ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 23, 2025.
Facing up to genocide – a New Zealand journalist bears witness with Gaza and West Bank SPECIAL REPORT: By David Robie Protesters in their thousands have been taking to the streets in Aotearoa New Zealand demonstrating in solidarity with Palestine and against genocide for the past 97 weeks. Yet rarely have the protests across the motu made headlines — or even the news for that matter — unlike the larger demonstrations
When it comes to wellbeing, what are the pros and cons of working in an office vs from home? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Libby (Elizabeth) Sander, MBA Director & Associate Professor of Organisational Behaviour, Bond Business School, Bond University So your boss wants you in the office more? If this makes you anxious, you’re not alone. Return-to-work tensions aren’t simply resistance to change. They reflect deeper questions about how different
Australia will get a register to track educators and CCTV trial in centres – we still need more to keep kids safe Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brian Q. Jenkins, Lecturer, School of Health Sciences and Social Work, Griffith University This year Australia has seen a horrific string of reports and allegations about abuse and neglect in childcare centres. Families are desperate to ensure their kids are safe and political leaders have been rushing
The ancient Greeks invented democracy – and warned us how it could go horribly wrong Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Konstantine Panegyres, Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History, The University of Western Australia Athenians voted for Socrates to be put to death. Jacques Louis David, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Catharine Lorillard Wolfe Collection, Wolfe Fund, 1931 The ancient Greek orator Dio Chrysostom (1st-2nd century CE) said
West Papuan media plea for Melanesian support against Indonesian media blackout By Andrew Mathieson Exiled West Papuan media are calling for Fiji — in a reflection of Melanesian solidarity — to hold the greater Pacific region to account and stand against Indonesia’s ongoing media blackout in addition to its human rights abuses. The leaders in their field which include two Papuans from Indonesia’s occupied provinces have
Ancient shells and pottery reveal the vast 3,200-years-old trade routes of Oceania’s Indigenous peoples Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bryce Barker, Professor in Archaeology, University of Southern Queensland Shutterstock New research conducted at Walufeni Cave, an important archaeological site in Papua New Guinea, reveals new evidence of long-distance interactions between Oceania’s Indigenous societies, as far back as 3,200 years ago. Our new study, published in the
Protesters in their thousands have been taking to the streets in Aotearoa New Zealand demonstrating in solidarity with Palestine and against genocide for the past 97 weeks.
Yet rarely have the protests across the motu made headlines — or even the news for that matter — unlike the larger demonstrations in many countries around the world.
At times the New Zealand news media themselves have been the target over what is often claimed to be “biased reportage lacking context”. Yet even protests against media, especially public broadcasters, on their doorstep have been ignored.
Reporters have not even engaged, let alone reported the protests.
Last weekend, this abruptly changed with two television crews on hand in Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland days after six Palestinian journalists — four Al Jazeera correspondents and cameramen, including the celebrated Anas al-Sharif, plus two other reporters were assassinated by the Israeli military in targeted killings.
With the Gaza Media Office confirming a death toll of almost 270 journalists since October 2023 — more than the combined killings of journalists in both World Wars, and the Korean, Vietnam, and Afghan wars — a growing awareness of the war was hitting home.
After silence about the killing of journalists for the past 22 months, New Zealand this week signed a joint statement by 27 nations for the Media Freedom Coalition belatedly calling on Israel to open up access to foreign media and to offer protection for journalists in Gaza “in light of the unfolding catastrophe”.
Sydney Harbour Bridge factor Another factor in renewed media interest has probably been the massive March for Humanity on Sydney Harbour Bridge with about 300,000 people taking part on August 3.
One independent New Zealand journalist who has been based in the West Bank for two periods during the Israeli war on Gaza – last year for two months and again this year – is unimpressed with the reportage.
Why? Video and photojournalist Cole Martin from Ōtautahi Christchurch believes there is a serious lack of understanding in New Zealand media of the context of the structural and institutional violence towards the Palestinians.
“It is a media scene in Aotearoa that repeats very harmful and inaccurate narratives,” Martin says.
“Also, there is this idea to be unbiased and neutral in a conflict, both perspectives must have equal legitimacy.”
As a 26-year-old photojournalist, Martin has packed in a lot of experience in his early career, having worked two years for World Vision, meeting South Sudanese refugees in Uganda who had fled civil war. He shared their stories in Aotearoa.
“New Zealand must move beyond empty statements on Gaza” . . . says Cole Martin. Image: The Spinoff screenshot
‘Struggle of the oppressed’ This taught him to put “the struggle of the oppressed and marginalised” at the heart of his storytelling.
Martin studied for a screen and television degree at NZ Broadcasting School, which led to employment with the news team at Whakaata Māori, then a video journalist role with the Otago Daily Times.
He first visited Palestine in early 2019, “seeing the occupation and injustice with my own eyes”. After the struggle re-entered the news cycle in October 2023, he recognised that as a journalist with first-hand contextual knowledge and connections on the ground he was in a unique position to ensure Palestinian voices were heard.
Martin spent two months in the West Bank last year and then gained a grant to study Arabic “which allowed me to return longer-term as New Zealand’s only journalist on the ground”.
“Yes, there are competing narratives,’ he admits, “but the reality on the ground is that if you engage with this in good faith and truth, one of those narratives has a lot more legitimacy than the other.”
Martin says that New Zealand media have failed to recognise this reality through a “mix of ignorance and bias”.
“They haven’t been fair and honest, but they think they have,” he says.
Hesitancy to engage He argues that the hesitancy to engage with the Palestinian media, Palestinian journalists and Palestinian sources on the ground “springs from the idea that to be Palestinian you are inherently biased”.
“In the same way that being Māori means you are biased,” he says.
“Your world view shapes your experiences. If you are living under a system of occupation and domination, or seeing that first hand, it would be wrong and immoral to talk about it in a way that is misleading, the same way that I cannot water down what I am reporting from here.
“It’s the reality of what I see here, I am not going to water it down with a sort of ‘bothsideism’.”
Martin says the media in New Zealand tend to cover the tragic war which has killed more than 62,000 Palestinians so far — most of them women and children — and with the UN this week declaring an “Israeli-made famine” with thousands more deaths predicted in a simplistic and shallow way.
“This war is treated as a one-off event without putting it in the context of 76 years of occupation and domination by Israel and without actually challenging some of these narratives, without providing the context of why, and centring it on the violations of international law.”
It is a very serious failure and not just in the way things have been reported, but in the way editors source stories given the heavy dependency in New Zealand media on international media that themselves have been persistently and strongly criticised for institutional bias — such as the BBC, CNN, The New York Times and the Associated Press news agency, which all operate from news bureaux inside Israel.
“Firsthand view of peacemaking challenge in the ‘Holy Land’.” Image: Asia Pacific Report screenshot
‘No independent journalism’ “I have heard from editors that I have reached out to who have basically said, ‘No, we’re not going to publish any independent or freelance work because we depend on syndicated sources like BBC, CNN and Associated Press’.
“Which means that they are publishing news that doesn’t have a relevant New Zealand connection. Usually this is what local media need, a NZ connection, yet they will publish work from the BBC, CNN and Associated Press that has no relevance to New Zealand, or doesn’t highlight what is relevant to NZ so far as our government in action.
“And I think that is our big failure, our media has not held our government to account by asking the questions that need to be asked, in spite of the fact that those questions are easily accessed.”
Expanding on this, Martin suggests talking to people in the community that are taking part in the large protests weekly, consistently.
“Why are they doing this? Why are they giving so much of their time to protest against what Israel is doing, highlighting these justices? And yet the media has failed to engage with them in good faith,” he says.
“The media has demonised them in many ways and they kind of create gestures like what Stuff have done, like asking them to write in their opinions.
“Maybe it is well intentioned, maybe it isn’t. It opens the space to kind of more ‘equal platforming’ of very unequal narratives.
“Like we give the same airtime to the spokespeople of an army that is carrying out genocide as we are giving to the people who are facing the genocide.”
Robert Fisk on media balance and the Middle East. Video: Pacific Media Centre
’50/50 journalism’ The late journalist Robert Fisk, the Beirut-based expert on the Middle East writing for The Independent and the prolific author of many books including The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East, described this phenomena as “50/50 journalism” and warned how damaging it could be.
Among many examples he gave in a 2008 visit to New Zealand, Fisk said journalists should not give “equal time” to the SS guards at the concentration camp, they should be talking to the survivors. Journalists ought to be objective and unbiased — “on the side of those who suffer”.
“They always publish Israel says, ‘dee-dah-de-dah’. That’s not reporting, reporting is finding out what is actually going on on the ground. That’s what BBC and CNN do. Report what they say, not what’s going on. I think they are very limited in terms of how they report the structural stuff,” says Martin.
“CNN, BBC and Associated Press have their place for getting immediate, urgent news out, but I am quite frustrated as the only New Zealand journalist based in the occupied West Bank or on the ground here.
“How little interest media have shown in pieces from here. Even with a full piece, free of charge, they will still find excuses not to publish, which is hard to push back on as a freelancer because ultimately it is their choice, they are the editors.
“I cannot demand that they publish my work, but it begs the question if I was a New Zealand journalist on the ground reporting from Ukraine, there would be a very different response in their eagerness to publish, or platform, what I am sharing.
“Particularly as a video and photojournalist, it is very frustrating because everything I write about is documented, I am showing it.
NZ journalist documents Palestinian life in the West Bank. Image: NZH screenshot
‘Showing with photos’ “It’s not stuff that is hearsay. I am showing them with all these photos and yet still they are reluctant to publish my work. And I think that translates into reluctance to publish anything with a Palestinian perspective. They think it is very complex and difficult to get in touch with Palestinians.
“They don’t know whether they can really trust their voices. The reality is, of course they can trust their voices. Palestinian journalists are the only journalists able to get into Gaza [and on the West Bank on the ground here].
“If people have a problem with that, if Israel has a problem with that, then they should let the international press in.”
Pointing the finger at the failure of Middle East coverage isn’t easy, Martin says. But one factor is that the generations who make the editorial decisions have a “biased view”.
“Journalists who have been here have not been independent, they have been taken here, accompanied by soldiers, on a tailored tour. This is instead of going off the tourist trail, off the media trail, seeing the realities that communities are facing here, engaging in good faith with Palestinian communities here, seeing the structural violence, drawing the connections between what is happening in Gaza and what is happening in the West Bank — and not just the Israeli sources,” Martin says.
“And listening to the human rights organisations, the academics and the experts, and the humanitarian organisations who are all saying that this is a genocide, structural violence . . . the media still fails to frame it in that way.
‘Complete failure’ “It still fails to provide adequate context that this is very structural, very institutional — and it’s wrong.
“It’s a complete failure and it is very frustrating to be here as a journalist on the ground trying to do a good job, trying to redeem this failure in journalism.”
“Having the cover on the ground here and yet there is no interest. Editors have come back to me and said, ‘we can’t publish this piece because the subject matter is “too controversial”. It’s unbelievable that we are explicitly ignoring stories that are relevant because it is ‘controversial’. It’s just an utter failure of journalism.
“As the Fourth Estate, they have utterly failed to hold the government to account for inaction. They are not asking the right questions.
“I have had other editors who have said, ‘Oh, we’re relying on syndicated sources’. That’s our position. Or, we don’t have enough money.
That’s true, New Zealand media has a funding shortage, and journalists have been let go.
“But the truth is if they really want the story, they would find the funding.
Reach out to Palestinians “If they actually cared, they would reach out to the journalists on the ground, reach out to the Palestinians. The reality is that they don’t care enough to be actually doing those things.
“I think that there is a shift, that they are beginning to respond more and more. But they are well behind the game, they have been complicit in anti-Arab narratives, and giving a platform to genocidal narratives from the Israeli government and government leaders without questioning, without challenging and without holding our government to account.
“The New Zealand government has been very pro-Israel, driven to side with America.
“They need to do better urgently, before somebody takes them to the International Criminal Court for complicity.”
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Libby (Elizabeth) Sander, MBA Director & Associate Professor of Organisational Behaviour, Bond Business School, Bond University
So your boss wants you in the office more? If this makes you anxious, you’re not alone.
Return-to-work tensions aren’t simply resistance to change. They reflect deeper questions about how different people work best and what modern organisations actually need to succeed.
After COVID, return-to-office rates stabilised by around June 2023, without much movement since.
In Australia, 36% of Australians were working from home regularly in August 2024 and 37% in 2023. This is a dramatic shift from pre-pandemic levels when only 5% of Australians worked from home regularly.
In Europe and North America, around 30% of employees now work hybrid schedules, with 8% fully remote.
Yet tensions persist. Many employers are pushing harder to get workers back in person, while unions are pushing back. The Australian Services Union recently requested presumed work-from-home arrangements and 26 weeks’ notice before employees have to return to the office.
Meanwhile, the Victorian government plans to introduce laws giving employees the legal right to work from home two days a week.
Workers tend to prefer hybrid models
Research on remote and hybrid work models reveals both benefits and challenges.
Hybrid work can increase productivity, improve work-life balance and reduce attrition rates.
A 2024 randomised controlled trial found hybrid work arrangements led to 33% lower quit rates. There were particular benefits for women, non-managers and employees with long commutes.
Research tracking individual productivity found fully remote work was associated with a 10% drop in productivity. However, hybrid working appeared to “have no impact on productivity”.
Employees generally prefer hybrid models, with many willing to accept pay cuts for remote work options.
It’s good to spend some time in the office
There are benefits in spending time with our colleagues face-to-face.
We learn more naturally in social settings. We gain knowledge informally through observation, spontaneous questions and overheard conversations.
The social connections that form more readily in person contribute significantly to employee retention and satisfaction.
Collaboration and innovation often flows better face-to-face too.
Some things are difficult to replicate virtually. The spontaneity of brainstorming, the nuanced communication possible through body language, and the collective energy of problem-solving are hard to achieve online.
Being able to work from home improves inclusion
Parents, carers and people with disabilities benefit significantly from the flexibility to manage responsibilities while maintaining productivity.
Recent research shows flexible working practices are important for neurodivergent employees. This includes those with autism and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).
Neurodivergent workers make up a significant percentage of the Australian workforce: 12% in 2024. And in the United States, 20% of adults have a learning or attention issue.
For neurodivergent employees, working at home gives much-needed sensory control and routine flexibility. This includes adjusting lighting to reduce overwhelm, controlling noise levels and taking breaks when needed. It also allows avoiding the social exhaustion that constant office interactions can create.
Loneliness is also a workplace issue
Loneliness is a significant concern among both remote and on-site workers.
A survey of 7,500 American workers found over half feel lonely. Some 36% of lonely workers were more likely to seek a job somewhere else, compared with 20% of workers who were not lonely. Additionally, 42% of lonely workers reported being disengaged. This is twice as many as among surveyed workers who were not lonely.
Earlier research from 2024 found one in five workers globally experienced loneliness a lot in the previous day.
Loneliness is particularly pronounced among younger workers, with 46% of those aged 18–24 feeling left out.
Loneliness impacts business performance as well individuals. Workplace loneliness leads to decreased engagement, reduced commitment, and increased turnover.
Managers can address workplace loneliness by fostering a culture of wellbeing, creating opportunities to build relationships, increasing support and practising inclusive decision-making.
How can employers help anxious staff return to the office?
Know that workers may feel anxious about returning to offices, so allow them to ease back in. Gradual transitions prove more effective than abrupt changes, perhaps starting with one day weekly before building up.
Preparation is essential to support a diverse workforce. This should include clear communication about hybrid expectations, flexibility where possible, and recognition that transitions take time.
Attention to the physical work environment is vital. Creating inclusive office environments means considering lighting, noise levels and providing spaces where employees can work without visual and auditory distraction.
Regular check-ins with returning staff, openness to feedback and maintaining flexibility around working arrangements can significantly ease transitions.
Finally, keep in mind that forced returns can backfire, creating more anxiety rather than engagement.
Set policies that allow employees to thrive
The evidence highlights that no approach works for everyone. Some people genuinely thrive in collaborative office environments, while others do their best work from home.
A large body of research shows a majority of workers benefit from hybrid models that maximise both collaboration and individual productivity, while supporting diverse working styles.
Organisations need to adopt both evidenced-based practice and individual flexibility to get the best from their workforce. Success depends on recognising that workplace anxiety, loneliness and productivity are complex issues requiring individualised approaches.
Whether you’re an employee worried about office returns, or a manager supporting your team, focus on creating environments where everyone can contribute effectively, while maintaining wellbeing.
As this workplace evolution continues, the most successful organisations will be those that remain flexible, listen to diverse employee needs, and adapt based on evidence rather than personal preferences or assumptions about what is most effective.
Libby (Elizabeth) Sander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This year Australia has seen a horrific string of reports and allegations about abuse and neglect in childcare centres. Families are desperate to ensure their kids are safe and political leaders have been rushing to respond.
On Friday, Australia’s federal and state education ministers agreed on several new safety measures. Federal Early Childhood Education Minister Jess Walsh described them as “the strongest and most significant package of child safety reforms in our nation’s history.”
What was agreed? And how could they be improved?
What’s been announced?
Education ministers agreed to set up a new “national educator register” to tell regulators who is working in the early childhood sector and where. It will also show the status of people’s working with children checks. Federal Education Minister Jason Clare said it would be developed from scratch, need new legislation and roll out from February next year.
Other measures include:
mandatory child safety training for all early childhood education staff – including the bosses of childcare companies. This will begin in 2026 to help workers “spot a person who might be hiding in plain sight” and who may be grooming a child
a national CCTV trial in up to 300 services, which will begin by the end of 2025
a ban on personal mobile phones in services from September 1 2025
1,600 extra spot checks to be carried out by Commonwealth officers
more information for parents about the condition and record of centres, including the last time a check was made and if any issues have been raised by regulators.
These measures are a positive start but they could also go further, as we explain below.
A register for early childhood education and care workers makes sense. The register will be helpful for tracking where people have worked, so potential employers can look up the backgrounds of those applying for jobs.
For example, it could be a red flag if someone has moved around a lot (noting the sector is highly casualised, staff turnover is high and it is not unusual for people to work in multiple jobs). A national register will also help investigators if someone is suspected of wrongdoing.
Clare says the government will “develop and build” the register over time. But in its current planned form, it falls short of a nationally consistent reportable conduct scheme (which was proposed by the child abuse royal commission in 2017).
This would include any reports of misconduct that cannot be prosecuted criminally and are therefore missed in criminal history screenings (via working with children checks).
Some states are doing this on their own (for example from July 2026, in Queensland, early childhood organisations will be required to report concerning conduct from anyone who works with children). This week, the Victorian government announced it would reform its reportable conduct scheme so information relevant to child-safety “whether substantiated or not” is shared with relevant regulators and agencies.
But such schemes are most effective if they’re all connected to each other as it’s very easy to cross a border in Australia. We should also be enforcing standards around reference checks – which was recommended by the Victorian review this week.
How would CCTV help?
A 2025 report on the New South Wales sector estimated 30% of childcare services already had CCTV installed.
Obviously, 300 services nationally is not a lot (there are more than 9,000 centre-based services in Australia). Clare said the trial would look at where cameras are placed in centres and how data can be safely stored.
We know CCTV can have a general deterrent effect – and people are less likely to offend if they believe they are being surveilled. And it can also be used in investigations if there is an allegation or complaint. Research (including our own upcoming study) suggests many educators would like CCTV for their own protection if allegations were ever made against them.
But we can’t expect CCTV to prevent everything – you can’t have someone sitting at a control panel looking at footage all the time.
The Victorian report recommended a “four eyes” principal in centres, where there need to be two adults, visible to each other, taking care of kids at all times. Clare told reporters on Friday ministers had asked the national childcare authority to report back before the end of the year on this idea and the impact on educator-to-child ratios. This is an important prevention strategy. But it will depend on addressing workforce issues so there are enough staff who are empowered to speak up when they notice something.
More spot checks
Regulatory agencies have been woefully under-resourced – so more funds to do checks is a positive step. But beyond the spot checks, regulators need to actually shut services down if they are unsafe.
They have previously had the power to do this but have rarely done it, given the impact on families. As the Productivity Commission noted in 2024, shutting a service down was “severe” and “should be used as a last resort when less severe measures have not succeeded.”
Parents should also know they can do a spot check themselves at any time. Just turn up at your centre unannounced (so, not at 8am or 5pm). Is your centre welcoming and happy to see you? Do the children seem calm and cared for?
As the Victorian report observed this week, there is an inherent problem in Australia’s early childhood system. It is mainly run by for-profit providers. We know for-profit childcare services are, on average, rated as lower quality than not-for-profit services.
These latest federal government proposals don’t address the root causes of problems in the early childhood. Instead they work within the boundaries of what we already have. There is a tendency for policymakers to take the conventional wisdom and package it up and say “we’re doing more, we’re trying harder”.
Arguably we have to do something more radical and restructure the entire sector so profit is not a driver and services are only focused on quality and safety.
Brian Q. Jenkins has received funding from the Queensland Family and Child Commission.
Danielle Arlanda Harris has received funding from the Queensland Family and Child Commission.
The ancient Greek orator Dio Chrysostom (1st-2nd century CE) said in his speech To the People of Alexandria that there were two kinds of democracy: one good and one bad.
According to Dio, one form of democracy “is reasonable and gentle and truly mild”. It allows for free speech. It is fair, magnanimous and respectful of good people and good advice.
But Dio continues with darker words about democracy:
The more prevalent kind of democracy is bold and arrogant, difficult to please in anything, fastidious, resembling tyrants or much worse, seeing that its vice is not that of one individual or of one kind but a jumble of the vices of thousands; and so it is a multifarious and dreadful beast.
In the modern world, there are many arguments about the nature of democracy, and many words both of praise and of criticism. To a lot of readers, Dio’s words might ring true.
For people in ancient times, democracy was also a complicated and hotly debated concept.
