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Explore the new House of Representatives

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Digital Storytelling Team, The Conversation

Are you keen to know how many women there are in the new House of Representatives? And how the parties fare on gender balance?

What about how many young people will have a vote in the parliament, given they’re such a big voting bloc?

We’ve pulled together information from the Australian Electoral Commission, the ABC and some party websites to give you the most complete picture of the new parliament.

The Conversation

Digital Storytelling Team does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Explore the new House of Representatives – https://theconversation.com/explore-the-new-house-of-representatives-256214

What is a blood cholesterol ratio? And what should yours be?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clare Collins, Laureate Professor in Nutrition and Dietetics, University of Newcastle

Shutterstock

Have you had a blood test to check your cholesterol level? These check the different blood fat components:

  • total cholesterol
  • LDL (low-density lipoprotein), which is sometimes called “bad cholesterol”
  • HDL (high-density lipoprotein), which is sometimes called “good cholesterol”
  • triglycerides.

Your clinician then compares your test results to normal ranges – and may use ratios to compare different types of cholesterol.

High blood cholesterol is a major risk factor for cardiovascular disease. This is a broad term that includes disease of blood vessels throughout the body, arteries in the heart (known as coronary heart disease), heart failure, heart valve conditions, arrhythmia and stroke.

So what does cholesterol do? And what does it mean to have a healthy cholesterol ratio?

What are blood fats?

Cholesterol is a waxy type of fat made in the liver and gut, with a small amount of pre-formed cholesterol coming from food.

Cholesterol is found in all cell membranes, contributing to their structure and function. Your body uses cholesterol to make vitamin D, bile acid, and hormones, including oestrogen, testosterone, cortisol and aldosterone.

When there is too much cholesterol in your blood, it gets deposited into artery walls, making them hard and narrow. This process is called atherosclerosis.

Clinician talking to her patient about his cardiovascular disease risk.
High blood cholesterol is a major risk factor for cardiovascular disease.
Halfpoint/Shutterstock

Cholesterol is packaged with triglycerides (the most common type of fat in the body) and specific “apo” proteins into “lipo-proteins” as a package called “very-low-density” lipoproteins (VLDLs).

These are transported via the blood to body tissue in a form called low-density lipoprotein (LDL) cholesterol.

Excess cholesterol can be transported back to the liver by high-density lipoprotein, the HDL, for removal from circulation.

Another less talked about blood fat is Lipoprotein-a, or Lp(a). This is determined by your genetics and not influenced by lifestyle factors. About one in five (20%) of Australians are carriers.

Having a high Lp(a) level is an independent cardiovascular disease risk factor.

Knowing your numbers

Your blood fat levels are affected by both modifiable factors:

  • dietary intake
  • physical activity
  • alcohol
  • smoking
  • weight status.

And non-modifiable factors:

  • age
  • sex
  • family history.



Read more:
Got high cholesterol? Here are five foods to eat and avoid


What are cholesterol ratios?

Cholesterol ratios are sometimes used to provide more detail on the balance between different types of blood fats and to evaluate risk of developing heart disease.

Commonly used ratios include:

1. Total cholesterol to HDL ratio

This ratio is used in Australia to assess risk of heart disease. It’s calculated by dividing your total cholesterol number by your HDL (good) cholesterol number.

A higher ratio (greater than 5) is associated with a higher risk of heart disease, whereas a lower ratio is associated with a lower risk of heart disease.

A study of 32,000 Americans over eight years found adults who had either very high, or very low, total cholesterol/HDL ratios were at 26% and 18% greater risk of death from any cause during the study period.

Those with a ratio of greater than 4.2 had a 13% higher risk of death from heart disease than those with a ratio lower than 4.2.

2. Non-HDL cholesterol to HDL cholesterol ratio (NHHR)

Non-HDL cholesterol is the total cholesterol minus HDL. Non-HDL cholesterol includes all blood fats such as LDL, triglycerides, Lp(a) and others. This ratio is abbreviated as NHHR.

This ratio has been used more recently because it compares the ratio of “bad” blood fats that can contribute to atherosclerosis (hardening and narrowing of the arteries) to “good” or anti-atherogenic blood fats (HDL).

Non-HDL cholesterol is a stronger predictor of cardiovascular disease risk than LDL alone, while HDL is associated with lower cardiovascular disease risk.

Because this ratio removes the “good” cholesterol from the non-HDL part of the ratio, it is not penalising those people who have really high amounts of “good” HDL that make up their total cholesterol, which the first ratio does.

Research has suggested this ratio may be a stronger predictor of atherosclerosis in women than men, however more research is needed.

