this country ever built itself without compromise?,” pro-France Le Rassemblement-LR party leader Virginie Ruffenach told Radio Rythme Bleu yesterday.
“We have made this effort at Bougival, to find a middle way which is installing concord between those two aspirations. We have made steps, the pro-independence have made steps. And this is what allowed this agreement to be struck with its signatures”.
She said the FLNKS, in its “new” version, was “held hostage by . . . radicalism”.
“Violence will not take the future of New Caledonia and we will not give into this violence”.
She said all parties should now take their responsibilities and live up to their commitment, instead of applying an “empty chair” policy.
No credible alternative: Valls Earlier this week, Valls repeated that he did not wish to “force” the agreement but that, in his view, “there is no credible alternative. The Bougival agreement is an extraordinary and historic opportunity”.
“I will not fall into the trap of words that hurt and lead to confrontation. I won’t give in to threats of violence or blockades,” he wrote on social networks.
Last night, as Valls was already on his way to the Pacific, FLNKS political bureau and its president, Christian Téin, criticised the “rapport de force” seemingly established by France.
He also deplored that, in the view of numerous reactions following the FLNKS rejection of the Bougival text, his political group was now being “stigmatised”.
Ahead of the French minister’s visit, the FLNKS has launched a “peaceful” campaign revolving around the slogan “No to Bougival”.
The FLNKS is scheduled to meet Valls today.
The inaugural session of the “drafting committee” is supposed to take place the following day on Thursday.
He is scheduled to leave New Caledonia on Saturday.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Ham was one of the chimpanzees NASA used during the 1960s to test the Mercury capsule before human space flight. NASA/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA
This week, Russia is expected to launch its Bion-M No.2 biosatellite from the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan, carrying 75 mice and 1,500 fruit flies.
While the mission underscores Russia’s ongoing investment in space medicine, it reignites ethical concerns over the treatment of animals in space research.
Animals have played a pivotal role in space exploration since the 1950s. The former Soviet Union’s launch of the stray dog Laika aboard Sputnik 2 in 1957 marked the first living creature in orbit.
Laika’s cramped, stressful conditions and eventual death from oxygen deprivation highlighted the harsh realities of early space missions.
The US followed suit in 1961 with Ham, a chimpanzee sent on a suborbital flight to test task performance in space. Ham endured invasive monitoring, electric shocks for incorrect responses and severe dehydration. Although he recovered physically, he showed signs of psychological trauma following the mission.
As space exploration expands, the absence of legal protections for animals becomes increasingly problematic. International regulations are long overdue to formally recognise the sentience of animals in outer-space law and to safeguard their welfare before, during and after missions.
Forgotten animal casualties of space exploration
Despite technological advances, animal casualties persist. In 2019, Israel’s Beresheet spacecraft crash-landed on the Moon with thousands of tardigrades aboard. The fate of these eight-legged microscopic animals, also known as water bears or moss piglets, remains unknown.
Often, animals used in missions are deemed surplus afterwards, with little legal obligation for their continued care. For example, France’s Félicette, a cat sent into orbit in 1963, was euthanised post-mission for brain study, despite surviving re-entry.
Unlike military working animals, which undergo transition programmes for civilian life, space animals lack formal exit protocols.
Records of their fates are scarce, and their legal status remains ambiguous. This gap stems partly from the absence of animal considerations in outer-space law.
International responses and ethical shifts
Activist pressure, particularly from People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), has led to some reforms.
The guidelines emphasise bioethical responsibility, acknowledging that animals “warrant moral concern”.
NASA committed to stewardship of research animals, encompassing acquisition, care and what happens to them after the space mission. The principles outline three core ethical tenets:
Respect for life: use only appropriate species in minimal numbers necessary for valid results.
Societal benefit: weigh the ethical value of animal use against potential societal gains.
Non-maleficence: minimise pain and distress, recognising that animals may suffer similarly to humans.
While these principles don’t ban animal use, they promote ethical reflection and accountability.
Some agencies have followed suit. In 2010, the European Space Agency rejected primate research, opting for simulation technologies to study astronaut health risks.
NASA briefly considered resuming primate experiments in 2010, but PETA’s lobbying led to the cancellation of proposed research at Brookhaven National Laboratory.
Nonetheless, NASA continues to use mice in space studies. In 2024, a group of mice was sent to the International Space Station to examine the effects of space on bodily systems.
Private companies have also faced scrutiny. In 2022, KEKA Aerospace in the Democratic Republic of Congo pledged to stop using animals after a rat named Kavira died aboard its Troposphere 5 rocket.
Legal gaps in outer-space law
Despite growing awareness, the legal and ethical frameworks surrounding animals in space remain underdeveloped. The lack of formal protections and transparency continues to raise questions about the ethical and moral cost of scientific progress.
There are five core outer space treaties, covering issues such as the peaceful use of outer space, the rescue of astronauts, the registration of space objects and liability for damage. But despite the long history of animals participating in space missions, none offers formal protections, focusing solely on human and state interests.