So, what exactly were the ancient Greeks’ ideas about democracy, and how much do they differ from modern thinking?
The term comes from the ancient Greek word demokratia. This is a combination of the words dēmos (meaning “people”) and kratos (meaning “power” or “rule”).
Basically, democratia meant “power of the people”. But who were the people who had the power?
The word dēmos is potentially ambiguous. But in a basic sense, dēmos referred to people who live in a specific area.
However, in the political context of ancient Greece, dēmos usually meant all the citizens who were eligible to vote.
But some ancient thinkers equated the dēmos with the mob – the poor and uneducated people who, by sheer numbers, could outvote the wealthy and educated.
Athenian democracy
When we reflect today on ancient democracy, we are usually thinking of demokratia in Athens in Attica, Greece, that lasted from around 507 BCE to around 321 BCE.
The Athenians represented democracy as the goddess Demokratia. In artwork she is sometimes depicted crowning an old man who symbolises the people.
In the ancient world, the politician Cleisthenes was regarded as the founder of democracy. After the tyrant Hippias was expelled from Athens in 510 BCE, Cleisthenes won a power struggle and introduced a new system of representation.
He divided the region of Attica into ten tribes and 139 demes. Each citizen was member of a tribe and deme. Each tribe and deme had a fixed number of representatives elected by vote.
Fundamental to early Athenian democracy were the ideas of liberty and equality.
Liberty meant freedom to take part in politics, freedom of speech, and freedom to live the kind of private life you wanted.
Equality meant everyone had the same opportunity to be involved in politics and speak at political events, and everyone was subjected to the same laws.
Political rights in democracy were only available to adult male Athenians. A man was enrolled on the roster of citizens at age 20 and could be a political candidate or juror only at the age of 30.
There were no political rights for women, slaves, or people who were not Athenian by birth.
Of some 300,000 people living in Attica, only about 30,000 men had full political rights at any time.
The Athenian democracy ended in around 321 BCE when the Macedonians defeated the Athenians in the Lamian War. The Macedonians replaced the democracy of Athens with an oligarchy.
In a democracy, people can vote for horrible things
In the ancient world, democracy was never without critics.
One of the sternest ancient detractors of democracy was the philosopher Plato (429-347 BCE). Plato believed democracy was at fault for allowing people to participate in politics regardless of whether or not they were qualified to do so.
Plato was probably personally biased against democracy because the Athenians had voted for his beloved teacher, Socrates, to be put to death.
Others in antiquity complained that in a democracy people can vote for horrible things. As the Roman writer Claudius Aelian (2nd-3rd century CE) protested:
What decrees the Athenians passed, even though they were a democracy!
They ordered that each Aeginetan should have his right thumb amputated so that he could not hold a spear but would be able to manage an oar. They ordered the execution of all adult Mytileneans.
They passed this proposal, made by Cleon, son of Cleaenetus. Captured prisoners from Samos were to be branded on the forehead, the mark being an owl; this too was an Athenian decree […]
I wish these measures had not been passed by the Athenians and that such things were not reported of them.
From ancient to modern democracy
In modern times, democracy is the word we use to refer to a system of government where the people elect representatives to push for their interests in the national assembly.
Unlike in ancient times, in most modern countries with democratic forms of government most adults are eligible to take part in politics and vote for representatives.
But just like in ancient times, democracy continues to have its supporters and critics.
Still, regardless of democracy’s inevitable faults, many would probably still agree with ancient thinker Periander of Corinth, who said:
Democracy is better than tyranny.
Konstantine Panegyres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Exiled West Papuan media are calling for Fiji — in a reflection of Melanesian solidarity — to hold the greater Pacific region to account and stand against Indonesia’s ongoing media blackout in addition to its human rights abuses.
The leaders in their field which include two Papuans from Indonesia’s occupied provinces have visited the Pacific country to forge media partnerships, university collaboration and joint advocacy for West Papua self-determination.
They were speaking after the screening of a new documentary film, Pepera 1969: A Democratic Integration, was screened at The University of the South Pacific in Fiji.
The documentary is based on the controversial plebiscite 56 years ago when 1025 handpicked Papuan electors, which were directly chosen by the Indonesian military out of its 800,000 citizens, were claimed to have voted unanimously in favour of Indonesian control of Western New Guinea.
Victor Mambor — a co-founder of Jubi Media Papua — in West Papua; Yuliana Lantipo, one of its senior journalists and editor; and Dandhy Laksono, a Jakarta-based investigative filmmaker; shared their personal experiences of reporting from inside arguably the most heavily militarised and censored region in the Pacific.
“We are here to build bridges with our brothers and sisters in the Pacific,” Mambor told the USP media audience.
Their story of the Papuan territory comes after Dutch colonialists who had seized Western New Guinea, handed control of the East Indies back to the Indonesians in 1949 before The Netherlands eventually withdrew from Papuan territory in 1963.
‘Fraudulent’ UN vote The unrepresentative plebiscite which followed a fraudulent United Nations-supervised “Act of Free Choice” in 1969 allowed the Indonesian Parliament to grant its legitimacy to reign sovereignty over the West Papuans.
That Indonesian authority has been heavily questioned and criticised over extinguishing independence movements and possible negotiations between both sides.
Indonesia has silenced Papuan voices in the formerly-named Irian Jaya province through control and restrictions of the media.
Mambor described the continued targeting of his Jubi Media staff, including attacks on its office and vehicles, as part of an escalating crackdown under Indonesia’s current President Prabowo Subianto, who took office less than 12 months ago.
“If you report on deforestation [of West Papua] or our culture, maybe it’s allowed,” he said.
“But if you report on human rights or the [Indonesian] military, there is no tolerance.”
An Indonesian MP, Oleh Soleh, warned publicly this month that the state would push for a “new wave of repression” targeting West Papuan activists while also calling the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) – the West Papuan territory’s peak independence movement – as a “political criminal group”.
‘Don’t just listen to Jakarta’ “Don’t just listen to what Jakarta says,” Mambor said.
“Speak to Papuans, listen to our stories, raise our voices.
“We want to bring West Papua back to the Pacific — not just geographically, but politically, culturally, and emotionally.”
Press freedom in West Papua has become most dire more over the past 25 years, West Papuan journalists have said.
Foreign journalists are barred entry into the territory and internet access for locals is often restricted, especially during periods of civil unrest.
Indigenous reporters also risk arrest and/or violence for filing politically sensitive stories.
Most trusted media Founded in 2001 by West Papuan civil society, Jubi Media Papua’s English-language publication, the WestPapua Daily, has become arguably the most trusted, independent source of news in the territory that has survived over its fearless approach to journalism.
“Our journalists are constantly intimidated,” Mambor said, “yet we continue to report the truth”.
The word Jubi in one of the most popular Indigenous Papuan languages means to speak the truth.
Mambor explained that the WestPapua Daily remained a pillar of a vocal media movement to represent the wishes of the West Papuan people.
The stories published are without journalists’ bylines (names on articles) out of fear against retribution from the Indonesian military.
“We created a special section just to tell Pacific stories — to remind our people that we are not alone, and to reconnect West Papua with our Pacific identity,” Mambor said.
Lantipo spoke about the daily trauma faced by the Papuan communities which are caught in between the Indonesian military and the West Papua national liberation army who act on behalf of the ULMWP to defend its ancestral homeland.
‘Reports of killings, displacement’ “Every day, we receive reports: killings, displacement, families fleeing villages, children out of school, no access to healthcare,” Lantipo said.
“Women and children are the most affected.”
The journalists attending the seminar urged the Fijian, Melanesian and Pacific people to push for a greater awareness of the West Papuan conflict and its current situation, and to challenge dominant narratives propagated by the Indonesian government.
Laksono, who is ethnically Indonesian but entrenched in ongoing Papuan independence struggles, has long worked to expose injustices in the region.
“There is no hope from the Asian side,” Laksono said.
“That’s why we are here, to reach out to the Pacific.
“We need new audiences, new support, and new understanding.”
Arrested over tweets Laksono was once arrested in September 2019 for publishing tweets about the violence from government forces against West Papua pro-independence activists.
Despite the personal risks, the “enemy of the state” remains committed to highlighting the stories of the West Papuan people.
“Much of Indonesia has been indoctrinated through school textbooks and [its] media into believing a false history,” he said.
“Our film tries to change that by offering the truth, especially about the so-called Act of Free Choice in 1969, which was neither free nor a genuine act of self-determination.”
Andrew Mathieson writes for the National Indigenous Times.
Melanesian supporters for West Papuan self-determination at The University of the South Pacific. Image: USP/NIT
New research conducted at Walufeni Cave, an important archaeological site in Papua New Guinea, reveals new evidence of long-distance interactions between Oceania’s Indigenous societies, as far back as 3,200 years ago.
Our new study, published in the journal Australian Archaeology, is the first archaeological research undertaken on the Great Papuan Plateau. The findings continue to undermine the historical Eurocentric idea that early Indigenous societies in this region were static and unchanging.
Instead, we find further evidence for what Monash Professor of Indigenous Archaeology Ian J. McNiven calls the Coral Sea Cultural Interaction Sphere: a dynamic interchange of trade, ideas and movement over a vast region encompassing New Guinea, the Torres Strait, and north-eastern Australia.
Walufeni Cave is an important archaeological site in the Great Papuan Plateau. Bryce Barker
Tracking movement across Sahul
The goal of the Great Papuan Plateau project was to determine whether the plateau may have been an eastern pathway for the movement of early people into north-eastern Australia, at a time when New Guinea and Australia were joined in the continent of Sahul.
The two countries as we know them separated about 8,000 years ago due to sea levels rising after the last glacial period.
Our research in Walufeni Cave, located near Mount Bosavi in New Guinea’s southern highlands province, identified occupation dating back more than 10,000 years. We also found a unique and as yet undated petroglyph rock art style.
Petroglyph rock engraving from Walufeni Cave. Author provided
Our analyses of cave deposits reveals significant changes in how the site was used starting from just over 3,000 years ago. This includes changes to the frequency of occupation, to plant and animal use, as well as the sudden appearance of coastal marine shell.
Specifically, we found 3,200-year-old evidence for the transport of marine shell 200km inland, which has previously been recorded as coming from the southern coast of the Gulf of Papua, and from as far away as Torres Strait.
This suggests the long-distance maritime trade and interaction networks between the societies of coastal southern New Guinea, Torres Strait and northern Australia extended far inland – and much further than previously known.
The significance of marine shells
Archaeologists and ethnographers have widely documented the use of culturally modified marine shells as important items of trade and prestige in New Guinea.
These shells were used as markers of status and prestige, for ritual purposes, as currency and wealth, as tools, and to facilitate long-distance social ties between groups.
Despite the coastal availability of a large variety of shellfish, only a relatively small selection are recorded as being commonly used in New Guinea.
The most prominent of these are dog whelks (Nassaridae), cowrie shells (Cypraeidae), cone shells (Conidae), baler shell (Volutidae), and pearl/kina shell (Pteriidae). Many of these are significant for ritual and symbolic functions across the Indo-Pacific and indeed, globally.
Dog whelks were the predominant species we found in Walufeni Cave, along with olive shells and cowrie shells. These come from very small “sea snails”, or gastropods.
All of the shells we found had been culturally modified, such as to allow stitching onto garments, or threading onto strings.
Gastropod shells continue to be used by today’s plateau societies. They may be sewn onto elaborate ceremonial costumes, or offered in long strings as trade items, or as bridal dowry.
Images of modified marine shell found at Walufeni Cave. A and B are dog whelk, while C is cowrie shell and D is olive shell. Author
Pottery and oral tradition
Further evidence for long-distance voyaging between the southern coast of Papua New Guinea and the Torres Strait and Northern Australia comes in the form of pottery.
Researchers have found Lapita pottery at two archaeological sites on the south coast of New Guinea (Caution Bay and Hopo). These have been dated to 2,900 and 2,600 years ago, respectively.
Lapita pottery is a distinctive feature of Austronesian long-distance voyagers with origins in modern-day Taiwan and the Philippines. Lapita peoples bought the first pottery to New Guinea about 3,300 years ago, providing the template for later localised pottery production.
In a separate finding, Aboriginal pottery dating back to 2,950 years ago was reported from Jiigurru (Lizard Island), off the coast of the Cape York Peninsula. While this pottery isn’t stylistically Lapita, the technology used to make it is.
Similar pottery dating back 2,600 years ago has been reported on the eastern Murray Islands of Torres Strait, and in the Mask Cave on Pulu Island, western Torres Strait. Analysis of the Murray Island pottery indicates the clay was derived from southern Papua New Guinea.
These studies suggest the Lapita peoples’ knowledge of how to make pottery spread to Torres Strait and northern Australia via the interaction sphere.
Furthermore, the cultural hero Sido/Souw, who is present in oral tradition on the Great Papuan Plateau, is also present in oral tradition from the Torres Strait and southern New Guinea. This demonstrates sociocultural connections across a vast area.
Our research builds on the continuing reevaluation of the capabilities of Indigenous societies, which were often characterised by early anthropologists as static and unchanging.
Bryce Barker receives funding from the Australian Research Council .
Tiina Manne receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 22, 2025.
Keith Rankin Analysis – Equal Pay, Pay Equity, and Cost-of-Living Narratives Analysis by Keith Rankin. This year, the heated non-debate in Aotearoa New Zealand about pay equity, has left important answers unquestioned. Equal Pay versus Pay Equity The first point that must be made is to distinguish ‘equal pay’ from ‘pay equity’. Equal pay means, for different identity groups, the same pay for the same work.
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NZ is trailing its allies over Palestinian statehood – but there’s still time to show leadership ANALYSIS: By Treasa Dunworth, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau It’s now more than a week since Prime Minister Christopher Luxon announced his government had begun to formally consider New Zealand’s position on the recognition of a Palestinian state. That leaves two weeks until the UN General Assembly convenes on September 9, where it is
With eyes on re-election, Netanyahu’s fights with world leaders aim to distract from many political problems Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ran Porat, Affiliate Researcher, The Australian Centre for Jewish Civilisation, Monash University As the longest-serving Israeli prime minister (17 years), Benjamin Netanyahu is famous for his political wizardry and survival skills. But he is also a highly controversial figure with questionable moral standards and legacy. His latest
Keith Rankin, trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
Analysis by Keith Rankin.
This year, the heated non-debate in Aotearoa New Zealand about pay equity, has left important answers unquestioned.
Equal Pay versus Pay Equity
Keith Rankin, trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
The first point that must be made is to distinguish ‘equal pay’ from ‘pay equity’. Equal pay means, for different identity groups, the same pay for the same work. The concept has been mainly applied to sex, and to employees paid by the hour; with equal pay, a woman with the same qualification and experience receives the same hourly pay rate as a man.
In New Zealand, this was mandated into law in 1972 – the 1972 Equal Pay Act – and has been an unwavering centrepiece of New Zealand’s labour law ever since. Before 1972, women gained a ‘market wage’, and men – presumed to be current or future ‘family breadwinners’ – received a privileged wage. (This privileged wage was enabled, especially from December 1938, by a regime of import protection – tariffs and customs’ duties – which meant that New Zealand breadwinners were sheltered from direct competition with foreign workers earning much lower wages.)
As recently as last week, supporters of ‘pay equity’ (including the great-grandson of Elizabeth McCombs), were claiming that ‘equal pay for equal work’ is a current aspiration rather than a long-standing reality. (Refer First female MP would have been ‘appalled’ by pay equity changes, says great grandson, The Post, 11 August 2025: “I grew up with … ‘women [and] girls can do anything’, you know – equal work, equal pay. It just seems absurd that my daughters and granddaughters are still fighting for the same thing that my great grandmother and her sisters fought for.” The Post article, in making no attempt to mention the 1972 introduction of Equal Pay, was perpetuating a kind of politics based on assertion rather than knowledge. Also note this RNZ article: Unofficial People’s Select Committee Starts Pay Equity Hearings, Scoop, 11 August 2025. ‘Equal pay’ is mentioned three times. Of those three, the only mention relevant to the theme of ‘pay equity’ was by the Minister, Brooke van Velden. No effort was made by the authors of the story to reconcile the contradictory references to ‘equal pay’. Not even basic fact-checking, re 1972.)
Pay equity is something different from equal pay. It is corrective remuneration in a case where a whole occupation is underpaid on the basis of employer-discrimination against an identity group. In the situation which has been politicised in Aotearoa in 2025, that identity group is women. A pay equity correction is made by the authorities proclaiming and enforcing a new relativity re some ‘comparator occupation’ whose work is deemed equivalent.
Clearly, like the privileged men’s wages of the distant past, success here would be a privileged wage in the sense that it is imposed by ‘the state’ onto the labour market. Before such a pay-equity correction can be authorised, the alleged discrimination itself needs to be verified (beyond reasonable doubt?). Under present and past law, to be allowed to establish inter-occupational discrimination, the claimant occupation’s employees should be predominantly women. I would define female-dominant as meaning at least twice as many women as men in non-managerial roles. (On this basis, primary school teaching would meet the criterion; but secondary school teaching would not.) To prove discrimination, you have to be able to make a very strong claim that the reason for alleged under-remuneration is the sex-ratio, meaning that if two-thirds of the workers were men then that under-remuneration would not have occurred. (Is it credible that female secondary-school teachers are significantly meeker than male secondary-school teachers?)
By definition, remuneration based on pay-equity is a departure from a market-clearing outcome, so a pay-equity settlement would need to address the problem of an overpriced market; such as an employer subsidy (for an occupation in the economy’s non-tradable-sector) or an export subsidy (for an occupation in the tradable-sector). We note that the pre-1972 ‘privileged wage’ paid to men had coincided with some forms of protection, such as import protection. In a 2020s’ fiscal environment, we have already seen that higher nurses’ pay has led to fewer nurses being hired; that is, given the financial constraints imposed on the principal hiring authority.
We need to note that the fact that an occupation is female-dominant does not in itself mean that there must be inter-occupational pay-discrimination. Conversely, it is also possible that some occupations which have a majority of male workers may be subject to adverse discrimination; occupations with large numbers of immigrant workers come to mind.
Equal pay in 1972 was a revolution which both reflected societal changes (from the 1930s) of sex roles – from prescribed household economic roles towards individualism within households and towards greater diversity in household structures – and also facilitated such changes, even towards the adoption of subjective notions of what ‘male’ and ‘female’ actually mean. While the practical effect of equal pay was to replace the legislatively privileged male real wage with an unprivileged market wage, the wider effect was to incentivise individual labour force participation, making paid work (as distinct from ‘pay’ itself) come to be understood more as a ‘benefit’ and less than the ‘cost’ that it unequivocally is in neoclassical economics. Households needed to supply more hours of work. And paid work came to be interpreted as ‘liberation’. (We note that New Zealand’s benefit system remains the major discriminator against women; the Ministry for Social Development continues to uphold the view that unemployed people with employed partners cannot receive a job-seeker benefit.)
Ironically, in the year after the Marshall-Muldoon National government introduced Equal Pay, Roger Douglas, a junior minister in the Third Labour Government, introduced a comprehensive New Zealand Superannuation Scheme; a scheme which was fully predicated on the traditional view of the male householder as a breadwinner supporting female and junior dependents. It was Robert Muldoon, once again, who rescued the progressive new individualism over the increasingly quaint and regressive ‘working-class male-breadwinner’ social milieu; Muldoon scrapped New Zealand Superannuation in its infancy, replacing it in 1976 with National Superannuation, a Universal Basic Income for seniors (defined, practically, as all New Zealanders aged over 60); this was a comprehensive reinstatement of the ‘Universal Superannuation’ legislated for by the First Labour Government – the Savage government – in 1938.
New Zealand is still one of the few countries in the world to have any kind of rights-based Universal Basic Income, although today the age of eligibility is 65; and it now has the name of Douglas’s very different scheme, New Zealand Superannuation (NZS). As important way in which NZS reflects the liberal ambitions of Equal Pay is that it creates a liberal retirement-income regime, individualised, facilitating individual choice over when to retire; and acknowledging the societal contributions of those in their ‘working-age’ lives (including many women) who did not ‘make lots of money’. (Sadly, one of the first things the Labour Government quietly did in 2020 was to disqualify people – about 90% of whom were women – from accessing NZS as a ‘non-qualifying spouse’; this former provision for retired couples ensured that partners aged under 65 of persons aged over 65 could gain an income-tested version of NZS.)
The rise of the Funded Sector
It’s always been a bit of a puzzle as to why, in the late 1980s, barely 15 years after Equal Pay, the Trade Union movement started to clamour for something else; for Pay Equity. Part of the answer is that ‘organised labour’ changed fundamentally after 1984, under the auspices of ‘Rogernomics’ and ‘Ruthenasia’. And part of that fundamental change was the decline of the traditional male-dominated trade unions which in some cases fought valiantly, but in a fated struggle, to retain high wage jobs for their members.
In its place, we saw the rise of ‘white collar’ unions, which proved to be a substantial feminisation of unions. We saw a dichotomy between what is now called the ‘funded sector’ and New Zealand’s traditional export-focused private sector with its freezing workers, railwaymen, seamen, wharfies, miners, and workers in protected manufacturing industries such as car-assembly. The ‘funded sector’ is a wide interpretation of the ‘public sector’, where employment opportunities are directly linked to governments’ fiscal programmes and policies; it includes crown entities, state owned enterprises, state-contracted organisations such as the ambulance service, and local government.
There emerged substantial numbers of women in a new ‘upper working class’; women in their twenties and thirties earning relatively low salaries, employed in the ‘brave new funded sector’ following the neoliberal reforms. While most of these women were glad to be seen and treated as equals in their workplaces, many were pushed into fulltime work while they had young children; the mortgage had to be paid. So, we also then saw the emergence of a substantial childcare industry (and the decline of kindergartens and play-centres), which is – in effect – also part of the funded sector. As is, also, the growing age-care industry, especially the nursing homes (distinct from the new retirement villages which cater for retired elites and members of the privileged generations – born circa 1935 to 1960 – who have been downsizing from mortgage-free standalone houses on large sections).