Another study followed more than 10,000 adults with type 2 diabetes from the United States and Canada for about five years. The researchers found that for each unit increase in the ratio, there was around a 12% increased risk of having a heart attack, stroke or death.

They identified a risk threshold of 6.28 or above, after adjusting for other risk factors. Anyone with a ratio greater than this is at very high risk and would require management to lower their risk of heart disease.

Emergency department entrance
The greater this ratio, the greater the chance of having a heart attack or stroke.
Alex Yeung/Shutterstock

3. LDL-to-HDL cholesterol ratio

LDL/HDL is calculated by dividing your LDL cholesterol number by the HDL number. This gives a ratio of “bad” to “good” cholesterol.

A lower ratio (ideal is less than 2.0) is associated with a lower risk of heart disease.

While there is lesser focus on LDL/HDL, these ratios have been shown to be predictors of occurrence and severity of heart attacks in patients presenting with chest pain.




Read more:
Health Check: five food tips that could save your life after a heart attack


If you’re worried about your cholesterol levels or cardiovascular disease risk factors and are aged 45 and over (or over 30 for First Nations people), consider seeing your GP for a Medicare-rebated Heart Health Check.

The Conversation

Clare Collins AO is a Laureate Professor in Nutrition and Dietetics at the University of Newcastle, NSW and a Hunter Medical Research Institute (HMRI) affiliated researcher. She is a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Leadership Fellow and has received research grants from NHMRC, ARC, MRFF, HMRI, Diabetes Australia, Heart Foundation, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, nib foundation, Rijk Zwaan Australia, WA Dept. Health, Meat and Livestock Australia, and Greater Charitable Foundation. She has consulted to SHINE Australia, Novo Nordisk, Quality Bakers, the Sax Institute, Dietitians Australia and the ABC. She was a team member conducting systematic reviews to inform the 2013 Australian Dietary Guidelines update, the Heart Foundation evidence reviews on meat and dietary patterns and current Co-Chair of the Guidelines Development Advisory Committee for Clinical Practice Guidelines for Treatment of Obesity.

Erin Clarke is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Newcastle, and an affiliated researcher with Hunter Medical Research Institute (HMRI). She is also an Accredited Practising Dietitian working in private practice. She is currently supported by L/Prof Clare Collins’ National Health and Medical Research Council Leadership Fellowship. She has received funding from the New South Wales Ministry of Health, University of Newcastle, HMRI, Hunter New England Health and has an industry grant with Honeysuckle Health Pty Limited. She also holds positions on the Nutrition Society of Australia Council as Co-Chair of the Newcastle Regional Group, she is an early career representative for the HMRI Food and Nutrition Research Program and the University of Newcastle College of Health, Medicine and Wellbeing ECR Research Sub-Committee. She is also a member of the Nutrition Society of Australia Precision and Personalised Nutrition Special Interest Group and the NSW Cardiovascular Research Network.

ref. What is a blood cholesterol ratio? And what should yours be? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-a-blood-cholesterol-ratio-and-what-should-yours-be-253126

Inadmissible evidence: why a routine traffic stop and police photo went all the way to the Supreme Court

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexandra Allen-Franks, Senior Lecturer, Law School, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

sebra/Shutterstock

A recent Supreme Court decision could have far reaching consequences on how police can use photographs as evidence.

The central question in Mahia Tamiefuna v The King was whether a photo taken by a police officer on a public road during a routine traffic stop could be used to convict a person of an unrelated crime.

According to the decision, which became public this week, the answer is no. And there are clear and compelling reasons why a majority of the court made this call.

The Tamiefuna case

The Tamiefuna case started with a traffic stop by a police officer in 2019. Finding the driver was unlicensed, the officer impounded the car and the occupants had to get out.

While they were standing on the road, the officer took pictures of them with his phone and uploaded the images to the national intelligence database.

The photo of Tamiefuna matched CCTV footage taken three days earlier after an aggravated robbery. At the time of the robbery, police weren’t able to identify Tamiefuna because his face was obscured.

But after the photo was uploaded to the database, police realised the clothing Tamiefuna was wearing in the photo matched the clothing from the aggravated robbery. The photo became a key piece of evidence linking him to that case and resulted in a conviction of aggravated robbery.

His appeal against the conviction was dismissed before the case came before the Supreme Court, where a majority of the court agreed with his arguments.

The court found the taking of the photo was unlawful and unreasonable because the officer wasn’t investigating any specific crime when he took it. Uploading the photo to the database and keeping it there was also unlawful and unreasonable.

If the officer had been investigating a specific crime, there is a legal framework that would have allowed the taking of photos and other information by police.

The impropriety in taking and retaining the photo was such that the court said it should have been excluded from Tamiefuna’s trial under section 30 of the Evidence Act 2006. The Crown has subsequently said it would not seek a retrial of Tamiefuna due to insufficient evidence. He is a free man.