A common argument is that prioritising animal welfare could hinder scientific progress. While violence against humans is prohibited, harm to animals for food, research, medicine and other purposes remains widely accepted on Earth. Some question whether it would be inconsistent to restrict harm to animals in space, where human casualties are more likely.
However, two key observations challenge this view.
First, many countries, including New Zealand, now legally recognise animals as sentient beings, deserving moral and legal consideration. Just as human rights evolved after the second world war, the animal welfare movement has gradually secured protections against cruelty and neglect. Yet, space law remains largely silent on the physical and psychological harm animals endure during missions.
Second, concerns that animal welfare might overshadow human safety are unfounded. Outer-space law is already flexible enough to ensure human protection takes precedence. The real question is whether space law can evolve to safeguard both human and animal interests without conflict.
Importantly, the types of harm animals face in space – stress, injury and death – are not fundamentally different from those permitted on Earth in service of human needs. In both contexts, animals are used to advance human survival or ambition. Thus, the perceived inconsistency in protecting animals in space may be less significant than it appears.
We need a more balanced framework – one that acknowledges animals as sentient participants and ensures their welfare is considered alongside human interests.
Anna Marie Brennan was awarded the Borrin Foundation’s Women Leaders in Law Fellowship in 2024.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amin Saikal, Emeritus Professor of Middle Eastern Studies, Australian National University; Vice Chancellor’s Strategic Fellow, Victoria University; Adjunct Professor of Social Sciences, The University of Western Australia
Italian Defence Minister Guido Crosetto said recently the Israeli cabinet has “lost its reason and humanity” in Gaza, reflecting a widespread view around the world.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s staunch defiance over the Gaza war has led many Western states to recognise the state of Palestine in recent weeks. More could come before the UN General Assembly meeting in September, too.
These Western leaders have used strong words to push for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong said when Australia pledged to recognise Palestine:
There is a risk there will be no Palestine left to recognise if the international community don’t move to create that pathway to a two-state solution.
Recognition of a Palestinian state sends a strong message of the world’s revulsion to the Netanyahu government’s actions in Gaza. However, it is unlikely to make much of a difference on the ground without Israel and the United States agreeing to move forward on a two-state solution.
So, how can Western states give teeth to their recent pledges to recognise a Palestinian state? What kind of pressure would actually work?
1. Suspend trade deals and arms exports
Israel is by no means self-sufficient. It is very much dependent on the US for its defence capability and economic and financial wellbeing, as well as military supplies coming directly and indirectly from other Western countries.
Germany has now taken the lead in this respect by suspending military exports to Israel over its decision to expand the war. Slovenia also banned all weapons trade with Israel this month.
In addition, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez has advocated for the European Union to suspend its trade deal with Israel for breaching an article “on respect for human rights and democratic principles”.
Suspending the deal in full would require unanimous agreement among all 27 EU members. A partial suspension is possible, however, if just 15 EU members agree.
Western states could also put pressure on US President Donald Trump to persuade Israel that its future peace and prosperity depends on a two-state solution.
The US has long supported a two-state solution as a core policy. However, the US ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, recently suggested this might be changing. Trump has not endorsed a two-state solution nor a new US position on it.
Given Netanyahu’s long-held opposition to a two-state solution, this might be a tough sell. However, Trump could be compelled to take a firm stand on the issue, given American public opinion is gradually shifting against Israel.
This is also reflected in assertions by some key MAGA supporters, such as the strategist Steve Bannon, Congresswoman Margorie Taylor Greene and media personality Tucker Carlson, as well as some far-right podcasters. They have questioned America’s support of Israel and, in some cases, called for an end to American aid to the country.
Trump is a transactional leader and could be amenable to pressure from his base and outside allies.
3. Push for an oil embargo
An oil embargo on Israel and its supporters is another means of pressure.
Earlier this year, Israel granted exploration licenses for natural gas deposits off its coast to a consortium of oil companies, including British Petroleum (BP) and Azerbaijan’s SOCAR.
Israel imports nearly three-quarters of its crude oil from three countries: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Gabon. It relies on this crude oil and refined petroleum to fuel its fighter jets, tanks and bulldozers.
Gabon is a member of the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC); Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan are part of an expanded group called OPEC+.
Where do Israel’s oil imports come from?
The Organisation of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (part of OPEC) implemented such an embargo against the United States and other countries in 1973 in retaliation for supporting Israel in the 1973 Arab-Israeli War and its seizure of Egyptian and Syrian land afterwards. Israel itself was cut off, too.
It proved effective. The embargo prompted Henry Kissinger, then-national security advisor in the Nixon administration, to engage in “shuttle diplomacy” between Israel, Egypt and Syria. This led to force disengagement agreements in early 1974, and the lifting of the oil embargo.
It also contributed to the diplomatic path that eventually resulted in the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt, with US President Jimmy Carter’s mediation, in 1978.