Differences between male and female pay on average are linked to the nature of the funded sector itself, as the dominant employer of women; and in particular the unnecessary realities of prioritising ‘fiscal consolidation’ over ‘duty of care’ and societal investment.
The feminist premise which underpins pay equity
Feminism has two contradictory premises. The first premise is that women are the ‘meeker sex’, and therefore require collective intervention to support equitable outcomes for female individuals vis-à-vis male individuals. The idea is that women have been muscled out – figuratively and almost literally – from opportunities for individual self-realisation and influence. The alternative premise is that women are not meeker than men; indeed, that there is no ‘meeker sex’. The idea is that women have achieved lives equally as fruitful as men; but that the many individual and collective achievements of women have not been adequately reported by (mainly) male historians and journalists.
Neither premise is entirely incorrect. Thus, the two feminisms differ more on emphasis than on one being true and the other false. Pay equity is informed by the first of these feminisms. And the substantial and visible successes of women in public life in the last fifty years or so suggest that changes such as Equal Pay have enabled women’s many very real contributions to become more visible. One feminism favours directive policy; the other favours enabling policy and equitable recognition.
The Pay Equity argument is subject to an important ‘catch-22’. To gain the desired policy outcome women have to argue that women are subject to adverse discrimination because of their meekness. Yet, for women to successfully pursue this argument, they have to reveal women to be anything other than meek.
Indeed, the female leaders of the labour movement (who have been substantive leaders of organised labour since at least the 1980s) have revealed that women can be and have been at least as assertive – indeed stroppy – as men. Further, we have for many years now seen that such female-dominant professions as nursing and primary school teaching have assertively advocated for their interests for many years. And it’s not new. Magazines such as Woman Today and Working Woman were doing this in the 1930s. And we openly acknowledge the contributions of strong women in the past, self-realisers and community-realisers, such as Jean Batten and Dame Whina Cooper.
On the matter of catches-22 see ‘Turning women’s wages into a political piggy bank’, Newsroom, 12 Aug 2025. The argument here seems to be that pay-equity claims would first have to be initiated to establish if the claims have merit; but that the prior establishment of merit has become a pre-requisite for a claim to be initiated. I would like to have seen that ‘catch-22’ argument put to a government spokesperson. The resolution here would be the reality of ‘degrees of merit’. Some merit would have to be present from the outset; the adjudication of the claim would then evaluate sufficient merit to adjudicate in favour of an intervention.
My understanding is that there remains a clear pathway to lodging a ‘pay equity’ claim – and hopefully available to any employee group who feels they are underpaid on account of their predominant sex, religion, ethnicity etc – but that it must place emphasis on evidence indicating adverse discrimination. It can never be enough to evoke correlation; causation is the idea that an occupation is subject to low remuneration because of the demographic mix of its employees, meaning that a less-meek employee-mix would, of itself, yield higher wages and better working conditions.
Wage activism and pacifism in New Zealand’s history
New Zealand once (from the 1890s to the 1980s) had a directive system of setting ‘award wages’; the 1894 Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act, “The brainchild of Minister of Labour William Pember Reeves”. It morphed into a system of relativities; wage increases would be set for one occupation, and wages for other occupations were effectively indexed.
Or there would be general wage orders. As a result of compliant male-dominated trade unions, by the mid-1960s wages in New Zealand were substantially lower than they should have been, given substantial per capita economic growth. When in 1968 the Arbitration Court mandated a zero wage increase despite five percent CPI inflation, the creaky system of general wage mandates collapsed. It was up to the new Finance Minister, Robert Muldoon, to pick up the pieces, which he did successfully. From 1969 to 1973, wage increases outpaced productivity growth. The new regime was what the stronger unions had wanted – ‘free-collective-bargaining’ – and it took place during the inflationary 1970s. Real wages in New Zealand reached their post-war peak in 1981, although after-tax wages had to wait until 1982 to be corrected through a substantial new tax scale.
While wage relativities between occupations were finally scrapped in Ruth Richardson’s 1991 Employment Contracts Act, in that same neoliberal era a system of salary-relativities was introduced for Members of Parliament and senior public servants. Their pay would be ‘indexed’ to the pay of corporate executives, in full knowledge that the deregulations of the late 1980s would start a process in which the remuneration growth of business executives would substantially outpace the remuneration growth of ordinary private sector employees. The MPs had hitched themselves onto an inequality bandwagon.
We note that, in the very uncertain 2020s, workers in the ‘funded sector’ have been relatively privileged. There now appears to be a new aristocracy of labour, and it is large parts of the highly unionised funded sector. In the 1950s in New Zealand, the aristocracy of labour were the seamen, wharfies, miners, and meat-workers; and the strongest unions represented their interests over the interests of workers more generally. That ‘aristocracy’ was undermined in the 1960s by relativity processes largely connected to Labour Governments in the 1940s and 1950s. In the 1980s an elite ‘salariat’ formed, a new kind of aristocracy of managerial labour; more like traditional ruling-class aristocrats in their consumptionist mores. Nowadays, from the 2000s, we have a unionised funded salariat – the core of a new ‘upper working class’ which is closely linked to Labour politics – and an inherently insecure and under-unionised passive ‘lower working class’ precariat.
Economic ‘games’ (a technical term in economics) – such as ‘pay equity’ activist games – have become increasingly tone-deaf. This is especially true for this week’s secondary school teachers’ strike action – which appears to be a somewhat piqued reaction to its thwarted ‘pay equity’ submission – for a profession with employment security and reportedly having already achieved six-figure average salaries. And it is ‘tone-deaf’ in the context of what both National and Labour have framed as the present ‘cost-of-living’ crisis. Clearly, New Zealand can never match Australia for teachers’ salaries; that ship sailed more than 35 years ago, when suffocating macroeconomic policies created a decade of near-zero growth in New Zealand but not in Australia. For decades now, New Zealand has been to Australia much as what Poland or Czechia is to Germany. The fact that 63 percent of secondary teachers are female cannot be, in itself, a justification for raising the pay relativity between secondary-school teachers and (say) prison workers or defence force workers. Those other occupations have their issues, too.
Inflation, Cost-of-Living, and Economics 202
Setting wages on the basis of occupational relativities rather than in accordance with the market forces of demand and supply has not served New Zealand particularly well. In the 1960s compliant wage-setting had been counter-inflationary. In the early 1970s, the necessary wage catch-up almost certainly contributed to escalating inflation, though international factors were then the main drivers of inflation. I remember 25% CPI inflation in the United Kingdom in 1976, significantly higher than for New Zealand’s peak year.
In the late 1970s, following a coup in academia (most associated then with the name Milton Friedman, and the Chicago School), ‘expert thought’ about inflation was returning to the monetarist ideas which gained currency during the mercantilist era; ideas associated with the likes of Jean Bodin (16th century), John Locke (17th century), David Hume (18th century), and David Ricardo (19th century). Money was understood then to be gold and silver coin (specie); inflation was understood as a fall in the price of money; effectively a fall in the price of gold or silver. In the 1970s, after the gold-exchange standard was abandoned, the ‘fall in the price of money idea’ was adapted to modern fiat money, with Friedman’s provisos that a seemingly insignificant (at the time) over-restriction of the money supply could cause a ‘great depression’, and a seemingly insignificant (at the time) over-expansion of the money supply could cause a ‘great inflation’. In Economics 202 (intermediate macroeconomics), this idea is embodied in the Rational Expectations Hypothesis for which Robert Lucas won a Nobel Prize in 1995.
While the rational expectations’ theory is false in one key respect – the idea that it is normal for an inflationary ‘spiral’ to accelerate in the absence of macho policies of monetary restriction and credibility brinkmanship (noting that the present Governor of the Australian Reserve Bank is ‘macho’ in this respect) – it does offer a valid understanding of ‘demand-shocks’ and ‘supply-shocks’ as the beginnings of inflationary events; as the beginnings of ‘secondary inflation’.
A demand shock, such as an ‘over-stimulus’ (or a bout of animal spirits), brings about primary inflation. Whereas a supply-shock is not inflation at all; it’s simply an unexpected or unwarranted cost that has to be absorbed, such as the 2021 Covid19 supply-chain disturbances and the disruptions to food supplies in 2022 due to the Russia-Ukraine War. Secondary inflation can be understood as the adjustment ‘ripples’ emanating from the primary event. The idea that such ripples naturally accelerate – through an expectations’ mechanism – is metaphysical nonsense. Ripples settle – in this case through market mechanisms – unless invigorated by misplaced policy settings.
(A critical missing ingredient of the theory of inflation is the notion of ‘supply-elasticity’, also known as ‘surge capacity’. A sustainable anti-inflation program needs to create a destressed norm, which allows settled economies to respond to shocks – such as wars – in a responsive ‘quantitative’ way, through output flexibility rather than being thrown into inflation or deflation. The monetarist theory of ‘too much money chasing too few goods’ overemphasises the ‘too much money’ and underemphasises the reasons why there may be ‘too few goods’. Recent restrictive monetary policies have created supply rigidities by requiring the emigration of skilled workers, and by forcing sawmills and similar industries to downsize their capacity; see More Jobs at Risk in Tasman Sawmill Closure, 21 August 2015.)
One of the most-cited examples of a supply-shock in the literature is the ‘accommodation’ of a primary wage bid, such as a Pay Equity bid. The best way to think of a primary wage bid is to consider an economy that’s in a settled state (‘equilibrium’), and (for some ‘perverse’ reason) a group of workers seek to gain an advantage over other groups of workers. (Of course, ‘the economy’ is never in a ‘settled state’; nevertheless, careful analysis can establish whether any particular wage bid is stabilising or destabilising. An example of a necessary wage shock was the previously mentioned catch-up wage growth in New Zealand from 1969 to 1973.) A classic example of a destabilising wage bid is one which a strong union seeks to forge a new relativity.
To a classical macroeconomist, pay-equity claims in general – and including pay-equity-like claims such as the present teachers’ dispute – look very much like (if the employer grants the wage demands, that is) a textbook supply-shock which can initiate a spiral of accelerating inflation. The monetarists’ medicine to any ensuing secondary inflation (or to anticipated secondary inflation) is to suffocate the economy by ‘restricting the money supply’ ‘as much as it takes’ to terminate or prevent that event. (To use the ‘ripple’ analogy, it’s a ripple-suppression policy.)
In addition to the suffocating nastiness of that policy medicine, the interest-rate method of anti-inflation monetary policy adopted since the 1990s, such aggressive policy itself is a supply-shock (a ‘cost-of-living’ shock, albeit a non-textbook shock). An upwards intervention in the price of borrowed money adds to the cost-of-living, creating secondary inflation much as textbook supply shocks can create secondary inflation. The treatment of the ‘inflation cancer’ is itself such a cancer. Sometimes – though not typically with medical cancer – the best treatment is to wait with a watchful eye; to allow the ripples to subside.
Careless and tone-deaf Trade Union actions can precipitate the adoption of harmful and unnecessary policy interventions.
From a Trade Union viewpoint
The first thing a trade union should do is to contest the economic analysis of ‘the other side’. If it cannot or will not do this – if it cannot demonstrate that a pay claim is benign to the wider working and non-working classes – then it should not pursue the claim. The current teachers’ pay claim has made little attempt to contest the prevailing ‘cost-of-living’ narrative. This in a fait accompli political environment of ‘fiscal consolidation’ (aka ‘austerity’) and sensitivity to high prices. Unions’ priority should be to contest these uncontested and under-contested narratives.
All I have heard from the secondary teachers’ Union is that ‘the government could have done other things’ in 2024 – such as not granting ‘tax cuts’. They say that what their members have been offered is “less than the rate of inflation”, meaning a real pay cut. They have a credibility problem here, because in real terms (ie after adjusting for CPI inflation), the 2024 income tax adjustments were a tax increase rather than a tax increase; those income tax adjustments only partly compensated for CPI price increases.
The second problem is that only a part of the CPI-inflation that we have experienced is actual inflation. It is likely that the major part of the CPI increases this decade have been due to (ongoing) primary supply shocks, and not to (secondary) inflation at all. The sad thing about supply shocks is that we all have to bear them. Though some try to make others bear these real costs; for example, those who favour forever-wars tend to want others to pay the costs. (We should of course recommend ways to minimise future supply shocks; for example, to advocate peace over war, sustainability over profligacy, sufficiency over the quest of a few to make more-and-more money by selling more-and-more stuff.)
Our trade unions need to ‘read the room’, and to offer analysis and critique of the problematic narratives which enmesh us, and prevent the human world from evolving in the gentler and more sustainable ways which most of us favour. They should not be pushing the interests of one identity group over others.
Pushing for pay relativities vis-à-vis other occupational groups is not the answer; rather it’s part of the problem of some groups trying to ‘get ahead’ while others cannot or should not. Women – certainly modern women – are not meek. The assertive pretence of female meekness cannot achieve much. Thoughtful analysis and courageous counter-narrative can achieve much more. Governments – and the funded sector generally – need to see ways beyond their own financial housekeeping, and to emphasise their ‘duty of care’ and societal investment roles. If privileged wages in the funded sector are the answer, the wrong question was probably asked.
We have Equal Pay – equal pay for equal work. And we have a Universal Basic Income for seniors. Those are achievements we should celebrate, and draw inspiration from. Women assertively pursuing the narrative that women are paid less than men because women are meeker than men, could instead be critiquing the false macroeconomic narratives which represent the real problem.
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Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
Eating disorders can affect anybody, no matter their age, gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status or body size. Yet the myth that eating disorders are “diseases of affluence” persists, and can mean those from wealthier backgrounds are more likely to receive a diagnosis and be able to access treatment.
In fact, people who experience socioeconomic disadvantage may be more at risk of developing eating disorder symptoms, such as excessive dieting, fasting or binge eating.
A new study from the United Kingdom followed 7,824 children, roughly half male and half female, from birth to 18 years. It found those born into financial hardship were more likely than others to later experience eating disorder symptoms as teens.
This means the stereotype that eating disorders only affect the rich is simply not true. And it shows we need to better understand the risk for children from lower-income families, so we can recognise and treat their symptoms earlier.
What the study looked at
Previous research has shown eating disorders can affect people from all socioeconomic backgrounds, not just those with higher economic status. But this new study is one of the first to show deprivation in childhood could be a risk factor for eating disorder symptoms in adolescence.
This new large, long-term study collected data from thousands of people over an 18-year period to investigate the impact of social and financial hardship.
Researchers looked at parents’ education, job type and where they lived. They also examined income, which was split into five groups from low to high. These were more aspects of social studies than previous research had considered.
To assess financial hardship, mothers rated how much they struggled to afford daily expenses such as food, heating, clothing, rent and baby items. They used a scale from 0-15, with higher scores indicating greater hardship.
When the children grew up to be teenagers, researchers assessed eating disorder symptoms in all the young people across the study.
Patterns of disordered eating included excessive dieting, binge eating, vomiting or using laxatives to get rid of food, and fasting. The teens were also asked how they felt about their bodies – for example, how satisfied they were with their appearance, weight and shape.
What the study found
Eating disorder symptoms were higher in young people aged 14–18 whose parents had suffered greater financial hardship when they were babies. For patterns of disordered eating, this meant a 6% higher likelihood for every one point increase between 0 and 15 on the financial-hardship scale.
The study also found teens whose parents completed less formal education (meaning only compulsory schooling) were 80% more likely to experience disordered eating patterns than those whose parents went to university. For teens with parents in the lowest fifth and fourth income band, the risk was 34–35% higher than those in the top band of income.
These results are different to other studies on eating disorders, because they show people from low socioeconomic backgrounds have a higher chance of developing eating disorder symptoms.
The researchers suggest this difference may be because other studies only included participants with a diagnosis or who have sought help. Research has shown those experiencing financial hardship are less likely to be formally diagnosed or access treatment.
While this study is impressive in its size and results, it has a few limitations. Only around half the participants (55.9%) completed the full study, which may have affected the results.
Among those who did complete the study, some of their data was missing. This may also have influenced the findings.
The study also did not measure whether young people had a diagnosed eating disorder – only whether they had symptoms.
So, it may have captured a wider range of eating disorder experiences, including from those who wouldn’t seek formal support. But it means more research is needed to understand the link between socioeconomic status and formal diagnosis.
What does this mean?
People who are born into financial hardship may be more likely to struggle with disordered eating and body image issues in their teenage years than those who are not.
This not only debunks the stereotype that eating disorders occur only in people from affluent backgrounds, it shows disadvantage can be a risk factor.
The study sheds light on the inequalities and barriers in recognising and treating eating disorders.
Rates of people seeking help for an eating disorder are already low – and even lower among people from disadvantaged backgrounds.
The researchers suggested this could be because people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may also believe eating disorders mainly affect people from wealthier backgrounds.
Another reason may be that lower income is linked to higher rates of obesity and being overweight, and this might limit referrals for eating disorder symptoms.
Eating disorders not associated with thinness, such as bulimia and binge eating disorder, are often less visible and go undetected.
Better education about eating disorders – in schools and for families and health-care professionals – may help us recognise and treat them earlier.
But treatment also needs to be more affordable. In Australia, people can access eating disorder treatment sessions under Medicare, but this typically still involves a gap fee which can be up to A$100 or more, depending on the service. More no- or low-cost services are needed to reach everyone who needs them.
If you have a history of an eating disorder or suspect you may have one, you can contact the Butterfly Foundation’s national helpline on 1800 334 673 (or via their online chat).
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
It’s been five years since Beijing imposed a harsh new national security law on Hong Kong. During this time, the law has fundamentally altered the city-state, prompting scores of pro-democracy leaders to flee overseas and instilling a climate of fear and repression that has quashed any opposition to the communist government in Beijing.
The law came after months of mass protests in 2019 and 2020 over a bill that would have allowed suspects to be extradited from Hong Kong to mainland China.
That bill was withdrawn, but Beijing did not scale back its ambitions. Instead, it introduced the national security law in June 2020, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The law prohibits anything deemed by Beijing to constitute secession, subversion, terrorism or collusion with foreign forces.
The law also allows certain national security cases to be transferred to mainland courts, achieving by decree what the failed extradition bill had attempted to do.
Controlling the narrative
The law has reshaped Hong Kong’s politics, education and media since its introduction.
The city’s new school curriculum, for instance, denies Hong Kong was once a British colony. The curriculum redefines patriotism as unconditional allegiance to the Chinese state, with teachers facing repercussions if they present alternative views.
This further reinforces a distorted version of history that seeks to erase Hong Kong’s British past and dismisses Hongkongers’ nationality ties to the United Kingdom.
By controlling the narrative, the Chinese Communist Party is not only managing dissent but also reshaping Hong Kong’s civic identity to fit its own definition of loyalty.
Arresting dissidents and shutting down media
Opposition politics have been effectively dismantled since the law was brought into force.
Late last year, 45 of the city’s most well-known former pro-democracy figures were jailed over their participation in the 2020 unofficial primaries for local elections.
In June of this year, 28-year-old Joshua Wong, one of Hong Kong’s most famous advocates for Hong Kong’s self-determination, was charged with new offences under the national security law that could keep him imprisoned for life.
A human rights report released last month shows that 80% of Hongkongers targeted under the law since 2020 should not have been charged, and in 90% of cases, bail was denied.
Independent media outlets have met the same fate. In 2021, the pro-democracy newspaper Apple Daily was raided under the law, after which it ceased publication.
Its founder, Jimmy Lai, is currently facing trial on charges of colluding with foreign forces, with a verdict due soon.
Stand News, another independent outlet, was shut down following similar raids. Its senior editors are now serving prison sentences.
Repression beyond Hong Kong
The national security law also applies to anyone, anywhere in the world.
In July, the Hong Kong government issued arrest warrants and placed bounties on 19 foreign nationals for their involvement in the creation of an overseas “Hong Kong Parliament”.
Western governments reacted sharply to the bounties. In recent days, Australia and the UK also granted asylum to two of the activists who had been targeted.
China’s growing diplomatic presence overseas has also raised suspicions for Hongkongers who have fled the city. In London, plans for a massive new Chinese embassy complex have prompted security questions. The UK government has sought clarification over parts of the building plans that have been redacted, while both the US and Netherlands have issued their own security concerns.
What Western governments can do
While condemnation has been widespread, concrete policy responses from Western governments have been more limited. The one exception is the UK.
In January 2021, the UK opened a citizenship pathway for holders of British National (Overseas) passports and their dependants, allowing some Hongkongers to settle in the UK and eventually gain British citizenship.
Since the introduction of the national security law, more than 166,300 people have used the new BN(O) route to relocate to the UK. An estimated 5.4 million Hongkongers are eligible to apply for the scheme.
For these Hongkongers who have left, exile is not simply an escape from fear; it is a conscious commitment to hold onto their historic identity and memory as part of the former British empire.
The 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration promised that Hong Kong’s way of life would remain unchanged for 50 years after the 1997 handover to Chinese rule.
Five years into the national security law, that promise appears hollow. The law has redrawn Hong Kong’s legal boundaries, imprisoned its pro-democracy activists, transformed its education system and silenced its media.
In 2023, Chris Patten, Hong Kong’s last British governor, put it succinctly:
Here is an example of freedom, and the sort of freedom we take for granted in most Western societies, being under assault. If we allow it to go under, if we allow it to be buried in Hong Kong, then sooner or later it’ll threaten everyone.
Ka Hang Wong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In early August, US President Donald Trump signed a not-so-secretive order to make plans for the use of US military force against specific Latin American criminal organisations.
The plans were acted upon this week. The US deployed three guided-missile destroyers to the waters off Venezuela, with the authority to interdict drug shipments.
This was not exactly a surprise move. During his inauguration in January, Trump signed an executive order designating some criminal groups as foreign terrorist organisations. At the time, he told a journalist this could lead to US special forces conducting operations in Mexico.
Weeks later, six Mexican cartels were added to the foreign terrorist list, as were two other organisations: MS-13, an El Salvadoran gang and particular focus during Trump’s first presidency, and Tren De Aragua, a Venezuelan gang and frequent target during Trump’s presidential campaign in 2024.
In May, two Haitian groups were added to the list. Then, in July, another Venezuelan organisation known as the Cartel of the Suns was added to a similar list because of its support for other criminal groups.
Fentanyl brings a new focus on organised crime
Illicit substances have flown across the US-Mexican border for more than a century. But the emergence of the synthetic opioid fentanyl has shaken up US responses to the illicit drug trade.
Successive US governments have had little success at curbing fentanyl overdoses.
Instead, an emerging political consensus portrays fentanyl as an external problem and therefore a border problem.
When the Biden administration captured Ismael Zambada – one of Mexico’s most elusive drug barons who trafficked tonnes of cocaine into the US for 40 years – he was charged with conspiracy to distribute fentanyl. Even progressive independent Bernie Sanders has pivoted to claiming border security was the solution to the fentanyl crisis.
But focusing on border security will do little to improve or save lives within the US.
Tougher border measures have never effectively curtailed the supply of other illicit substances such as cocaine, heroin, or methamphetamine.
The question remains just what can be achieved by US military operations.
How to spot a cartel
While the chemical emissions from fentanyl labs are easily spotted by drones, cartels and their operatives are decidedly more difficult to identify.
Criminal organisations in Mexico tend to be loose networks of smaller factions. They don’t operate in strict hierarchies like corporations or armies.
The decentralised nature of these networks makes them extremely resilient. If one part of the chain is disrupted, the network adapts, sourcing materials from different places or pushing goods along different trafficking routes.
But US and Mexican security agencies often act as though cartels follow rigid hierarchies. The so-called “kingpin strategy” focuses on killing or arresting the leadership of criminal organisations, expecting it to render them unable to operate.
Combating criminal groups with the military has already been a spectacular failure in Mexico.
Former President Felipe Calderón declared war on the cartels in 2006, but his government lost credibility for leading Mexico into a war it could not win or escape.
Tens of thousands of people are now killed every year, a dramatic increase from the historically low homicide rates in the years leading up to 2006. More than 100,000 have disappeared since the beginning of the war.
Outside interventions also run the risk of increasing support for criminal groups.
In my research, I’ve found cartels sometimes market themselves as guardians of local people, successfully positioning themselves as more in touch with local people than the distant Mexican state.
Cartels can also certainly make the most of deep antipathy towards US intervention in Mexico.
All cartels are not equal
Deploying warships off the coast of Venezuela will have minimal impact on the fentanyl trade.
Research has found this isn’t an actual cartel – rather, the name describes a loose network of competing drug-trafficking networks within the Venezuelan state. Figures in the government certainly have ties to the illicit drug trade, but they are not organised in a cartel.
In Mexico, however, the cartels do exist – albeit not as imagined by the US government.
Current President Claudia Sheinbaum has shown a willingness to accommodate the Trump government on matters of fentanyl trafficking. She has deployed thousands of members of the National Guard to police the border and major trafficking centres, such as the state of Sinaloa.
The Mexican government has also made two mass extraditions of captured crime bosses to the US. As with the capture of Zambada by the Biden government, this is likely to be used as evidence the US is winning the battle against fentanyl.
Then again, these crime bosses could be put to other uses.
This move was part of the deal-making between the US government and President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador.
The US government may be eager to take the fight to organised crime, but sometimes political expediency is a bigger priority.
Philip Johnson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Day three of the government’s economic reform roundtable was about budget sustainability. It’s a slow burn issue. If the Australian government spends more than it raises in revenue, it has to finance the difference (the budget deficit) by borrowing. The most recent budget has forecast deficits for at least the next decade.
It is not an immediate problem. Domestic and overseas investors want to lend to Australia. However, each successive deficit leads to more borrowing – which keeps the interest bill growing. Eventually this debt has to be repaid.
At some point governments have to fix the problem through more tax, cutting spending, or both.
The ideal tax solution is a fairer, simpler system that raises more revenue. There is no shortage of ideas on how.
Reform is needed, but how do we get there?
Treasurer Jim Chalmers emerged from the three-day summit saying there was broad support from the gathered business and union leaders and economists for a simpler and more equitable tax system. He said on Friday morning:
Really, one of the defining outcomes of this economic reform roundtable was building consensus and momentum around ensuring that intergenerational fairness is one of the defining principles of our country, but also of our government.
The treasurer listed “building a better tax system” as one of ten long-term reform priorities.
an affordable, responsible way to incentivise business investment
and how to make the system simpler and more sustainable.
These are laudable goals. The objections will come when government tries to turn them into specific amendments. Australians are notoriously wary of tax changes.
There was a taste of this in the backlash to the government’s plan to reduce the tax concessions on superannuation balances over A$3 million.
That is no doubt why Prime Minister Anthony Albanese in advance of the roundtable ruled out further tax changes before the next election.
Tax settings should not be ‘set in stone’
Grattan Institute Chief Executive Aruna Sathanapally presented the roundtable with ideas for a better tax system.
Among her ideas were making personal income tax more equitable, improving business taxation and introducing a carbon tax.
Sathanapally argued rebalancing personal income tax could come in pieces: reducing superannuation concessions, introducing at least a low tax rate on earnings in retirement, reducing the capital gains discount and reforms to family trusts.
Or it could be systematic: a system that brings consistency to how we treat different types of savings.
Another attendee, economist Bob Breunig, likely gave the roundtable a summary of his and his colleagues’ recent research showing how the tax system unfairly benefits older Australians at the expense of younger Australians paying income tax.
This is leading to greater intergenerational inequity. One of the causes is low taxes on income from savings or wealth, housing and superannuation.
Government spending is part of the story
The other side of budget sustainability, spending, garnered less attention despite huge spending pressures.
The one category of spending that government cannot change by policy is the interest payments on the public debt. All the others are choices. We could decide to spend less in any or all of these areas. Indeed, Health Minister Mark Butler’s announcement of changes to the NDIS goes some way towards that. Other areas could be candidates for savings.
Nevertheless, the indicators from the roundtable are that tax reform is a higher priority for the government than spending cuts.
Although we may be moving to a consensus that we should do something to fix the tax system, there is little agreement on what that something should be. A long period of discussion and consultation may be just what the government needs.
The last big tax reform was 25 years ago
We have been here before. Australia’s last really big tax reform, the GST, was a long time coming. Then-Treasurer Paul Keating proposed it at Labor’s 1985 tax summit, but was overruled.
In 1995, Prime Minister John Howard promised the Coalition would “never, ever” introduce a Goods and Services Tax (GST). However, he changed his position, took it to the 1998 election, and won – and the GST took effect from July 1, 2000. Controversial then, it is now an accepted part of our tax system.
Something similar may happen with current tax proposals. The government could hold off implementation until after the next election campaign. If it gains a mandate, following sustained consultation to build support, reforms have a chance of success.
As an added benefit, a long period of reflection could help the community to connect dots.
Housing affordability, another major challenge addressed by the roundtable, is inextricably linked with tax incentives that put upward pressure on prices. That’s also noted in Breunig’s paper. Through tax reform, we could, if the government gains community support, help solve budget sustainability and housing at the same time. We can only hope.
Stephen Bartos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vanessa Jordan, Associate Professor and Cochrane New Zealand Fellow, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau
For almost two decades, all New Zealanders had free access to one of the world’s most trusted libraries on medical information.
The Cochrane Library is known as the gold standard in health research.
It is globally respected as a source of independent, peer-reviewed health evidence, providing systematic reviews, rigorous summaries and information about clinical trials that help guide decisions about everything from cancer treatments to mental health therapies.
The reviews are trusted because they are transparent and free from commercial influence. But full access is now under threat as a new licence would limit it to health professionals only from the end of September.
This shift will save some money, but it could have broad consequences. In an age of misinformation, having access to reliable health evidence isn’t a luxury but a necessity.
Restricting access
During the restructure of the health system, the government moved the responsibility to continue funding access to the Cochrane Library from the Ministry of Health to Health New Zealand. Health New Zealand has now decided to downgrade the national license to one that serves only healthcare professionals.
Under the new license, access will be restricted to Health New Zealand staff and primary care providers only. This means national bodies such as the drug-funding agency PHARMAC, the Accident Compensation Corporation and even the Ministry of Health will be excluded, as will all universities.
Most concerning is that everyday New Zealanders will lose access to the very evidence that helps them make informed decisions about their health.
Last year alone, New Zealanders downloaded more than 100,000 Cochrane reviews – that’s 276 every single day. This isn’t a niche resource. Access to this library should be valued as a national asset.
Restricting access takes us back to a time when medical knowledge was held tightly by professionals, with the public expected to simply trust and follow. In today’s world, where transparency and empowerment are key to good health outcomes, this move feels like a step in the wrong direction.
New Zealand falls behind
While New Zealand steps back, other countries are stepping forward. National subscriptions to the Cochrane Library are funded for Australia, Brazil, South Africa, Malaysia, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Spain, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and for most of Canada.
The cost of maintaining the national license is relatively modest, especially when compared to other health innovations. Before the introduction of a universal national license, individual institutions, universities, hospitals and government agencies each paid separately for access, placing a greater burden on the public purse.
The national license was adopted in 2006 because it was more cost-effective overall. And as a bonus, it didn’t just consolidate spending, it expanded access. For the first time, all New Zealanders could freely access the same world-class health evidence as clinicians and researchers, all for less than what we were paying before.
New Zealand produces more Cochrane reviews per capita than any other country. Losing national access would be like silencing our own voice in the global conversation.
The decision to downgrade the Cochrane Library license may seem like a small change. But its impact is deeply human. It affects the doctor-patient relationship by no longer ensuring both parties have the same information. It also has an impact on students learning to care for patients, policy makers shaping health strategy and parents trying to understand a diagnosis.
Health evidence should not be locked behind institutional walls. It should be open to all, especially in a country that values fairness, transparency and informed decision making.
I argue that maintaining the national licence would be a low-cost, high-impact decision. This is about more than money. Providing full access fosters equity and trust.
Vanessa Jordan is a director for the Cochrane Collaboration (a UK based charity). She has also previously received funding from the New Zealand Ministry of Health to promote access to the Cochrane Library
New Zealand has joined more than two dozen other countries to call for “immediate and independent” foreign media access to Gaza.
Earlier this month, an Israeli strike in the city killed six journalists — four Al Jazeera correspondents and cameramen, and two other media workers.
The Israeli military admitted in a statement to targeting well-known Al Jazeera Arabic reporter Anas al-Sharif.
A joint statement by the Media Freedom Coalition — signed by 27 countries, including New Zealand — urged Israel to offer protection for journalists in Gaza “in light of the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe”.
“Journalists and media workers play an essential role in putting the spotlight on the devastating reality of war. Access to conflict zones is vital to carrying out this role effectively,” the statement said.
“We oppose all attempts to restrict press freedom and block entry to journalists during conflicts.
“We also strongly condemn all violence directed against journalists and media workers, especially the extremely high number of fatalities, arrests and detentions.
“We call on the Israeli authorities and all other parties to make every effort to ensure that media workers in Gaza, Israel, the West Bank and East Jerusalem — local and foreign alike — can conduct their work freely and safely.
“Deliberate targeting of journalists is unacceptable. International humanitarian law offers protection to civilian journalists during armed conflict. We call for all attacks against media workers to be investigated and for those responsible to be prosecuted in compliance with national and international law.”
It reiterated calls for an immediate ceasefire, and the unconditional release of remaining hostages, unhindered flow of humanitarian aid.
The statement also called for “a path towards a two-state solution, long-term peace and security”.
Other countries to sign the statement included: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Chile, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Norway, Portugal, Sierra Leone, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Ukraine.
The Media Freedom Coalition is a partnership of countries that advocates for media freedom around the world. New Zealand joined the coalition in March 2021.
New Zealand was not among the signatories of this statement, which was signed by the foreign ministers of the United Kingdom and 22 of its international partners — including Australia and Canada.
The statement called on Israel to reverse its decision.
“The decision by the Israeli Higher Planning Committee to approve plans for settlement construction in the E1 area, East of Jerusalem, is unacceptable and a violation of international law,” it said.
“Minister [Bezalel] Smotrich says this plan will make a two-state solution impossible by dividing any Palestinian state and restricting Palestinian access to Jerusalem. This brings no benefits to the Israeli people.
“Instead, it risks undermining security and fuels further violence and instability, taking us further away from peace.
“The government of Israel still has an opportunity to stop the E1 plan going any further. We encourage them to urgently retract this plan.”
The statement said “unilateral action” by the Israeli government undermined collective desire for security and prosperity in the Middle East.
“The Israeli government must stop settlement construction in line with UNSC Resolution 2334 and remove their restrictions on the finances of the Palestinian Authority.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
This article contains descriptions of sexual violence some readers may find distressing.
Recently, the United Nations Chief warned Israel he had consistently noted “patterns of certain forms of sexual violence” perpetrated by Israeli armed forces against Palestinians.
The warning followed a damning UN report in March. It documented the extent of the sexual, reproductive and gender-based violence being inflicted upon the people of Gaza.
One such case was a horrendous alleged gang rape case of a Palestinian male at Sde Teiman Detention facility in 2024, by Israel Defense Force (IDF) soldiers. It was reportedly captured on video.
The victim’s injuries included a torn rectum, broken ribs, and ruptured bowels caused by sodomy and foreign objects. The damage was so severe, he was unable to walk.
This is just one example of the widespread sexual violence occurring – violence that will leave lasting trauma, but for which there may never be accountability or justice.
Sexually violent warfare
Both Israeli and Palestinian authorities have accused each other of committing sexual violence.
The UN has also reported sexual violence against Israeli hostages, particularly on October 7, 2023. A 2024 report found Israelis were raped or gang raped on October 7, and there were “reasonable grounds to believe that such violence may still be ongoing against those in captivity”.
As with all sexual violence, hard evidence and empirical data can be hard to come by.
The prisons have been referred to as “torture camps” by the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories due to the documented abuse.
The United Nations has documented more than 51,000 cases of sexual violence across various conflicts, with a 50% increase in the number of victims in the last three years.
Reported cases include a wide range of unthinkable acts, including gang rape, anal rape, sexual slavery, abortion and genital mutilation among women and girls, as well as men and boys.
While historically, sex has been used as weapon of war, used mostly against women and girls, sexual violence against men and boys also happens and is less discussed.
The accusations of gang rape at Sde Teiman detention facility in Israel were barely covered by mainstream media at the time. This type of violence against men often remains hidden mostly due to rigid gender norms and misconceptions about masculinity and male victimisation.
The Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict data set has identified male victims in more than 33 conflicts across the globe. Men have been victims of sexual violence in Palestine, Afghanistan, Syria, Ukraine and in many other conflicts.
State security personnel have been named as the most common perpetrators, especially in detention where sexual violence is used to extract information from detainees. Available evidence shows this is what may be happening to some Palestinian men under Israeli detention.
The vast majority of sexual violence in war is perpetrated by men. Victims of sexual violence, both in Gaza are more broadly, are disproportionately women and girls.
The UN has recently referred to Gaza as a femi-genocide.
Additionally, sexual violence can compromise global security and efforts for resolution by creating cycles of violence that spill across borders.
For the victim-survivors, recovery is very difficult. This is partially because sexual violence in conflict is often part of a pattern of other types of abuse.
Therefore, addressing these crimes requires a multi-faceted approach.
The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.
Peninah Kansiime has worked with Professor Christopher Dolan at the Refugee Law Project in Uganda. Over the years, Professor Dolan has been very instrumental in highlighting sexual violence against men and boys in conflict, and its interconnection to sexual violence against women and girls.
Giselle Woodley receives funding from The Australian Human Rights Commission and the Australian Research Council.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Raphael Trouve, Senior Research Fellow in Forest Dynamics and Statistical Modelling, The University of Melbourne
Tom Fairman
Something silent and sinister is happening in Australia’s mountain ash forests. As temperatures rise, these ecosystems are slowly, steadily losing their trees – and with them, their ability to store carbon.
Our new research shows how mountain ash forests are changing. Half a century of forest measurements show warming is reducing the number of trees these forests can support.
For every degree of warming, a forest loses 9% of its trees. By 2080, when temperatures are expected to be 3°C warmer than pre-industrial levels, these forests could lose a quarter of their trees – and the carbon they store. This has global significance as the trend is likely to be widespread.
Giant Eucalyptus regnans provide homes for wildlife and shelter for people. Craig Nitschke
Why warming causes tree loss
Trees in forests compete with each other for essential resources – sunlight, water and nutrients – all of which are in limited supply. When one tree gets more resources, others get less. This is nature’s zero-sum game.
Growing trees need more and more resources to maintain basic functions, such as producing new leaves, flowers and branches. Some naturally grow larger as they intercept more of the available resources. Others become suppressed and eventually die, as the amount of resources available becomes insufficient to keep them alive.
This natural process is known as “self-thinning”. As a result, the number of trees decreases as the average tree size in a stand increases.
Warming accelerates this natural process by reducing the resources available to all trees. Warmer air pulls more moisture from soil and leaves, making it harder for trees to get enough water. Trees growing in the shade of larger neighbours, with shallower roots, suffer most from these changes.
Suppressed trees die sooner and in greater numbers. The loss of trees can happen slowly or, if there is a severe heatwave or drought, quite suddenly.
We tested these ideas, using decades of data
We analysed data from forest management experiments collected between 1947 and 2000 in Victoria’s Central Highlands. Our research focused on how many trees these forests can support – what ecologists call “carrying capacity”. This is the maximum number of trees of a given size that a piece of land can support.
We built on more than 1,300 measurements from more than 100 forest plots to understand how climate affects carrying capacity. We used statistical methods to quantify the effects of climate over time at specific locations and to compare warmer and cooler sites.
Changes in forest carrying capacity have important implications. As carrying capacity decreases, forests can shift from absorbing to releasing carbon. Rather than being carbon sinks, they become a carbon source.
We found forests supported fewer trees when growing in the warmest conditions where the air is drier. As temperature increased over the five decades, forests everywhere showed increased tree death rates and decreased carrying capacity.
Our research suggests these forests could lose a quarter of their trees by 2080, releasing more than 100 million tonnes of stored carbon. This equates to emissions from a million cars driving 10,000 kilometres a year for 75 years.
Our findings echo results from other research initiatives across Australia. Citizen scientists contributing to the Dead Tree Detective project have been documenting similar climate impacts on trees nationwide.
Drone footage shows forest dieback in Western Australia (Guardian Australia)
Global implications
Our findings have implications for global climate initiatives.
Around the world, massive tree-planting programs such as Trillion Trees are being launched to fight climate change. But our research suggests these efforts need to account for how many trees the forests will be able to support in a warmer future, not just how many they can carry now.
The impact will vary across the globe. Forests in cold regions should benefit due to longer growing seasons and milder winters. As temperatures rise, they should be able to support more trees and store more carbon – provided tree growth does not become limited by moisture availability.
In contrast, forests in warmer, seasonally dry regions such as southeastern Australia will experience the opposite trend. As they become more water-limited, tree death rates will accelerate and they will store less carbon than before.
Can we help forests cope with a warmer future?
Climate change is already reshaping the towering mountain ash forests of southeastern Australia.
Understanding how forests respond to warming will help us better protect them. While we can’t stop climate change immediately, we can help forests adapt. One promising option is ecological thinning – reducing stand density by selectively removing some trees to improve the health and survival chances of others.
While we can’t stop climate change overnight, we can make forests more resilient to drought and less prone to carbon loss.
Raphael Trouve receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Craig Nitschke receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Victorian Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action, Greening Australia, New South Wales Natural Resources Commission, NSW Government Local Land Services, and the government-university collaboration, Australia Forest and Wood Innovations.
Patrick Baker receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research and the government-university collaboration, Australian Forest and Wood Innovations.
In many developed countries, the price of property has risen so high it’s meant the dream of home ownership has faded for many people. Often, renting isn’t a much better option, with an undersupply of affordable properties.
This is one of the great issues of our time. But is it a specifically modern problem? Like today, people in ancient times dreamed of having property. The purchase of a house was a source of joy.
But they also had to deal with some strikingly similar difficulties at different points in time over various centuries.
A housing crisis is nothing new
In 164 BCE, King Ptolemy of Egypt went into exile and fled to Italy. Disguised as a commoner and accompanied by three slaves, he went to Rome. There, Ptolemy sought out his friend, Demetrius.
When he found him, he was shocked. This friend, who was fairly wealthy in Egypt, was living in poor conditions.
One of the reasons for this, as we are told by the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus (c. 80–20 BCE), was that rental properties in Rome had become so expensive:
Because rents at Rome were so high, Demetrius was living in a small and altogether shabby garret.
Even though Demetrius was well-off, Rome was so costly, he couldn’t find a decent, affordable rental property.
Housing crises had serious social consequences
In the 130s BCE, Rome was in a dire situation. Owing to the greed of wealthy landowners, poorer people were increasingly unable to afford rents or purchase property.
As the Greek writer Plutarch (c. 46–119 CE) tells us:
The rich began to offer larger rents and drove out the poor.
To try to resolve this problem, Roman politicians decided to create a law “forbidding the holding by one person of more than five hundred acres of land”.
However, this law did not succeed. The wealthy found ways to evade it by getting middle men to buy property for them.
This failure had serious social consequences. As Plutarch explains:
The poor, who had been ejected from their land, no longer showed themselves eager for military service, and neglected the bringing up of children.
As people could no longer afford to live in their own country, many felt they had no stake in the future any more. They lost their desire to fight for the country, or raise future generations.
Attempts to fix the problem
Over the centuries, ancient rulers also attempted to tackle housing unaffordability in different ways.