Under the accords, Israel withdrew from the Sinai Peninsula in return for a peace treaty with Egypt. A framework for Palestinian autonomy and self-government was also agreed to. However, subsequent talks on the path forward broke down for a number of reasons – among them Israel’s refusal to make concessions on key issues – much to Carter’s fury.
Israel also refused to withdraw from Syria’s Golan Heights, which it later annexed.
4. Move to suspend Israel from the UN
A final option is the threat of suspending Israel from the United Nations. This has been advocated by the UN special rapporteur on human rights in the Palestinian territories, Francisca Albanese, and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.
Suspending a member from the UN is not easy. It requires the consent of the General Assembly, as well as the recommendation of the Security Council, which counts Israel’s steadfast ally, the US, as a member.
Nonetheless, the forthcoming UN General Assembly meeting in September would be a suitable time to heighten this threat. The assembly’s resolutions are not binding, but it is still a tool for the international community to apply pressure.
In the 1970s, for example, the General Assembly moved to suspend South Africa’s membership over its apartheid system of government. Although the Security Council blocked South Africa’s expulsion, it remained suspended in the General Assembly until 1994.
These measures are now needed to maximise the pressure on Netanyahu’s leadership to relent on a two-state solution. Whether Western countries have the political will to go beyond mere recognition and implement them is another question.
Amin Saikal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This is a potentially exciting development, but it’s important to note there are several hurdles to overcome before we might see these antibiotics used in the real world. And if this eventuates, it’s likely to be some years away.
So how did the researchers harness AI to develop these antibiotics? Which superbugs will they target? And what happens next?
Antibiotic resistance is a global health threat
Frequent overuse of antibiotics in medicine and agriculture has led to the evolution of new strains of bacteria resistant to an increasing range of antibiotics. This global public health crisis makes the development of new antibiotics a significant challenge.
Antibiotic-resistant superbugs contribute to around 5 million deaths worldwide annually, and directly cause more than 1.2 million deaths.
It’s estimated superbug infections could lead to more than A$2.5 trillion in lost economic output globally by 2050.
Antibiotic resistance is also increasingly a problem of inequity, with many poorer countries unable to access newer antibiotics to overcome resistant bacteria.
N. gonorrhoeae causes the sexually transmitted disease gonorrhoea, which has developed high levels of resistance to antibiotics in recent years. The inability to treat it effectively has contributed to a rapid spread of the disease. There were more than 82 million new cases in 2020, mostly in developing nations.
MRSA is a resistant strain of the bacteriaStaphylococcus aureus (often referred to as “golden staph”). S. aureus can cause skin infections or serious blood and organ infections. Patients who get sick with the resistant MRSA strain are estimated to be 64% more likely to die as a result of an infection.
To address these challenges, the MIT team harnessed generative AI in two ways.
What did the researchers do?
The research team trained an AI algorithm, called a machine learning neural network, using chemical structures. We can think of this as similar to the way an AI language model would be trained using words.
The first approach, used for gonorrhoea, involved the algorithm screening a large database of existing compounds that had demonstrated antibiotic activity against N. gonorrhoeae. The AI algorithm then used the chemical structures of these compounds as “seeds” and built on them, generating new compounds by adding chemical structures one by one.
This approach led to 80 new candidate compounds, two of which could be chemically synthesised (meaning the scientists could make them in the lab). In the end, one of these demonstrated strong effectiveness against N. gonorrhoeae. It was able to kill the bacteria on a petri dish and in a mouse model.
The second approach, used for MRSA, started from scratch, prompting the AI algorithm with only simple chemical structures such as water and ammonia. The algorithm then predicted chemical structures that would interact effectively with vulnerabilities in the bacteria’s cell defences, and came up with entirely new antibiotic compounds.
Out of around 90 candidates, 22 were synthesised and tested in the lab. Six showed strong antibacterial activity against MRSA in a petri dish. The most promising compound successfully cleared an MRSA skin infection in a mouse model.
Advantages and challenges
An important element of this research is that the two new antibiotics are not just novel in their structure, but also in their mechanisms of action (in other words, how they work against the bacteria).
Traditionally, antibiotic development has relied on tweaking existing antibiotics. It’s hoped the fact these AI-generated molecules have entirely new mechanisms of action will make them more difficult for gonorrhoea and MRSA to evade.
Prior to this research, when it comes to antibiotic development, AI has mainly been used to narrow down libraries of already existing compounds or to modify chemical structures of currently used drugs.
While this work is very promising, several hurdles remain. Both antibiotics must undergo vigorous testing for safety and efficacy in humans through clinical trials, which will take several years and require significant funding.
Another challenge could be financial. As these antibiotics would be intended as “last resort” drugs to preserve their effectiveness, their market use will be limited. This limits the financial incentive for pharmaceutical companies to invest in their development and production.
Nevertheless, this work marks a significant milestone in drug discovery and is an example of how AI might reshape the fight against infectious diseases in the future.
Thomas Jeffries does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.