One proposal was for the state to offer land for free, on which applicants could apply to build homes.
As the Athenian writer Xenophon (c. 430–350 BCE) noted:
If the state allowed approved applicants to erect houses on [vacant sites within the city] and granted them the freehold of the land, I think we should find a larger and better class of persons desiring to live at Athens.
What if there was no vacant land available for people without access to housing? Servius Tullius, king of Rome in the 6th century BCE, offers an example of another possible (and perhaps familiar sounding) solution – urban sprawl.
This would house Romans who “had no homes of their own”. This solution seems to have worked and expanded the size of the city greatly.
The homes of many wealthy Romans were remarkably opulent. Wikimedia
Location, location
People in ancient times also understood that location was everything. They knew that if they moved from a big city to a rural area, property would be more affordable.
For example, the Roman poet Juvenal (c. 55–127 CE) observed that for the same amount you’d pay in yearly rent in Rome:
An excellent house at Sora or Fabrateria or Frusino can be bought outright […] Here you’ll have a little garden […] Live in love with your hoe as the overseer of your vegetable garden […].
Of course, the difficulty was finding an income far from the city. For most people, that was not possible.
Refinancing and debt
If people had no money but had property without a current mortgage, they could refinance their property to get a loan. As one anonymous ancient commentator wrote about the custom of the Athenians:
People who were in debt would mortgage their houses and have notices written on them so it would be known that they were in debt.
The long-lived comic poet Alexis (c. 375–275 BCE), joked about this practice. A character in his play The Greek Girl quips about having “to mortgage all our property” to buy expensive fish for dinner.
Lessons from the past
The Roman politician Tiberius Gracchus (c. 169–133 BCE) offered a powerful piece of rhetoric about the housing crisis of his time. Referring to displaced citizens, he said that:
The wild beasts that roam over Italy have every one of them a cave or lair to lurk in; but the men who fight and die for Italy enjoy the common air and light, indeed, but nothing else.
Houseless and homeless they wander about with their wives and children […] they have not a single clod of earth that is their own.
Today, we might live in a very different world, but looking to history shows us access to housing and social cohesion have long been closely linked.
Konstantine Panegyres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
There’s been a lot of buzz online about the August “black moon”, happening later this week.
While you’ve probably heard of a “blue moon” before, this might be the first time you’ve encountered its ominous-sounding counterpart.
You’re not alone. In fact, neither “blue moon” nor “black moon” are astronomical terms. They describe the moments when the lunar calendar and our calendar year fall out of alignment.
So what is a black moon? The current definition has nothing to do with the actual colour of the Moon.
Full moon, half moon, new moon
Let’s start by defining some key lunar terms. The Moon is “full” when its whole face or disc is illuminated by the Sun. We typically get treated to a nice, bright, full moon at night when the Sun and Moon are opposite each other with Earth in-between.
A “new” moon is when none of the Moon’s face is illuminated and the far side is illuminated instead. This happens when the Moon is up during the day, because the “far side” of the Moon is illuminated when the Moon is in-between Earth and the Sun.
Diagram showing how the phases of the Moon are caused by the position of the Moon relative to Earth and the Sun. NASA/JPL-Caltech, CC BY-SA
A lunar cycle – the time it takes for the Moon to go from new, to full, to new again – is approximately 29.5 days long. Most years there are twelve full moons and twelve new moons.
But the 29.5 day cycle doesn’t fit perfectly into a calendar year, so every now and then there are thirteen full or new moons in a calendar year. Seven years out of every nineteen years will have thirteen full or new moons instead of twelve.
Blue moon, black moon
A blue moon is when we get a thirteenth full moon in one calendar year. Conversely, a black moon is when we get a thirteenth new moon in one calendar year.
Because these terms are entirely colloquial, there are a couple of definitions used for these extra moons. One is based on seasons and the other on simple calendar months.
The four seasons of the calendar year are buffered by solstices and equinoxes. Bureau of Meteorology
Seasonal moons
A calendar year has four seasons, divided by equinoxes and solstices (see above).
Each season is roughly three months long and typically has three full moons. Some cultures give each of those seasonal full moons a special name – you’ve likely heard of “wolf moon”, “strawberry moon”, “harvest moon” and others from American folklore, for example.
Every two or three years, however, we get an extra full moon in a season. When that happens, the first, second and fourth full moons keep their usual names while the third one becomes a “blue moon”.
You’d think the idiom “once in a blue moon” comes from this name, but the folklore name is actually relatively recent. In the 16th century, saying the “moon is blue” was more likely a way to refer to something being false or absurd.
Meanwhile, the third new moon in a season with four new moons is a “black moon” – a term than can only be traced to around 2016.
Calendar moons
The other definition for blue and black moons is related to calendar months.
A blue moon is the second of two full moons in one calendar month, while a black moon is the second new moon in a calendar month.
The black moon this month is a seasonal black moon and it’s happening on August 23. The next calendar-month black moon will happen on August 31 2027.
The next seasonal blue moon will be on May 20 2027 and the next calendar-month blue moon will be on May 31 2026.
You can’t see a black moon, but look at the sky anyway
We can’t actually see the black moon. The Moon will be up during the day and the far side of it will be illuminated.
But new moons in general bode well for keen stargazers. The full moon outshines a lot of the night sky, because it’s about 33,000 times brighter than the brightest star in the sky, Sirius. When there’s a new moon, the night sky is nice and dark, giving you more opportunities to see stars and constellations.
During the black moon on August 23 this weekend, the celestial emu or Gugurmin will be beautifully positioned overhead soon after dusk in the southern hemisphere.
If you’re in the southern hemisphere somewhere very dark and free from light pollution, you’ll be able to spot the Magellanic Clouds, two small galaxies that are interacting with our Milky Way galaxy. Saturn will be visible all night, and Venus and Jupiter will be low on the northeastern horizon just before dawn.
Even though the black moon isn’t a significant astronomical event, it gives us the chance to take in the night sky on a dark, Moon-free night.
However, there are times when you may feel uncomfortable with your current GP. The first step is understanding why, then knowing what to do about it. Here are some reasons you might consider finding another one.
1. Your needs have changed
It is common to change GPs at pivotal times in your life. You may feel uncomfortable discussing your sexual health needs with the “family GP” who has known you since you were a child, or who still sees your parents.
If your family is having children, you may prefer a GP who does antenatal care, or sees a lot of children, so they can more readily empathise with your needs as a young parent. Perhaps your current GP doesn’t share your ideas about health care and parenting, or the practice isn’t particularly child friendly.
You may have appreciated your GP’s practical, straightforward and efficient consultation style for past sports injuries, but find this approach unhelpful when struggling with your mental health.
So you may look for a GP who better meets your current needs.
2. You want another GP who is expert in your illness
Good GPs can get “up to speed” on a variety of conditions, while still keeping the whole person in view. But sometimes, you will have a very specific need that leads to seeking a GP who is expert in that area. An example may be a GP who specialises in skin checks, or a GP who is expert in ADHD (attention deficit hyperactivity disorder).
However, you still need a generalist GP who looks at your other health-care needs. This generalist GP may well be the one who picks up early Parkinson’s disease or bowel cancer while your other GP is focused on your reproductive system or mental health.
3. You want a GP who is more aligned with your values
People differ in the type of relationship they want with their GP. You might be seeking a true partnership, where you both bring your expertise into decision making and you have the final decision. At the other end of the spectrum, you may feel more comfortable with your GP taking a more assertive role. Your needs and preferences may change over time.
Sometimes, your GP doesn’t seem to accept your views on health care. You might feel uncomfortable discussing the role of complementary medicine, or preventive health care, or your decisions to accept or reject certain treatments.
So you may seek a GP who is more aligned with your attitudes and practices.
However, GPs have their limits when it comes to accommodating your preferences. They cannot always supply your preferred medication, referral or other service, for professional, regulatory, legal or other reasons.
4. There has been a fracture of trust or confidence
Everyone makes mistakes. Sometimes, those mistakes are so serious you cannot go back to that doctor. However, there are errors where the relationship can be repaired.
A good GP will explain why an error happened, show how they (and the practice) will rectify the error, and what systems are now in place to make sure it doesn’t happen again. A sincere apology and equally sincere desire to make things right can strengthen a relationship and restore trust.
Sometimes you can feel unheard during a consultation, or the GP can seem distracted. The GP may sincerely apologise, and explain why. They are human, and can be unwell, exhausted by an untenable workload, or simply recovering from a particularly challenging consultation earlier in the day.
However, if there is a pattern of feeling the GP doesn’t hear you, makes frequent minor errors, or simply doesn’t seem to be providing the sort of professional service you expect, you may lose trust. If you feel uneasy or judged, you may need to step away from that GP.
How to break up with your GP
Good GPs understand a partnership with you is important. If you cannot maintain a relationship with them that is open, honest and safe, it is time to move on.
If your needs have changed, but you still value the GP for their care, you can send a thank you card and explain you have chosen to transfer to another doctor. The practice staff can forward your records to a new practice, for which there may be a small administrative fee.
If there has been a rupture in trust or confidence, and the issue is relatively minor, the practice manager will be able to advise how to make a written complaint to the practice.
Louise Stone does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Some of the most enduring ancient myths in the Persian world were centred around gardens of almost unimaginable beauty and opulence.
The biblical Garden of Eden and the Epic of Gilgamesh’s Garden of the Gods are prominent examples. In these myths, paradise was an opulent garden of tranquillity and abundance.
But how did this concept of paradise originate? And what did these beautiful gardens look and feel like in antiquity?
When the Achaemenid kings ruled ancient Persia (550–330 BCE), the development of royal paradise gardens grew significantly. The paradise garden of the Persian king, Cyrus the Great, who ruled around 550 BCE, is the earliest physical example yet discovered.
During his reign, Cyrus built a palace complex at Pasargadae in Persia. The entire complex was adorned with gardens which included canals, bridges, pathways and a large pool.
One of the gardens measured 150 metres by 120 metres (1.8 hectares). Archaeologists found evidence for the garden’s division into four parts, symbolising the four quarters of Cyrus’s vast empire.
Technological wonders
A feature of paradise gardens in Persia was their defiance of often harsh, dry landscapes.
This required ingenuity in supplying large volumes of water required for the gardens. Pasargadae was supplied by a sophisticated hydraulic system, which diverted water from the nearby Pulvar River.
The tradition continued throughout the Achaemenid period. Cyrus the Younger, probably a descendant of Cyrus the Great, had a palace at Sardis (in modern Turkey), which included a paradise garden.
According to the ancient Greek writer, Xenophon, the Spartan general Lysander visited Cyrus at the palace around 407 BCE.
When he walked in the garden, astounded by its intricate design and beauty, Lysander asked who planned it. Cyrus replied that he had designed the garden himself and planted its trees.
Perhaps the ultimate ancient paradise garden was the legendary Hanging Gardens of Babylon.
Flowing water was a key feature, with elaborate machines raising water from the Euphrates river. Fully grown trees with vast root systems were supported by the terraces.
When the Sasanian dynasty (224–651 CE) came to power in Persia, its kings also built paradise gardens. The 147-hectare palace of Khosrow II (590–628 CE) at Qasr-e Shirin was almost entirely set in a paradise garden.
The paradise gardens were rich in symbolic significance. Their division into four parts symbolised imperial power, the cardinal directions and the four elements in Zoroastrian lore: air, earth, water and fire.
The gardens also played a religious role, offering a glimpse of what eternity might look like in the afterlife.
They were also a refuge in the midst of a harsh world and unforgiving environments. Gilgamesh sought solace and immortality in the Garden of the Gods following the death of his friend Enkidu.
The tradition of paradise gardens has continued in Iran to the present day.
Nine paradise gardens in Iran are collectively listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site. The Eram garden, built in about the 12th century CE, and the 19th-century Bagh-e Shahzadeh are among the most splendid.
Today, the word “paradise” evokes a broader range of images and experiences. It can foster many different images of idyllic physical and spiritual settings.
But the magnificent enclosed gardens of the ancient Persian world still inspire us to imagine what paradise on Earth might look and feel like.
Peter Edwell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Meade, Adjunct Associate Professor, Centre for Applied Energy Economics and Policy Research, Griffith University
In its quest to lower electricity prices for New Zealand households, the Electricity Authority may inadvertently make the situation worse.
This week, the authority announced plans to require New Zealand’s “gentailers” – firms that both generate electricity and retail it to consumers – to offer the same supply terms to independent retailers as they do to their own retail arms.
The aim is to prevent the gentailers from providing discounted electricity to themselves, thereby levelling the playing field between retailers, to deepen competition and lower prices.
Yet while greater competition and lower prices sound appealing, such expectations rest on a naïve understanding of how New Zealand’s electricity market works.
Upward pressure
Under current rules, New Zealand’s gentailers – notably Genesis, Meridian, Mercury and Contact – can supply their own retail arms at prices that reflect their cost of generation, which is typically lower than the wholesale market price.
Retailers without generation capacity must buy electricity at these higher wholesale prices, making it hard to compete with vertically integrated gentailers.
The authority expects gentailers to offer all retailers – including rivals – the same low prices they give themselves.
But no firm wants to offer rivals the lower prices that come from investing in the infrastructure to generate power themselves.
Instead, the proposed rule could induce gentailers to raise the price charged to their retail arms – thereby pushing up retail supply costs for everyone.
The risk of collusion
Even in the absence of outright collusion, there is a risk the new rules could still raise prices.
If a gentailer discounts the supply price it charges its own retail arm, it must then offer that same rate to its competitors.
Gentailers may conclude it is better to withhold discounts entirely. Since the proposed rule means they all face the same incentive, a de facto consensus to keep wholesale prices high could result – without them ever having to coordinate directly.
Rather than fostering competition, the rule creates an anti-competitive focal point. It may improve the relative position of independent retailers, but at the cost of worse outcomes overall – for consumers in particular.
This should not be surprising. Similar distortions have been observed in other sectors, often resulting from “best-price guarantees” or “most-favoured-nation clauses”. In these cases, firms pledge to match or beat rivals’ lower prices, or not to offer better deals to any single customer.
Likewise, “reference pricing” rules that cap United States’ pharmaceutical prices at levels set in other countries have been shown to raise prices overseas rather than significantly drop prices in the US.
Though seemingly good for consumers, these commitments can suppress price competition by deterring firms from undercutting each other altogether.
A questionable compromise
My research has explored competition in electricity markets where gentailers compete with standalone retailers.
I found integration between generation and retailing – the gentailer model – tends to deliver the best outcomes for consumers in a wide range of settings. Other studies examining electricity systems internationally have reached similar conclusions.
But consumers tend to fare worst in systems where vertical integration is prohibited. Ironically, independent retailers can also fare worse under such arrangements. This is because, despite often calling for the break up of gentailers, the vertical separation triggers higher wholesale prices.
The authority’s proposal represents a kind of middle ground: retaining vertical integration while using regulation to force gentailers to behave as if they were separated entities.
In modelling a scenario akin to this – what economists call “legal unbundling” – I found it indeed increased independent retailers’ profits. This may explain why some support such rules.
But legal unbundling also reduces other firms’ profits and, more worryingly, harms consumers by reducing supply volumes and raising retail prices.
Levelling the playing field in electricity retailing may sound like a good idea. But not, it seems, for consumers.
In 2021 Richard Meade was funded by an industry body representing New Zealand electricity retailers to survey the economics literature on the pros and cons of vertical integration vs vertical separation in electricity sectors. In 2025 he submitted on his own account to the Electricity Authority on its level playing field proposal.
Earlier this week, a Frenchman named Raphaël Graven died in his sleep during a livestreamed broadcast on the Kick platform.
Known online as Jean Pormanove, the man appeared to have been subjected to violence and humiliation in online videos for months, according to reports.
French police are investigating the circumstances of Graven’s death. Representatives of Kick say they too are reviewing what happened.
So what did happen? We don’t yet know – but as a livestreaming researcher I can tell you about Kick, the controversial platform where this tragic event was broadcast to the world.
What is Kick?
Kick is a video livestreaming website. People broadcast live video to an audience who can comment and donate money in real time.
The content of the stream can be practically anything, but on Kick it often involves videogames, gambling, or just people hanging out.
Kick was launched in late 2022 with funding from the Australian billionaires behind the cryptocurrency gambling site Stake.com. Kick set out to compete with livestreaming giant Twitch, promising less content moderation and lower fees for streamers.
The loose moderation means homophobic and racist language are commonplace, and parts of the site have developed an extreme right-wing culture.
Imagine a Venn diagram with circles labelled “gaming”, “gambling”, “livestreaming”, “right-wing politics”, “free-speech absolutism”, and “cryptocurrency”. Right in the middle, where all the circles overlap, is where we find Kick.
The quest for attention
Livestreamers on Kick, Twitch and elsewhere are constantly competing for attention and viewers. There is much discussion of the current “meta” – the Most Effective Tactic Available for drawing eyeballs and donations.
Sometimes the meta might involve relentlessly playing a single videogame. At other times it might be playing a mix of games, or introducing other content.
For a while the “hot tub meta” saw scantily-clad streamers playing video games while sitting in, of course, a hot tub.
Streamers sometimes also stage attention-grabbing stunts. In 2023, Twitch streamer Kai Cenat hosted a giveaway in New York which drew thousands of eager fans before devolving into a riot with dozens arrested by police.
The quest for novelty has led streamers to rediscover old forms such as game shows, too.
Entertainment in which people enjoy watching others suffer, take risks, or endure danger, is also nothing new. We might think about the pain and embarrassment played for laughs in Jackass, or more recently streamers gambling away millions of dollars live.
While the events surrounding Jean Pormanove’s death remain murky, lawyers for his co-streamers have said all apparent violence in their videos was scripted and staged – a kind of edgy entertainment, rather than reality.
What now?
It’s hard to say what’s ahead for Kick. The platform prides itself on being less regulated than Twitch in terms of content moderation.
Kick seems unlikely to introduce new rules for content unless forced. At present Kick does use some rudimentary content limiting systems, such as a popup on gambling channels asking viewers if they are 18 or over. (Clicking “yes” takes you through.)
Government regulations may have some effect. However, such regulations typically rely on the threat of blocking access to a website from a certain country – which can easily be circumvented by means of a virtual private network (VPN).
Much may depend on how much attention this incident receives. High-profile tragedies such as mass shootings can provoke cultural and legal change – but whether this is one of them remains to be seen.
Mark R Johnson recently received funding from the New South Wales Office of Responsible Gambling for a study into live streaming gambling practices.
As Jim Chalmers was navigating his economic reform roundtable, his colleague Mark Butler on Wednesday took a dive from the 10-metre board into the pool of budget repair.
The announcement by Butler, Minister for the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS), that the government will try to curb its cost growth to 4–6% annually is ambitious in policy terms and robust politically.
Butler is carrying forward the work of his predecessor Bill Shorten in Labor’s first term. Shorten’s reforms aimed to contain the cost increase to 8% annually, from about 22% a few years ago. It is now around 10%.
The Butler reforms propose, after a transition, to have children with developmental delays and mild autism treated in other ways, rather than accessing the NDIS.
The latest reform is good sense and financially necessary. As Butler said, “Most Australians would be alarmed to know that one out of every ten six-year-olds are in the NDIS, including 16% of six-year-old boys”.
In budget terms, even 8% growth would have been unsustainable.
So far, the blowback has been very limited (although Victorian Premier Jacinta Allan complained about not being forewarned). The government also has political cover: the opposition, always criticising Labor for spending too much, would be hypocritical to fight this push for savings.
As with all reform, the test will be delivery. Butler’s changes are partly a rebadging of Shorten’s (although going much further) in that they rely on the states to play a much bigger role in providing services. Earlier efforts ran into roadblocks from the states.
Butler’s announcement was strategically timed, coming the day before the roundtable’s session on budget sustainability. Butler has declined to give an estimate of the multi billions the shakeup would save the budget over the medium term, but we are talking big money.
The roundtable, ending late Thursday, has given the government a set of numerous measures to do relatively soon and a sort of “permission” to progress others later.
Most significant is what came out on taxation. Summing up after the meeting, Chalmers said there was appetite for tax reform on three fronts. These were:
achieving a “fair go” for working people, including intergenerational equity
finding an affordable way to incentivise business investment
and making the system simpler and more sustainable “so we fund the services that people need, taking account of ageing and other pressures on the economy”.
The participants wanted to play their part with the government in these areas. But there will be no comprehensive, independent tax inquiry.
One can see this as Chalmers obtaining backing for advancing tax priorities the government wants to pursue but did not seek a mandate for at the election.
This was clever wrangling. Roundtable participants, especially those representing business and labour, were sharply divided on the specifics of tax changes that they favoured. But Chalmers has managed to have them assemble under these three very large tax umbrellas. This can help kick-start a substantial agenda on tax that can, if the government (specifically, the prime minister) wants, be much wider than seemed likely immediately after the election.
As expected, the roundtable gave backing for a plethora of moves to simplify or cull regulation, and make it easier and faster to get things done. Ministers will oversee the actual work. Chalmers flagged the government was looking for a series of “quick wins”. These included accelerating the passage of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (EPBC) legislation, working through a backlog of environmental and other approvals, reducing complexity in the National Construction Code and much else.
The meeting gave strong support to a new road user charge, but the detail is still some time off.
On artificial intelligence, the discussion brought participants – who spanned a spectrum between tight and light regulation – “a bit closer together”, but not into the same place. The government will decide, after further work, “whether we can meet out objectives with existing legislation or whether it requires one overarching bill”.
Chalmers emerged from the roundtable high on positivity. “I finished those three days more optimistic about the progress that we can make together than I was at the start.”
Holding the meeting in private, but with participants able to talk publicly about what went on behind closed doors, was a good combination. Participants didn’t feel muzzled, but performative behaviour was minimised (though shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien did arc up in a clash with Chalmers at one point).
Chalmers’ chairmanship was praised by those in the room. While the treasurer personally knew most if not all the participants, it was an occasion for these movers and shakers to get more insight into his views and operating style.
When the elephant stamps are being given out for roundtable performers, one should go to Danielle Wood, chair of the Productivity Commission. Wood oversaw the multiple reports the commission put out on diverse topics ahead of the meeting, and her Monday National Press Club speech was an engaging scene-setter.
Wood, appointed by Chalmers and previously head of the Grattan Institute think tank, has become noted for her streak of independence as well as her formidable policy brain.
So what has this week told us about reform under the Albanese government?
The NDIS plan shows that a big parliamentary win can inject a degree of political bravery. If the government had been re-elected with a tiny margin or in minority, would it have re-tackled the NDIS? And would it have done so in such a manner, without rounds of talks before the announcement?
In contrast to the approach on the NDIS, Chalmers has used his roundtable to present a masterclass in inclusive incrementalism.
For weeks, he and ministers have been listening and talking. No-go ideas have been kicked or pushed away. Advances the government wants to make have been encouraged.
The opposition will say Chalmers hasn’t been talking about the right things. The reform purists will say the big issues remain untackled. But, by necessity, and not least because he has a cautious prime minister, Chalmers takes the progress he can get and dresses it up as a narrative in the most positive terms he can.
As one wag put it, the roundtable didn’t produce “a big shiny box” but “a laundry basket of things”. Those things have to be washed and ironed in the days, months and budgets ahead, and the basket refilled as the opportunities come.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Government has obtained from its economic reform roundtable broad support to work on three major areas of tax reform.
Treasurer Jim Chalmers told a news conference after the three-day meeting there had been several hours of debate about the future of Australia’s tax system.
“Where we landed was that there was a lot of support for trying to put a structure around the work that we will now do as a government in a consultative way, collaborative way to really try and address three objectives in the tax system.”
The three priority areas are:
achieving “a fair go for working people” including in terms of intergenerational inequity
finding “an affordable, responsible way” to encourage business investment
and making the tax system “simpler, more sustainable” to fund services, particularly with an ageing population.
But Chalmers ruled out a comprehensive, independent tax inquiry. “Instead, the government will develop its own options and consult with the group going forward on any changes”, he said.
“We undertook to them that we would consider tax reforms in those three areas.”
Chalmers, who is anxious to push reform as far as possible, said the tax system was “imperfect”.
“One of the most troubling imperfections is best seen through an intergenerational lens.
“Almost everybody around the table had a similar view, which is, we take our responsibilities to the coming generations seriously.”
He said this had implications for the tax system “and if there was one kind of defining element of the contributions that people made around the table, it was intergenerational”.
Those stressing these issues included former Treasury secretary Ken Henry, ACTU secretary Sally McManus, Professor Bob Breunig, a tax expert from the ANU and crossbencher Allegra Spender, among many others.
“We recognise that we as people of influence with this opportunity have responsibilities in lots of ways, but especially intergenerational responsibilities and we take them very seriously.”
The meeting gave strong support to a road user charge scheme and to removing, streaming or accelerating a host of regulations and approvals, especially in the areas of housing and environmental approvals.
The treasurer sorted these into different categories, including “reform directions” for the government moving forward and “quick wins” for cabinet ministers to take on “with some urgency”.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
“Speak Up Kōrerotia” — a radio show centred on human rights issues — has featured a nuclear-free Pacific and other issues in this week’s show.
Encouraging discussion on human rights issues in both Canterbury and New Zealand, Speak Up Kōrerotia offers a forum to provide a voice for affected communities.
Engaging in conversations around human rights issues in the country, each show covers a different human rights issue with guests from or working with the communities.
Analysing and asking questions of the realities of life allows Speak Up Kōrerotia to cover the issues that often go untouched.
Discussing the hard-hitting topics, Speak Up Kōrerotia encourages listeners to reflect on the issues covered.
Hosted by Sally Carlton, the show brings key issues to the fore and provides space for guests to “Speak Up” and share their thoughts and experiences.
The latest episode today highlights the July/August 2025 marking of two major anniversaries — 80 years since the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan, and 40 years since the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior here in Aotearoa.
What do these anniversaries mean in the context of 2025, with the ever-greater escalation of global tension and a new nuclear arms race occurring alongside the seeming impotence of the UN and other international bodies?
Anti-nuclear advocacy in 2025 Video/audio podcast: Speak Up Kōrerotia
Speak Up Kōrerotia . . . human rights at Plains FM Image: Screenshot
Guests: Disarmament advocate Dr Kate Dewes, journalist and author Dr David Robie, critical nuclear studies academic Dr Karly Burch and Japanese gender literature professor Dr Susan Bouterey bring passion, a wealth of knowledge and decades of anti-nuclear advocacy to this discussion.
Dr Robie’s new book Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage and Legacy of the Rainbow Warrior was launched on the anniversary of the ship’s bombing. This revised edition has extensive new and updated material, images, and a prologue by former NZ prime minister Helen Clark.
The Speak Up Kōrerotia panel in today’s show, “Anti-Nuclear Advocacy in 2025”, Dr Kate Dewes (from left), Sally Carlton, Dr David Robie, Dr Karly Burch and Susan Bouterey. Image: Screenshot
As the longest-serving Israeli prime minister (17 years), Benjamin Netanyahu is famous for his political wizardry and survival skills. But he is also a highly controversial figure with questionable moral standards and legacy.
His latest term in office, beginning in late 2022, has been particularly challenging, thanks to the far-right radical elements of his governing coalition and the unprecedented national disaster Israel experienced at the hands of Hamas on October 7 2023.
Yet, Netanyahu has managed to neutralise almost all immediate domestic threats to his power. At times, he has done this by manoeuvring rivals and partners into postponing moves that could topple his government. Other times, he has reshuffled his Likud Party ranks or realigned with bitter foes.
And he has clashed with Eyal Zamir, the Israel Defence Force’s (IDF) chief of staff, who argued against the plan to expand the war into Gaza City. Zamir received clear messages to fold or resign, and chose to stay.
Yet, Netanyahu chooses to ignore all of this noise, sending his entourage and loyalists to attack anyone with dissenting views. This week’s spray at Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is just one example.
As a long term political survivor, he does all of this with an eye on the next Israeli elections, due at the end of 2026.
Propping up his far-right coalition
Over the past two and a half years, Israel has faced unprecedented crises that have left society deeply divided.
Under Netanyahu’s leadership, the government introduced a highly controversial judicial reform plan in early 2023, clashing with the Supreme Court and attorney general. This resulted in mass street protests against it.
Then came the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023, which triggered an ongoing multi-front war with severe long-term social, economic and humanitarian consequences.
Netanyahu has claimed credit for successes during this time, such as the 12-day war against Iran in June, while deflecting responsibility for any failures.
Though stretched in many directions, Netanyahu is at his best in such conditions, pitting the conflicting sides around him against each other and playing them.
He has acceded to Ben Gvir and Smotrich’s demands to reject ceasefire agreements with Hamas, and instead ordered increased military action against the terrorist group to try to achieve what he has called a “total victory”.
Netanyahu has also indulged Ben Gvir and Smotrich’s talk of resettling Gaza and has enabled their moves to gradually expand Israeli settlements deeper into the West Bank and block any geographically feasible Palestinian state.
Proving Henry Kissinger’s famous observation that “Israel has no foreign policy, only domestic politics,” Netanyahu has also angrily rebuked the wave of Western countries recognising, or preparing to recognise, a Palestinian state.
His defiant letters to French President Emmanuel Macron and social media outbursts about Albanese are aimed less at diplomacy and more at cultivating his image as “a strong leader for Israel” among his base.
Supported by the Trump administration’s sanctions against the International Criminal Court (ICC), Netanayhu has also felt confident attacking it for issuing warrants against him.
Neutralising challenges from ultra-religious parties
The government’s biggest domestic challenge has been passing a draft law addressing the decades-long exemption of tens of thousands of ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) men from army service.
Following a Supreme Court ruling that the previous exemptions could not continue, religious parties in Netanyahu’s coalition demanded a bill to formally exempt the men from army service or they would bring down the government.
In response, Netanyahu enticed old rival Gideon Sa’ar from the opposition into joining his government, shoring up the coalition’s previously tiny majority.
Since then, he has bought time through broken promises, successfully persuading the ultra-Orthodox parties to wait until parliament’s return in October of this year. Meanwhile, he replaced Yuli Edelstein, the committee chair who had sought a strong bill with personal sanctions for draft evaders, with a more pliant loyalist, Boaz Bismuth.
Eyes on re-election
Now Netanyahu has his eye on the next general elections, officially set for late 2026 — though he would prefer they take place before the third anniversary of the October 7 attacks.
For two years, polls have consistently predicted his defeat. As such, he is working to reshape his image. He wants Israelis to forget his central role in the October 7 catastrophe, as well as the questions surrounding the war’s management.
He also hopes to continue diverting attention from his ongoing trial on bribery and breach of trust charges.
But Netanyahu faces a dramatic dilemma over the war. On the one hand, he may decide to sign a ceasefire deal with Hamas and secure the release of the hostages. This would win the cheers of most Israelis, but risk the loss of his government, given the far-right ministers’ threats to dissolve the coalition if he accepts any deal without fully conquering the strip.
On the other hand, he could proceed with the military operation in Gaza City, which may well result in the killing of the remaining hostages – either by Hamas or as a consequence of IDF attacks.
A third option would be to continue negotiations while escalating preparations for the attack, in the hope of achieving a better deal. We will soon know what direction he will take – and what it will mean for his political future.
Ran Porat is a research associate at The Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) and Research Fellow at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, Reichman University, Herzliya, Israel. He is affiliated with Australian Centre for Jewish Civilization, Monash University. He is also a former IDF military intelligence officer.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
Victorian and Queensland state Resolve polls both show Labor rebounding from big deficits to now lead. In Tasmania, Josh Willie from the left faction replaces Dean Winter as Labor leader.
A Victorian state Resolve poll for The Age, conducted with the federal July and August Resolve polls from a sample more than 1,000, gave the Coalition 33% of the primary vote (down eight since March), Labor 32% (up eight), the Greens 12% (down two), independents 9% (down five) and others 13% (up six).
Resolve doesn’t usually give a two-party estimate for its state polls, but The Poll Bludger estimated a Labor lead by about 53–47. Labor had been far behind in March.
Despite the big gain for Labor on voting intentions, Liberal leader Brad Battin led Labor incumbent Jacinta Allan by 32–25 as preferred premier (36–23 in March). This measure normally favours the incumbent more than voting intentions. Battin’s lead may indicate that Labor’s recovery is mostly due to the federal election result.
The Age’s article said Labor’s primary vote was 30% in July, before Allan announced her working from home policy, and it improved to 34% in August. A national Resolve poll had voters supporting working from home at least two days a week by 64–17. Allan’s net likeability surged 11 points, but is still at -21.
This poll agrees with late June Newspoll and Redbridge polls in giving Labor a lead in Victoria. The next Victorian state election is not due until November 2026.
While Labor has rebounded, they could fall back if voters focus more on state issues or if federal Labor’s popularity subsides. By the next election, Labor will have governed Victoria for the last 12 years, and 23 of the last 27 years, so the Liberals should benefit from an “it’s time” factor. However, the Liberals have their own problems with internal divisions.
Labor also rebounds in Queensland
A Queensland state Resolve poll for The Brisbane Times, conducted in July and August from a sample of 869, gave the Liberal National Party (LNP) 34% of the primary vote (down 11 since the January to April Resolve poll), Labor 32% (up ten), the Greens 10% (down two), One Nation 8% (steady), independents 8% (up one) and others 7% (up one).
Analyst Kevin Bonham estimated there would be a very narrow Labor lead after preferences.
LNP premier David Crisafulli’s net likeability was up two points to +20, as this was question last asked before the LNP won the October 2024 election. Labor leader Steven Miles, who was premier before the election, improved his net likeability 12 points to -1. Crisafulli led by 40–25 as preferred premier (44–22 in January to April).
Unlike Victoria, other recent Queesland polls disagree with Resolve. Early July Queensland polls from Redbridge and DemosAU gave the LNP a 55–45 or 56–44 lead.
New Tasmanian Labor leader
On Tuesday, Labor failed to gain support for its no-confidence motion in the Tasmanian Liberal government from any non-Labor MP, despite the five Greens and four of six others being left-leaning. With Labor losing the July 19 election, the party leadership was spilled.
On Wednesday, Josh Willie from the left faction replaced Dean Winter as Tasmanian Labor leader after a long meeting of Labor’s 10 state MPs. Officially this was unanimous to avoid a membership ballot, with Winter stepping aside. The ABC said many MPs wanted Winter to remain leader, but party members would have likely strongly favoured Willie.
If Labor wants to return to government soon, Willie will need to repair Labor’s relationship with the Greens and left-leaning independents. Labor’s last period in government finished in 2014.
Additional federal Resolve questions
I previously covered the August 11–16 federal Resolve poll that gave Labor a 59–41 lead. In additional questions, respondents supported a legislated right to work from home at least two days a week by 64–17 if an employee’s job allows this. By 66–13, respondents supported a four-day week if an employee did the same work they would have over five days.
Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The short answer is “yes”. If you haven’t had one already this year, it’s not too late.
Flu season started early, could end late
Flu seasons are notoriously unpredictable. Temperature swings, population immunity, and new viral strains are among factors influencing how widely the virus spreads.
Australia’s flu season usually runs from April to October, peaking between June and September.
But this year was different. It started early. Laboratory-confirmed cases between January and March 2025 were almost 60% higher than the same period in 2024. Since then, numbers have dipped slightly compared to last year.
However, we could still see thousands more cases before 2025 ends if the season follows last year’s pattern, and extends well beyond October.
This year, influenza A has been the dominant strain across all age groups. Think of influenza A as the more common, quickly evolving type of flu that often triggers larger, more severe outbreaks. The other main type, influenza B, evolves more slowly and usually causes milder illness, although it can still be serious, especially for children.
Is it still worth getting vaccinated in August?
Absolutely. While flu activity usually declines after July, the number of laboratory-confirmed cases of flu shows the virus does still circulate outside the typical flu season.
If you’ve already had flu this year, natural infection offers some protection. But this is generally less reliable and narrower than vaccination. Natural infection cannot reliably provide immunity in older people, who have a much poorer immune response to infection. For younger people, although their immmune system mounts a strong response, it is against the specific influenza strain that has infected them, and gives little protection against other strains. This is why vaccination is preferable.
If you are still sick with the flu, current recommendations are that you should wait until you are recovered before getting a flu shot. This allows your immune system to generate a strong response to the vaccine.
Once vaccinated, it takes about two weeks to develop immunity. Protection is strongest in the first few months.
Pregnant women and international travellers can benefit from vaccination at any time of year.
How well do they work?
Effectiveness of flu vaccines varies year to year, depending on how well the
vaccine strains match those going around. This season, the match appears excellent – about a 98% match (for key strains).
However, the vaccine doesn’t completely protect you from getting infected (no vaccine does). This is because levels of immunity and our response to infection vary from person to person.
Flu vaccines are generally 40–60% effective against experiencing a negative health outcome, for example
developing the flu and attending a GP practice or being hospitalised.
So vaccination against the flu is particularly important for high-risk groups such as elderly people, young children, pregnant women, and people with chronic (long-term) conditions.
Are they safe?
Data about vaccine safety are reassuring. According to AusVaxSafety, a surveillance system that monitors vaccine safety, so far in 2025 more than 114,000 people have reported their experience after a flu shot, and 83% had no adverse reactions within three days of their shot.
The most common were mild and short-lived, such as a sore arm, headache or fatigue. Only 0.2% needed to see a doctor.
You cannot catch the flu from the vaccine itself. This is because it contains an inactivated or “killed” version of the virus. This means it is not live and cannot cause infection.
Which flu vaccine should I get?
All flu vaccines in Australia this year are quadrivalent, which means they protect against four strains.
For people with egg allergies, there’s a newer option called Flucelvax Quad, which is produced in mammalian cells instead of chicken eggs. There are also special, higher-dose formulations for older adults, such as Fluad Quad for those 65 and older, and Fluzone High-Dose Quadrivalent for those 60 and over.
Your health-care provider will discuss the best option for you.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from six months of age
people with certain medical conditions, such as heart disease or with weakened immunity.
Everyone else can pay about A$20–30 at GPs or pharmacies. If your GP does not bulk bill, you may also need to pay an out-of-pocket cost for the consultation.
Currently, Queensland is the only state offering free flu vaccination to all ages over six months. But that program ends on September 30.
So what’s the verdict?
The bottom line is that it’s not too late to get vaccinated. Even as winter eases, getting a flu shot can make a real difference, protecting both you and the people around you from serious illness.
Adrian Esterman receives funding from NHMRC, ARC, and MRFF
Every February and August, business news sites are full of headlines about company reports and “earnings season”.
That’s because in Australia, most companies have a reporting period ending June 30 – the end of the financial year – meaning they will release their full-year results in August and half-year results in February.
Share prices can move dramatically depending on the company’s performance or its comments about the outlook.
If you’re new to investing and want to understand some of those results by reading company financial statements, here’s where to start.
What is a company financial statement?
Company financial statements show what a business owns, owes, earns and spends. It is like an annual health check-up for a business, written in numbers.
Most listed companies publish their financial statements on their company website, usually in an investor or annual reports section. They are free to access. They are also published on the Australian Securities Exchange (ASX) website.
What to read first
If you’re new to financial statements, start with the big picture before diving into the numbers.
First, look for the trading update in the half-year report or chief executive’s letter at the beginning of the full-year report. This explains the company’s performance in plain language and will discuss the results for different segments of the business.
You can then look at the statement of profit or loss, which shows the profit or loss for the period.
Revenue is what they have earned – but that’s not counting any costs.
Net profit after tax (known as NPAT) shows total income minus expenses and how much profit is available to shareholders after tax is paid. This is the key measure used in reporting season news stories.
Another term you might run into is EBIT (earnings before interest and tax). EBIT shows profit from core operations before financing costs and tax are taken out. So it is considered a measure of underlying profitability.
Earnings per share (EPS) shows the portion of a company’s profit attributed to each ordinary share in the company.
A closer look at the numbers
After getting a sense of the big picture, the statement of financial position tells you what the company owns and owes.
What percentage of the total assets of the company is made up of liabilities – what the company owes?
Note that “current” assets and liabilities are expected to be converted to cash, or due for payment within 12 months. A company should have enough current assets to pay for its current liabilities.
Total assets less total liabilities equals the total equity: the shareholders’ stake in the company. A negative figure means the company owes more than what the assets are worth. That’s why this statement is often called the balance sheet.
What’s the difference between cash and profit?
Cash and profit are not the same thing. Revenue and expenses are recorded in the reporting period they occur, not when the cash is actually paid or received.
It is possible for a company to show a healthy profit, but have poor cash flow – or the other way around.
For example, a company sells to thousands of new customers in June on credit. Sales are recorded in June, boosting profit. But if the customers don’t pay quickly, there’s no increase in cash.
The cash flow statement shows the cash inflows and outflows of a company, including how much is paid to investors as dividends.
Expectations are the key
Financial markets always look to price in the future, today.
If a company’s profit result is close to market expectations, there may not be a large share price reaction. If it beats expectations, the shares may jump. Likewise, a profit miss will see the share price punished.
But what the company says about its outlook for the coming period is where the greatest chance lies for a surprise that is above or below market expectations. And that can have a big impact on the share price.
To understand a company’s results, context is important. It’s worth reading media coverage from reputable outlets such as The Australian Financial Review (if you don’t have a subscription, try for free access via your local library) and ASX updates.
What are some positive signs to look for?
Look for:
consistent growth in revenue, profit, cash flow
more assets than liabilities, with debt at a manageable level
positive operating cash flow.
You should also consider industry and market trends, management quality, and competitive pressures.
What are some warning signs to watch for?
In its day-to-day operations, keep an eye out for falling revenues and low profit or an outright loss. Sometimes a one-off gain, such as from an asset sale, can prop up results.
Look out for current liabilities higher than current assets, or frequent changes in auditors or senior management.
Following these steps for reading financial statements can help investors to make more informed decisions. A registered financial adviser can provide you with investment advice.
This article is part of The Conversation’s “Business Basics” series, where we ask experts to discuss key concepts in business, economics and finance.
Disclaimer: This article provides general information only and does not take into account your personal objectives, financial situation, or needs. It is not intended as financial advice. All investments carry risk.
Michelle Cull is a member of CPA Australia, the Financial Advice Association Australia and President Elect of the Academy of Financial Services in the United States. Michelle is an academic member of UniSuper’s Consultative Committee and a member of the Financial Expert Advisory Panel for Ecstra Foundation. Michelle co-founded the Western Sydney University Tax Clinic which has received funding from the Australian Taxation Office as part of the National Tax Clinic Program.
Ushi Ghoorah serves on the Australian Accounting Standards Board (AASB) Standards Advisory Panel and is the Hon Treasurer and an Executive Member of the Australia and New Zealand Third Sector Research (ANZTSR) association. She is Chair of the AFAANZ Public Sector and Not-for-Profit Special Interest Group and a board member of the CPA NSW NFP Committee. Ushi has been the Chief Investigator on three AASB-funded research projects related to service performance reporting and the connectivity of financial and non-financial information in the not-for-profit sector.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 21, 2025.
‘One of the older men catcalled me’: new research reveals the RSL’s woman problem Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Prevett, PhD Candidate, Flinders University Imagine serving your country overseas, returning home and feeling unwelcome in the very place meant to support you. That’s what happened to a 44-year-old Australian Army officer who attended a local Returned and Services League (RSL) lunch while on leave. She
Kangaroo Island is a quietly powerful Australian debut that explores family, grief and belonging Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Thompson, Lecturer in Theatre, Australian Catholic University Maslow Entertainment There’s a pretty funny “in joke” in the opening scenes of the new Australian film Kangaroo Island. Shortly after we meet Lou Wells (played by Rebecca Breeds) – an ex-pat Australian actor trying to make her Hollywood
NZ police chief acknowledges impact of criminal deportees on Pacific RNZ Pacific New Zealand’s police commissioner says he understands the potential impact the country’s criminal deportees have on smaller Pacific Island nations. Commissioner Richard Chambers’ comments on RNZ Pacific Waves come as the region’s police bosses gathered for the annual Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police conference in Waitangi. The meeting, which is closed to media,
Do you take your own blood pressure at home? Here’s how to choose the device that fits your arm best Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ritu Trivedi, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Health Sciences, University of Sydney J_art/Getty Images About one in three Australian adults have hypertension, or high blood pressure. High blood pressure is a leading contributor to preventable disability and early death because – particularly when it’s not well controlled
Flashing mouthguards that signal a head injury will soon hit the rugby field – are they a game changer? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nick Draper, Professor of Sport and Exercise Science, University of Canterbury Saeed Khan/AFP via Getty Images When the Women’s Rugby World Cup kicks off this weekend, spectators will witness more than the usual thrills, skills and physical brilliance the code delivers – they’ll also see something completely
Dingoes are not domestic dogs – new evidence shows these native canines are on their own evolutionary path Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kylie M. Cairns, Research fellow in canid and wildlife genomics, UNSW Sydney For decades, scientists, policymakers, graziers and land managers have been locked in a surprisingly high-stakes debate over what defines a dingo. Are these wild canids their own species? Or are they simply feral dogs? The
Astronomers have glimpsed the core of a dying star – confirming theories of how atoms are made Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Orsola De Marco, Professor of Astrophysics, Macquarie University Astronomers have glimpsed the inner structure of a dying star in a rare kind of cosmic explosion called an “extremely stripped supernova”. In a paper published today in Nature, Steve Schulze of Northwestern University in the United States and
Why bad arguments sound convincing: 10 tricks of logic that underpin vaccine myths Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hassan Vally, Associate Professor, Epidemiology, Deakin University The biggest lie those who create and spread misinformation perpetrate is that they want you to think for yourself. They warn their target audience not to be “sheep” and not to let themselves be told what to believe by “mainstream”
From sea ice to ocean currents, Antarctica is now undergoing abrupt changes – and we’ll all feel them Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nerilie Abram, Chief Scientist, Australian Antarctic Division and Professor of Climate Science, Australian National University Antarctica has long been seen as a remote, unchanging environment. Not any more. The ice-covered continent and the surrounding Southern Ocean are undergoing abrupt and alarming changes. Sea ice is shrinking rapidly,
Taxpayer bailouts are common, yet rarely make economic sense. Here’s how to strike a better balance Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Susan Stone, Credit Union SA Chair of Economics, University of South Australia Most market economists oppose the idea of large corporate bailouts, where taxpayer funds are used to provide failing companies with financial assistance. Despite this, Australia, and many other economies, seem to be embarking on a
Commodifying childhood: NZ children see marketing for unhealthy products 76 times a day Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leah Watkins, Associate Professor, Department of Marketing, University of Otago Fertnig/Getty Images Media headlines, industry figures and research confirm what many parents suspect: marketing to children has not only grown in scale but also in sophistication. It now happens in a wider variety of contexts, both physical
Swimming in the Seine: an old pastime resurfaces in the age of global warming Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Moutiez, Doctorante en Architecture et Enseignante à l’École d’architecture de Paris Val-de-Seine, Université Paris Nanterre – Université Paris Lumières Bathing on a hot day in Paris, 1932. Agence Rol / Gallica / BNF As the 2024 Olympic Games drew near, the promise of being able to
‘Thriving Kids’ could help secure the future of the NDIS. But what will the program mean for children and families? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Helen Dickinson, Professor, Public Service Research, UNSW Sydney Goodboy Picture Company/Getty Images Mark Butler, the minister for Disability and the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS), today announced a new plan to “secure the future” of the NDIS. Central to this plan is that children under nine with
View from The Hill: Everyone wants a slice of the productivity action Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra It’s too early to make a judgement about how productive the government’s economic reform (also known as productivity roundtable) will be, but the fact it’s behind closed doors is making it a rather amorphous affair to follow. Its sessions are
Granting visas to enter Australia is a delicate balancing act – whether you’re a politician or not Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Danielle Ireland-Piper, Associate Professor of Law, National Security College, Australian National University Israeli politician Simcha Rothman Gil Cohen-Magan/Getty The Australian government has cancelled the visa of Israeli politician Simcha Rothman, setting off a diplomatic falling out that’s escalated over the course of the week. Rothman is a
Australian Jewish representatives deliver stinging rebukes to Netanyahu and Albanese Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The peak body of Australian Jewry has delivered a stinging rebuke to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as strongly chastising Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, in letters to the two leaders. The Executive Council of Australia Jewry has told
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Imagine serving your country overseas, returning home and feeling unwelcome in the very place meant to support you.
That’s what happened to a 44-year-old Australian Army officer who attended a local Returned and Services League (RSL) lunch while on leave.
She recalls:
One of the older men catcalled me – when I raised it with the president, he dismissed it as “boys will be boys”. As a still-serving commissioned officer, it was deeply upsetting. I never returned.
Her story is far from unique.
Our research from the Open Door Initiative at Flinders University reveals many women feel unwelcome in RSL spaces. Some leave. Others never join.
Women describe subtle but persistent exclusion. One said:
It’s not for younger vets, especially those who still work or have a family.
Another nicknamed her local RSL, dominated by older male veterans from the Vietnam War era, a “Vietnam veteran club”, closed off to women and younger members. There she found walls lined with portraits of men in uniform, sexist jokes left unchallenged, and questions about the legitimacy of women veterans’ medals.
Founded in 1916 to support soldiers returning from the first world war, it offered camaraderie, assistance and a way back into civilian life. Today, 1,095 RSL sub-branches remain, barely half the number from its peak in 1946.
Known for mid-week lunches, cheap drinks and Anzac Day services, the organisation was built by men, for men – a culture that still shapes how many sub-branches look, feel and operate.
Fewer than 10% of the veteran population in some states choose to join their local RSL. In many branches nationally, non-veteran members now outnumber those who have served.
Yet many veteran men still resist making space for women or younger veterans. One male interviewee told us bluntly: “I don’t think we should change our traditions to accommodate [these] veterans”.
Sometimes exclusion is more direct.
Sarah Case, a former sub-branch president in Queensland, recalled being labelled “a real bitch” by male branch members, adding:
It’s typical of the experience of being a woman, a woman with a brain who’s prepared to stand up for herself.
Deborah Langford, another woman veteran on a sub-branch committee in regional Victoria said:
Many RSL branches feel frozen in time: beers, bingo and military banter. But younger veterans, especially women, are juggling work, families and the long-term impacts of service, including trauma. They need safe, inclusive spaces and real support.
For women who have served, especially those who experienced harassment or assault during service, traditional RSL environments can feel unsafe.
One veteran said:
Going into an RSL space where there are older male veterans can be challenging. Feeling safe is really important.
Small victories and further opportunities
Some branches are starting to shift and even small changes can have a real impact.
One woman veteran in Queensland described the support she received from her state branch as “faultless”, though she said it was only possible because she was supported by one of the few women advocates on staff.
At a Queensland sub-branch, Melissa Bishop, a veteran and newly appointed committee member, fought to move meetings to weekends so people with jobs and families could take part.
One woman veteran described it as “the first time I’d felt like someone had thought about veterans like me.”
These are modest, hard-won changes, but scattered progress alone won’t undo generations of exclusion.
Last year, the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide recommended creating a national body to better govern the veterans’ non-profit sector.
This presents a real opportunity to modernise veteran support. But without a strong focus on gender inclusion and cultural reform from the start, history may repeat, entrenching the same exclusions that have kept so many women veterans on the margins for decades.
Women are not asking for special treatment. They are asking for veteran spaces that recognise their service, value their contributions and meet their needs.
That means flexible programs, trauma-informed care, peer support and family-friendly events.
The RSL now faces a defining choice: cling to outdated ideas or evolve into a space where all who have served feel they belong.
Ben Wadham receives funding from DVA and the Australian Research Council. He is vice president of the Defence Force Welfare Association – SA (DFWA-SA).
Andrew Prevett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
There’s a pretty funny “in joke” in the opening scenes of the new Australian film Kangaroo Island.
Shortly after we meet Lou Wells (played by Rebecca Breeds) – an ex-pat Australian actor trying to make her Hollywood dream come true in Los Angeles – we learn her only real success to date has been playing a dubious character in a popular TV soap drama.
The joke, in case you missed it, is that Breed’s real-life launching pad was Home & Away. Although, if her performance in this film (along with her lead role in the 2021 series Clarice) is anything to go by, her career is on a much more successful trajectory than the train-wreck character of Lou Wells.
Home calling
After what appears to be a drunken one-night stand (not the first, we suspect) Lou gets a message from her dad Rory (Erik Thomson). He wants her to come home, and is so adamant he has even sent her the plane ticket.
At first, Lou appears to have no intention of giving up on her dream – and no intention of using the ticket.
However, as the viewer, you know she will get on that plane – and you suspect there’s a serious reason for Rory wanting his daughter to come home so suddenly.
This is the beginning of what turns out to be one of the many strengths of Sally Gifford’s first screenplay. It’s easy to become disinterested in a film when the telegraphed plot plays out the way you think it will. After all, why care about the story if you’re already ahead of it?
But Gifford and first time director Timothy David manage to sidestep this problem. They let you guess what’s going to happen, yet still surprise you when the inevitable unfolds – drawing you further into the story in a satisfying way.
Gifford’s screenplay slowly peels back the layers of this complex family unit as the film profgresses. Maslow Entertainment
An excellent island casting
Home for Lou, as you might have guessed, is on Kangaroo Island – a small paradise off the coast of South Australia that’s also home to an amazing array of wildlife, nature reserves and the Flinders Chase National Park.
Against this backdrop we meet the rest of Lou’s family: her dad Rory, her sister Freya (Adelaide Clemens), Freya’s husband Joel (Ben Roberts), their kids Teddy and Alby (Bodhi and Forest Palmer), Aunt Rose (Julie Wood), and Lou’s best friend Todd (Louis Henbest). This impressive ensemble cast believably portrays both the bonds and tensions that make for a compelling family picture.
The other very good piece of casting is Kangaroo Island itself. There is never a sense that it’s there just for its postcard tourism value (although it’s hard to not want to visit once you’ve seen it through cinematographer Ian McCarroll’s lens).
Rather, you can feel the deep connection between humans and nature in the island, as well as its vulnerability to exploitation in the wrong hands.
The film’s main setting, Kangaroo Island, is shot gloriously by cinematographer Ian McCarroll. Maslow Entertainment
The film has strong themes of death, grief, jealousy, betrayal and spirituality, which belie its often very light comic touch. Gifford and David confidently navigate between the serious and the humorous without running aground on moments that are too dark, or too flippant.
The humour will be relatable to anyone who doesn’t have a perfect family, or anyone who loves their family despite its imperfections (in other words, everyone).
One running gag about some lost luggage is so well peppered it’s hard to not laugh out loud when it finally reaches its punchline – albeit at the dramatic high point of the story.
A dramatically flat moment
If I were to pick one point of weakness in the film, it would be Freya’s long monologue that takes place by Lou’s beside while she’s sleeping.
Overall, Gifford’s screenplay deftly handles both the siblings’ present-day story and backstory, in a way that helps us understanding the subtle family dynamics.
So it’s jarring when this mostly static monologue, full of exposition, is delivered as though trying to cover all the points that haven’t yet been explained, in one efficient but dramatically flat moment.
This quibble aside, Kangaroo Island is a highly enjoyable and engaging film that lets its deeply emotional aspects sneak up on you. Even as you see them coming, they arrive fresh and surprising.
Kangaroo Island is in cinemas now.
Chris Thompson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
New Zealand’s police commissioner says he understands the potential impact the country’s criminal deportees have on smaller Pacific Island nations.
Commissioner Richard Chambers’ comments on RNZ Pacific Waves come as the region’s police bosses gathered for the annual Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police conference in Waitangi.
The meeting, which is closed to media, began yesterday.
Chambers said a range of issues were on the agenda, including transnational organised crime and the training of police forces.
Inspector Riki Whiu, of Northland police, leads (from right), Secretary-General of Interpol Valdecy Urquiza, Vanuatu Police Commissioner Kalshem Bongran and Northern Mariana Islands Police Commissioner Anthony Macaranas during the pōwhiri. Image: RNZ/Peter de Graaf
Across the Pacific, the prevalence of methamphetamine and its role in driving social, criminal and health crises have thrust the problem of organised crime into the spotlight.
Commissioner Chambers said New Zealand had offered support to its fellow Pacific nations to combat transnational organised crime, in particular around the narcotics trade.
Deportation policies However, the country’s own transnational crime advisory group also identified the country’s deportation policies as a “significant contributor to the rise of organised crime in the Pacific”.
In 2022, a research report showed that New Zealand returned 400 criminal deportees to Pacific nations between 2013 and 2018.
The report from the Lowy Institute also said criminal deportees from New Zealand, as well as Australia and the US, were a significant contributor to transnational crime in the Pacific.
Te Waaka Popata-Henare, of the Treaty Grounds cultural group Te Pito Whenua, leads the Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police to Te Whare Rūnanga for a formal welcome. Image: RNZ/Peter de Graaf
When Chambers was asked about the issue and whether New Zealand’s criminal deportation policy undermined work against organised crime across the region, he said it had not been raised with him directly.
“The criminal networks that we are dealing with, in particular those such as the cartels out of South America, the CJNG [cartels] and Sinaloa cartels, who really do control a lot of the cocaine and also methamphetamine trades, also parts of Asia with the Triads,” Commissioner Chambers said.
“I know that the Pacific commissioners that I work with are very, very focused on what we can do to combat and disrupt a lot of that activity at source, in both Asia and South America.
“So that’s where our focus has been, and that’s what the commissioners have been asking me for in terms of support.”
Pacific nation difficulties He said he understood the difficulties law enforcement in Pacific nations faced regarding criminal deportees, as New Zealand faced similar challenges under Australia’s deportation policy.
In New Zealand, the country’s returned nationals from Australia are known as 501 deportations, named after the section of the Australian Migration Act which permits their deportation due to criminal convictions.
These individuals have often spent the majority of their lives in Australia and have no family or ties to New Zealand but are forced to return due to Australia’s immigration laws.
New Zealand’s authorities have tracked how these deportees — who number in the hundreds — have contributed significantly to the country’s increasingly sophisticated and established organised crime networks over the past decade.
Chambers said that because police dealt with the real impacts of Australia’s 501 law, he could relate to what his Pacific counterparts faced.
“I understand from the New Zealand perspective [which is] the impact that New Zealand nationals returning to our country have on New Zealand, and the reality is, they’re offending, they’re re-offending.
“I suspect it’s no different from our Pacific colleagues in their own countries. And it may be something that we can talk about.”
This week’s conference was scheduled to finish tomorrow. Speakers due to appear included Interpol Secretary-General Valdecy Urquiza and Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Baron Waqa.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
About one in three Australian adults have hypertension, or high blood pressure.
High blood pressure is a leading contributor to preventable disability and early death because – particularly when it’s not well controlled – it increases the risk of developing conditions including heart disease, stroke, kidney disease and dementia.
Doctors are increasingly using blood pressure measurements taken at home to guide decisions about managing hypertension, such as whether you have hypertension in the first place, and whether you need to start or change medications. These readings can complement measurements taken in a doctor’s office and can be done more often.
Notably, home blood pressure measurements also reduce the “white coat” effect, which refers to someone’s blood pressure being high due to anxiety associated with a doctor’s office or medical environment. For this reason your doctor may ask you to measure your blood pressure at home to confirm whether it’s high or not.
For people who may have been advised to measure their blood pressure at home, having a device with a correctly sized cuff is essential to obtain accurate readings.
But in a new study, we’ve found many people could be using cuffs that don’t fit their arm properly.
Why is cuff size important?
Home blood pressure devices are usually sold with a single cuff size – either standard or a larger one, sometimes called “wide-range”.
But having the wrong cuff size affects the accuracy of the blood pressure reading.
If the cuff is too small, systolic blood pressure (the top number in a blood pressure reading, which denotes the pressure in your arteries when the heart pumps blood) will be overestimated. Conversely, if the cuff is too big, systolic blood pressure will be underestimated. The worse the cuff fits, the greater the measurement error is likely to be.
If your doctor makes decisions about your blood pressure based on inaccurate data, it could mean missing out on treatment to reduce your blood pressure when it’s needed, or starting treatment when it’s not needed.
Our study
In our analysis, we estimated the arm sizes of 18.7 million Australian adults based on data from the National Health Survey for 2017–18. We estimated upper-arm circumference ranged from 20 to 62 centimetres, with an average of 32cm.
We then categorised these arm sizes to see how many would fit common home blood pressure cuffs: standard (22 to 32cm) and wide-range (22 to 42cm).
About 9 million people – 48% of Australian adults – had arms too big for the standard cuff size. And about 700,000 people (roughly 3.7% of Australian adults) had arms larger than 42cm, which means both the standard and wide-range cuff sizes could be too small. Only a very small number had arms that would be too small for both cuff sizes.
We calculated that, among adults reported to have hypertension in 2018, the standard cuff size would be unsuitable in about 60% of people, while both the standard and wide-range cuff size would be unsuitable in about 6%.
The main limitation of our study is that we estimated arm sizes, because a measurement of arm size wasn’t available in the survey data. This estimate was based on an equation developed from a group of people in the United States relatively similar to the Australian population.
It’s possible some of our estimates may not be completely accurate, affecting our results. That said, research in the US has produced broadly similar findings, indicating 6.4% of adults would have arms too big for the wide-range cuff size.
You can measure the size of your arm at home by wrapping a measuring tape around the half-way point of your upper arm. This is roughly where your bicep is.
When choosing a home blood pressure monitor, the cuff size range is often reported on the cuff itself, on the box, or in the product description online. Some cuffs also have markings which can be used to double check if it fits your arm.
It’s best to use the cuff that came with your device. If you use a different cuff, even one that says it is compatible with many devices, it may not give a correct reading. Home blood pressure devices are tested to work accurately with the specific cuffs they come with, so it’s not clear how well other cuffs would work with your device.
If you can’t find a cuff that fits, many manufacturers have a range of different devices, so contacting them to see if they have other options is a good place to start. A wrist cuff device is an option but is only recommended when blood pressure can’t be measured on the upper arm.
Finally, ensure the device you choose is validated, meaning it has passed accuracy testing in a broad sample of people using a standard process. You can search for the device manufacturer name and model number on lists of validated devices compiled by the independent international organisation STRIDE BP.
If you are unsure about the accuracy of your home blood pressure device, you can take it to your doctor to see if the measurements are similar to the device they use in the clinic.
Ritu Trivedi is a member of the Australian National Hypertension Taskforce working groups for patient activation and engagement, and awareness and screening of high blood pressure.
Clara Chow is a NHMRC investigator grant recipient and is an investigator on current MRFF and NHMRC grants. She is a member of the WSLHD Board & National Heart Foundation Board, Australian National Hypertension Taskforce, has previously received grants from NSW Health, Australian Digital Health Agency, Google. She has also previously received speakers’ fees from several organisations including Novartis, Limbic, Eli Lilly, Novo Nordisk, Amgen, AbbVie.
The George Institute has submitted patent applications with respect to low fixed-dose combination products for the treatment of cardiovascular and cardiometabolic disease. Professors Rodgers and Chow are listed as inventors. Both do not have direct financial interests in these patent applications or investments.
Dean Picone receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, NSW Government Office of Health and Medical Research and is an investigator on a current MRFF grant. He a member of the Hypertension Australia Clinical Council, member of American Heart Association Hypertension Professional/Public Education & Publications Committee and Chair of International Society of Hypertension New Investigator Committee. He has previously received funding from the National Heart Foundation of Australia and acted as a consultant on blood pressure monitoring to the Pan American Health Organisation and United States Centers for Disease Control.
When the Women’s Rugby World Cup kicks off this weekend, spectators will witness more than the usual thrills, skills and physical brilliance the code delivers – they’ll also see something completely novel: flashing mouthguards.
Designed to help keep professional players safer, these smart mouthguards flash when a player experiences a collision big enough to potentially result in a concussion. This is an advance on existing instrumented mouthguards, used in the professional game since the 2023 men’s Rugby World Cup.
The mouthguards contain accelerometers and a gyroscope to measure the size of collisions. If a collision exceeds the threshold for a head injury assessment, a light-emitting diode (LED) will flash red, alerting the player and officials.
The smart mouthguards can measure collision impact forces, the direction of the impact and the number of collisions for any player during a game.
Collision impact is measured in “peak linear acceleration” (the g-force) and “peak rotational acceleration”. Based on the data, a decision can be made to pull a player from the game for a head injury assessment.
The threshold for male players is a g-force of 75 and for female players 65. But problems with Bluetooth capability meant there could be delays between a player receiving a head knock and the data being downloaded. The new flashing mouthguards are designed to overcome this delay.
A head injury assessment is done off-field by a trained medical professional. Background is collected about the collision and the player’s symptoms. The player then completes memory and balance tests. If they fail the assessment they’re out for the rest of the game.
World Rugby is using the women’s World Cup tournament to introduce the new LED mouthguards, ahead of using them at the top level of the men’s and women’s game in general. In time, we may see them become more common in non-professional and youth grades, too.
What about amateur and junior rugby?
The primary purpose of the new mouthguards is to improve surveillance of likely concussions by reducing the time between a sizeable impact being detected and then reported to officials.
In turn, this may reduce the likelihood of a player experiencing a second large collision – and therefore keep them safer. Like other smart mouthguards, these new ones will also record all collisions in a game for longer-term monitoring.
The high cost of these innovative safety technologies has so far been prohibitive for lower and non-professional leagues. Aside from professional franchises, really only researchers have had access, given the nature of the hardware, software and 3D-printing process involved.
But that might be changing, with recent innovations by mouthguard companies bringing their products into a more viable price range for community rugby.
High quality “boil and bite” instrumented mouthguards currently retail for A$350, which is only about $100 more than a dentist-fitted custom unit. As the technology evolves, the price will no doubt reduce more.
The advantage of smart mouthguards is the objectivity they can bring to collision assessment in community rugby, something not available in the past.
Using a phone app linked to the product, parents, coaches or referees can see the size of impact a player has received in a collision. That then allows them to make a more informed choice about removing a player from the field.
It would also be harder for a player to hide a concussion and therefore likely reduce under-reporting. As well, our research shows concussions for junior players can occur well below the adult thresholds, so this type of technology and information could be very helpful.
Benefits for brain health
While these safety developments are potentially beneficial, junior and community rugby still relies largely on non-medically trained staff to identify possible concussions.
Despite greater awareness and concern about concussions, research indicates there are still many youth athletes and parents who don’t know how to recognise the symptoms. There also appears to be a stigma about concussion reporting.
We know that in New Zealand, Māori and Pasifika players appear to suffer from higher rates of sport-related concussion, but are less aware of and less willing to report symptoms.
An early return to play following an unreported concussion can lead to a player suffering a second and worse concussion, which could have longer-term recovery implications for a young person.
Improved coach awareness is one area that would make a big difference, and there are already concussion recognition courses available such as RugbySmart in New Zealand and BokSmart in South Africa.
The flashing mouthguards on show at the Women’s Rugby World Cup can’t prevent concussions. But they represent another step towards better managing the risks and effects of concussions over a player’s season and career.
As prices drop and these technologies become more accessible, we will likely see greater uptake in community rugby, further improving player safety at the grassroots level.
The authors thank George Stilwell, Natalia Kabaliuk and Keith Alexander from the University of Canterbury for their contribution to this article.
Nick Draper receives funding from the Health Research Council, Cure Kids, the Neurological Foundation, Canterbury Medical Research Foundation, Pacific Radiology Group, the Maurice and Phyllis Paykel Trust, and the UC Foundation.
Kevin Mangan receives funding from the Health Research Council, Cure Kids, the Neurological Foundation, Canterbury Medical Research Foundation, Pacific Radiology Group, the Maurice and Phyllis Paykel Trust, and the UC Foundation.
For decades, scientists, policymakers, graziers and land managers have been locked in a surprisingly high-stakes debate over what defines a dingo. Are these wild canids their own species? Or are they simply feral dogs?
In 2020, researchers proposed four conditions dingoes would have to meet to be considered separate from domestic dogs: reproductive isolation (they don’t mate and produce fertile offspring), genetic distinctiveness, independent evolutionary path and distinctiveness from South-East Asian village dogs, which superficially resemble dingoes.
In our new research, we lay out the scientific case showing dingoes do indeed meet these requirements, across genetic, behavioural, ecological and archaeological evidence. We now have a clear answer: dingoes are distinct.
Australia’s wild canines have been on their own evolutionary path for thousands of years. As a distinct lineage, they should be recognised in their own right as a species or subspecies. They are not Canis familiaris, the domestic dog. They should be named either Canis dingo or Canis lupus dingo.
A typical ginger dingo in the Strzelecki desert, South Australia. Matthew Brun, CC BY-ND
Species aren’t always in neat boxes
One of the greatest challenges for modern taxonomy is how to categorise “species” that don’t fit in neat little boxes but exist along a continuum.
It’s widely accepted domestic and wild animal populations should be distinguished and be given different scientific names. Domestication is often portrayed as a simple before-and-after event. But this isn’t accurate.
Domestication is a long, messy continuum. Some domesticated species such as cattle and modern dog breeds depend on humans for their survival. But dingoes are different. They have lived alongside people but are also entirely capable of surviving without us, and have done so for thousands of years.
In evolutionary terms, what matters is the trajectory. Did human contact fundamentally alter the appearance, biology and behaviour of the species, locking it into a domestic lifestyle? Or did human influence have little effect, meaning the species has been shaped primarily by natural selection in the wild?
Many modern dog breeds such as pugs have been bred for specific body shapes and traits rendering them less likely to survive in the wild by themselves. Abuk Sabuk/Wikimedia, CC BY
Do dingoes meet the criteria to be considered taxonomically distinct?
Our research shows how the four conditions have been met to consider dingoes separate:
1. Reproductive isolation
Dingoes have been separated from other Canis lineages for 8,000-11,000 years. Genetic studies show dingoes have little contemporary interbreeding with domestic dogs, even when they live in the same areas. While all Canis species can interbreed and produce fertile offspring, differences in breeding seasons and behaviour act as natural barriers. Unlike dingoes, domestic dogs rarely establish wild, self-sustaining populations.
2. Genetic distinctiveness
Genome-wide analyses reveal dingoes descend from an ancient “eastern” dog lineage, while most modern domestic dogs come from “western” and “Arctic” dog lineages. Since their arrival in Australia, dingoes have remained genetically isolated.
3. An independent evolutionary lineage
From a genetic point of view, dingoes are more distinct from domestic dogs than domestic dog breeds are from each other. Modern dog breeds have undergone waves of mixing and human selection, while dingoes have not. This is why dingoes lack the genetic adaptations to starch-rich diets that domestic dogs evolved alongside agriculture and human contact.
Dingoes have carved out their own ecological niche in Australia’s unique environments, from deserts to snowy mountains. They have developed separate traits such as hyperflexible joints and a single breeding season over autumn and winter. By contrast, humans have heavily shaped the evolutionary path of domestic dogs, making them reliant on us.
4. Clear up whether dogs found in South-East Asia are dingoes
Some researchers have suggested dingo-like village dogs in South-East Asia are actually dingoes. While dingoes share some ancestors with these dogs, modern genetic evidence shows dingoes and their closest relatives, New Guinea singing dogs, are a separate population.
What’s in a name?
The question over how dogs evolved is not yet resolved. Some taxonomists believe dogs are a subspecies of wolf, while others disagree. Given this uncertainty, giving dingoes a unique scientific name can be done in two ways.
If we consider dingoes distinct from both dogs and wolves, the most appropriate name would be Canis dingo — recognising the dingo as its own species with a long, separate evolutionary history.
But if dingoes are not distinct from wolves, the correct name would be Canis lupus dingo. This would treat it as a subspecies of wolf, while still acknowledging its wild lineage separate to domestic dogs.
Under some state laws, dingoes are defined as “wild dogs”. This means dingoes are targeted for lethal control – even in many national parks. If treated as a domestic dog, dingoes can be ineligible for official threatened species lists.
As a result, the species is often overlooked for targeted conservation, while its culturally significant role for many First Nations peoples is often not recognised nor respected.
Defining dingoes as a distinct species or subspecies would allow governments to differentiate them from domestic dogs in laws, policies and conservation programs, and align western science with First Nations knowledge holders who have long distinguished between dingoes and dogs.
Dingoes are culturally important for many First Nations peoples. This is a black and tan Wilkerr (the name used by Wotjobaluk peoples in northwestern Victoria) in Wyperfeld National Park. Big Desert Dingo Research, CC BY-NC-ND
Ending decades of confusion will take work
To clear up long-running disagreement over the dingo, we believe the time has come for an independent, evidence-based review by a national scientific body. This would bring together geneticists, ecologists, taxonomists and First Nations representatives.
This approach helped untangle similarly knotty problems overseas, such as the United States National Academies’ review to settle the taxonomy of red and Mexican wolves.
An Australian review could finally end decades of confusion for the dingo and ensure our laws reflect the most up-to-date scientific evidence.
Taxonomic debates might sound obscure. But this naming question will shape the future of one of Australia’s ecologically and culturally significant animals.
We believe the evidence shows the dingo is not a domestic dog – it’s on its own path. The question is whether Australia can accept this evidence.
Kylie M. Cairns receives funding from the Australian Dingo Foundation, the Australia and Pacific Science Foundation, the ACT government and donations from the general public. She is a director of the Paddy Pallin Foundation and provides scientific advice to the Australian Dingo Foundation and the New Guinea Highland Wild Dog Foundation. She also serves as co-coordinator of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) dingo working group which is part of its Species Survival Commission (SSC) Canid Specialist Group.
Bradley Smith is an unpaid director of the Australian Dingo Foundation, a non-profit environmental charity that advocates for dingo conservation. He also serves as a member of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) dingo working group, which is part of its Species Survival Commission (Canids Specialist Group).
Euan Ritchie receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action. Euan is a Councillor within the Biodiversity Council, a member of the Ecological Society of Australia and the Australian Mammal Society, and President of the Australian Mammal Society.
Thomas Newsome receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is immediate past-president of the Australasian Wildlife Management Society and President of the Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales.
Astronomers have glimpsed the inner structure of a dying star in a rare kind of cosmic explosion called an “extremely stripped supernova”.
In a paper published today in Nature, Steve Schulze of Northwestern University in the United States and colleagues describe the supernova 2021yfj and a thick shell of gas surrounding it.
Their findings support our existing theories of what happens inside massive stars at the end of their lives – and how they have shaped the building blocks of the universe we see today.
How stars make the elements
Stars are powered by nuclear fusion – a process in which lighter atoms are squished together into heavier ones, releasing energy.
Fusion happens in stages over the star’s life. In a series of cycles, first hydrogen (the lightest element) is fused into helium, followed by the formation of heavier elements such as carbon. The most massive stars continue on to neon, oxygen, silicon and finally iron.
Each burning cycle is faster than the previous one. The hydrogen cycle can last for millions of years, while the silicon cycle is over in a matter of days.
As the core of a massive star keeps burning, the gas outside the core acquires a layered structure, where successive layers record the composition of the progression of burning cycles.
While all this is playing out in the star’s core, the star is also shedding gas from its surface, carried out into space by the stellar wind. Each fusion cycle creates an expanding shell of gas containing a different mix of elements.
Core collapse
What happens to a massive star when its core is full of iron? The great pressure and temperature will make the iron fuse, but unlike the fusion of lighter elements, this process absorbs energy instead of releasing it.
The release of energy from fusion is what has been holding the star up against the force of gravity – so now the iron core will collapse. Depending on how big it is to start with, the collapsed core will become a neutron star or a black hole.
The process of collapse creates a “bounce”, which sends energy and matter flying outwards. This is called a core-collapse supernova explosion.
The explosion lights up the layers of gas shed from the star earlier, allowing us to see what they are made of. In all known supernovae until now, this material was either the hydrogen, the helium or the carbon layer, produced in the first two nuclear burning cycles.
The inner layers (the neon, oxygen and silicon layers) are all produced in a mere few hundred years before the star explodes, which means they don’t have time to travel out far from the star.
An explosive mystery
But that’s what makes the new supernova SN2021yfj so interesting. Schulze and colleagues found the material outside the star came from the silicon layer, the last layer just above the iron core, which forms on a timescale of a few months.
The stellar wind must have expelled all the layers right down to the silicon one before the explosion occurred. Astronomers don’t understand how a stellar wind could be powerful enough to do this.
The most plausible scenario is a second star was involved. If another star were orbiting the one that exploded, its gravity might have rapidly pulled out the deep silicon layer.
Exploding stars made the universe what it is today
Whatever the explanation, this view deep inside the star has confirmed our theories of the cycles of nuclear fusion inside massive stars.
Why is this important? Because stars are where all the elements come from.
Carbon and nitrogen are manufactured primarily by lower mass stars, similar to our own Sun. Some heavy elements such as gold are manufactured in the exotic environments of colliding and merging neutron stars.
However, oxygen and other elements such as neon, magnesium and sulfur mainly come from core-collapse supernovae.
We are what we are because of the inner workings of stars. The constant production of elements in stars causes the universe to change continuously. Stars and planets formed later are very different from those formed in earlier times.
When the universe was younger it had much less in the way of “interesting” elements. Everything worked somewhat differently: stars burned hotter and faster and planets may have formed less, differently, or not at all.
How much supernovae explode and just what they eject into interstellar space is a critical question in figuring out why our Universe and our world are the way they are.
Orsola De Marco received funding from the Australian Research Council. She is affiliated (non-executive director of the Board) with Astronomy Australia Ltd. a not-for-profit company serving Australian astronomy.
The biggest lie those who create and spread misinformation perpetrate is that they want you to think for yourself. They warn their target audience not to be “sheep” and not to let themselves be told what to believe by “mainstream” voices, the “deep state” or other bogey men.
But in a classic case of misdirection, at the same time they warn you about this, they deploy a range of manipulative tricks to ensure you don’t actually think clearly or independently.
One of these tactics is to seduce you into subscribing to “logical fallacies”. These are flawed patterns of reasoning that sound convincing but lead to false or misleading conclusions.
Logical fallacies are like optical illusions of thought: convincing on the surface, but ultimately an apparition. Like a magician who tries to convince you he really has pulled a rabbit from a hat, getting you to fall for logical fallacies is a sleight of hand that aims to trick you into believing something is true that isn’t.
But when you know how a magic trick works, it no longer fools you. If you recognise the most common logical fallacies and understand how they work, they very quickly lose their power. Once you can see behind the curtain, the illusion fades, and you begin to understand things as they really are.
Here are ten of the most common ones you need to be on the lookout for when it comes to vaccine misinformation.
1. Appeal to nature fallacy
Typical claim:
Vaccines are unnatural, so they must be bad.
Fallacy: Assumes that natural is always better or safer, which is not logically or scientifically valid. Plenty of natural substances are very harmful or deadly, and plenty of man-made products, including many medicines, are life-saving.
2. Slippery slope fallacy
Typical claim:
If we allow vaccine mandates, next we’ll lose all medical freedom.
Fallacy: Assumes a minor or reasonable action will inevitably spiral into something more extreme and implausible. This is one of the easiest logical fallacies to spot and relies on stretching logic to its breaking point in order to provoke fear. Politicians particularly like this tactic.
3. Ad hominem fallacy
Typical claim:
You can’t trust that doctor, he’s obese and doesn’t know how to look after himself.
Fallacy: Attacks the person instead of engaging with their argument or evidence. This is usually the go-to strategy when one either has no evidence to back up what they are saying or doesn’t have any capacity to engage with the evidence.
4. False dichotomy fallacy
Typical claim:
You either trust vaccines blindly or you’re a free thinker.
Fallacy: Ignores the nuanced middle ground and oversimplifies the choices. Often this is a version of the “you’re either with us or against us” ploy. It frames the debate so that one option is clearly unreasonable, creating the false impression that the right choice is obvious.
5. Straw man fallacy
Typical claim:
Pro-vaccine people think vaccines are perfect and have no risks.
Fallacy: This may be the most relied upon tactic by those spreading vaccine misinformation. It relies on misrepresenting the evidence to make it easier to attack. It often involves a number of different tactics such as distorting, cherry picking or oversimplifying the evidence. RFK Jr is a big fan of this tactic.
6. Post hoc fallacy (false cause)
Typical claim:
My child got sick after a vaccine, so the vaccine caused it.
Fallacy: Confuses correlation with causation without considering other explanations. Just because two events occur at about the same time doesn’t mean one caused the other. The false belief that the MMR vaccine causes autism stems from a single fraudulent study that wrongly inferred causation from a mere correlation.
Millions of people are questioning vaccines so there must be something wrong.
Fallacy: Assumes that a widespread belief is equivalent to truth. This is also called the “illusory truth effect” and it’s one of the main reasons misinformation has such an influence on social media. When people find themselves in echo chambers where they are led to believe a view is commonly held, even when it is obviously untrue, they are more likely to believe it. Humans are wired up to follow the herd.
8. Anecdotal fallacy
Typical claim:
I know someone who got vaccinated and still got sick so vaccines can’t work.
Fallacy: Uses personal stories instead of statistical or scientific evidence. This is equivalent to the reference to the grandmother who smoked a pack of cigarettes a day and lived to be 100 years old. It’s often the go-to strategy when there is no evidence to support a claim. Apart from the fact these anecdotes are usually not verifiable, anecdotes are no substitute for rigorous scientific evidence.
9. Perfectionist fallacy
Typical claim:
Vaccines aren’t 100% safe and effective, so they are useless.
Fallacy: Rejects a good solution (vaccines) because it is not perfect. No medical intervention is 100% risk-free. Even something universally used like aspirin can have side effects, and so an extension of this logic is that every single therapeutic intervention is useless because it is not perfect, which is absurd.
10. Base rate fallacy
Typical claim:
More vaccinated people are getting sick, so vaccines don’t work.
Fallacy: In a highly vaccinated population, most people will be vaccinated and inevitably some vaccinated people will still get sick. While the absolute numbers of vaccinated people who get sick will outnumber those who did not get vaccinated and got sick, this is misleading as the proportion will be much smaller due to the sheer numbers of vaccinated individuals in the population.
In a nutshell
We live in a time where bad-faith actors are easily able to spread deliberate misinformation. Therefore, we all need to educate ourselves in the tactics and tricks used by these con artists, so we’re not fooled.
Being able to recognise how logical fallacies are used to make misleading arguments seem persuasive is one of the things we can do to protect ourselves. The good news is, once you understand the most commonly used logical fallacies, it’s harder be to fooled.
Hassan Vally does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nerilie Abram, Chief Scientist, Australian Antarctic Division and Professor of Climate Science, Australian National University
Antarctica has long been seen as a remote, unchanging environment. Not any more.
The ice-covered continent and the surrounding Southern Ocean are undergoing abrupt and alarming changes. Sea ice is shrinking rapidly, the floating glaciers known as ice shelves are melting faster, the ice sheets carpeting the continent are approaching tipping points and vital ocean currents show signs of slowing down.
Published today in Nature, our new research shows these abrupt changes are already underway – and likely to significantly intensify in the future.
Several authors of this article have witnessed these startling changes during fieldwork on the ice. These changes spell bad news for wildlife, both iconic and lesser known. But the changes will reach much further. What’s happening in Antarctica right now will affect the world for generations to come, from rising sea levels to extreme changes in the climate system.
Antarctica’s enormity can give the illusion of permanence. But abrupt changes are arriving. David Merron Photography/Getty
What is an abrupt change?
Scientists define an abrupt change as a climatic or environmental shift taking place much faster than expected.
What makes abrupt changes so concerning is they can amplify themselves. For example, melting sea ice allows oceans to warm more rapidly, which melts more sea ice. Once triggered, they can be difficult or even impossible to reverse on timescales meaningful to humans.
While it’s common to assume incremental warming will translate to gradual change, we’re seeing something very different in Antarctica. Over past decades, the Antarctic environment had a much more muted response overall to human-caused climate warming compared to the Arctic. But about a decade ago, abrupt changes began to occur.
Shrinking sea ice brings cascading change
Antarctica’s natural systems are tightly interwoven. When one system is thrown out of balance, it can trigger cascading effects in others.
Sea ice around Antarctica has been declining dramatically since 2014. The expanse of sea ice is now shrinking at double the rate of Arctic sea ice. We found these unfolding changes are unprecedented – far outside the natural variability of past centuries.
The implications are far reaching. Sea ice has a reflective, high-albedo surface which reflects heat back to space. When there’s less sea ice, more heat is absorbed by darker oceans. Emperor penguins and other species reliant on sea ice for habitat and breeding face real threats. Less sea ice also means Antarctica’s ice shelves are more exposed to waves.
The expanse of ocean covered by sea ice began shrinking in 2014 and the rate is accelerating. Ted Mead/Getty
Vital ocean currents are slowing
The melting of ice is actually slowing down the deep ocean circulation around Antarctica. This system of deep currents, known as the Antarctic Overturning Circulation, plays a critical role in regulating Earth’s climate by absorbing carbon dioxide and distributing heat.
In the northern hemisphere, the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation is facing a slowdown.
We’re now observing a similar risk in Southern Ocean currents. Changes to the Antarctic Overturning Circulation may unfold at twice the rate of the more famous North Atlantic counterpart.
A slowdown could reduce how much oxygen and carbon dioxide the ocean absorbs and leave vital nutrients at the seafloor. Less oxygen and fewer nutrients would have major consequences for marine ecosystems and climate regulation.
The West Antarctic Ice Sheet alone has enough ice to raise global sea levels by more than five metres – and scientists warn we could be nearing the point where this ice sheet could collapse even without substantial further warming, though this might take centuries to millennia.
These enormous ice sheets represent the risk of a global tipping point. They contribute the greatest uncertainty to projections of future sea level rise because we don’t know just how quickly they could collapse.
Antarctica’s biological systems are also undergoing sudden shifts. Ecosystems both under the sea and on land are being reshaped by warming temperatures, unreliable ice conditions and human activity bringing pollution and the arrival of invasive species.
It’s essential to protect these ecosystems through the Antarctic Treaty, including creating protected areas of land and sea and restricting some human activities. But these conservation measures won’t be enough to ensure emperor penguins and leopard seals survive. That will require decisive global action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
Which future?
Antarctica is often seen as a symbol of isolation and permanence. But the continent is now changing with disturbing speed – much faster than scientists anticipated.
These abrupt changes stem largely from the extra heat trapped by decades of unchecked greenhouse gas emissions. The only way to avoid further abrupt changes is to slash emissions rapidly enough to hold warming as close to 1.5°C as possible.
Even if we achieve this, much change has already been set in motion. Governments, businesses and coastal communities must prepare for a future of abrupt change. What happens in Antarctica won’t stay there.
The stakes could not be higher. The choices made now will determine whether we face a future of worsening impacts and irreversible change or one of managed resilience to the changes already locked in.
Nerilie Abram received funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Ariaan Purich receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Felicity McCormack receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Jan Strugnell receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Matthew England receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).