The majority of New Zealand’s Supreme Court found photos taken by police during a routine traffic stop could not be used to convict a person for an unrelated crime.
Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

Improperly obtained evidence

Under the Evidence Act, a judge must decide whether to exclude evidence from the trial if a court finds it was obtained improperly. That decision is made by balancing whether exclusion would be “proportionate to the wrongdoing”.

In making that decision, the judge has to take account of “the need for an effective and credible system of justice”. If the evidence is excluded, the judge may be depriving the jury of relevant material which could help them determine what truly happened.

As such, we need a strong justification for why it may be right to keep evidence out of a trial.

In my view, there are two compelling justifications for what happened in Tamiefuna’s case. The first is called the “rights thesis”: the idea that we should exclude evidence if it has been obtained in breach of a defendant’s rights.

The logic is that if parliament declares we have a right, it should be taken seriously. And there should be consequences for violating a person’s rights. When evidence is obtained through breaching a person’s rights, the most appropriate remedy is the exclusion of the evidence.

For Tamiefuna, the evidence was obtained in breach of his right to be free from unreasonable search and seizure under section 21 of the Bill of Rights Act. With the rights thesis, we return a person back to the position they would have been in had the breach not happened.

Protecting the integrity of the justice system

The other justification is that we should exclude evidence if we need to uphold the integrity of the justice system (the “integrity principle”).

Courts need the ability to exclude improperly obtained evidence, because integrity as a rule-of-law concept requires our courts to act coherently. By this logic, they shouldn’t ignore wrongdoing in the obtaining of evidence.

The court shouldn’t condone illegal actions by state actors such as the police, while condemning some other conduct by finding someone guilty of crime. It matters if evidence is obtained in breach of a right.

In circumstances where parliament has marked out certain rights by including them in the Bill of Rights Act, relying on evidence obtained in breach of such rights raises serious integrity concerns.

The best way for the court to show it’s acting with integrity would be to approach this sort of evidence by presuming it should be excluded.

This may mean that “the criminal is to go free because the constable has blundered”, as American judge Benjamin Cardazo once complained. But that is a consequence we have to accept to be sure we have an effective and credible system of justice.

Tamiefuna’s case will likely lead to greater guidance for police around the taking of pictures so the same thing doesn’t happen in the future.

Some people might baulk at Tamiefuna going free, but it’s the right decision overall.

Alexandra Allen-Franks does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Inadmissible evidence: why a routine traffic stop and police photo went all the way to the Supreme Court – https://theconversation.com/inadmissible-evidence-why-a-routine-traffic-stop-and-police-photo-went-all-the-way-to-the-supreme-court-256203

ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 8, 2025

ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 8, 2025.

Women’s sports are fighting an uphill battle against our social media algorithms
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hans Westerbeek, Professor of International Sport Business, Head of Sport Business Insights Group, Victoria University Women’s sport is more and more getting the attention it deserves. Stadiums are filling, television ratings for many sports are climbing and athletes such as the Matildas’ Mary Fowler, triple Olympic gold

New taxes on super didn’t get much attention in the election campaign. But they could be tricky to implement
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Melatos, Associate Professor of Economics, University of Sydney Poetra.RH/Shutterstock The re-election of the Albanese government has led to renewed concern about planned changes to the taxation of investment returns in superannuation funds. Labor’s emphatic victory on Saturday night, including what looks like an increased presence in

New Caledonia’s political talks – no outcome after three days of ‘conclave’
By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific Desk After three solid days of talks in retreat mode, New Caledonia’s political parties have yet to reach an agreement on the French Pacific territory’s future status. The talks, held with French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls and French Prime Minister’s special advisor Eric Thiers, have since

Forest home of ‘polar dinosaurs’ 120 million years ago in southern Australia recreated in detail for the first time
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vera Korasidis, Lecturer in Environmental Geoscience, The University of Melbourne Artwork © Bob Nicholls 2024 Roughly 140 million to 100 million years ago, the piece of land that is modern day Australia was located much further south on Earth. In fact, what is now Victoria was once

Ovarian cysts can be painful when they burst. When do you need to see a doctor?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Chruścik, Lecturer in Biomedical Sciences, University of Southern Queensland PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock Cysts are small pockets of fluid that form inside the body. Ovarian cysts are common, affecting around one in ten women. But sometimes they can cause pain – especially when they burst. You

Keith Rankin Chart Analysis – International Trade over time: gifts with strings
Analysis by Keith Rankin. The ‘see-saw’ chart above shows the accumulated ‘excess benefits’ that Aotearoa New Zealand, and a few other countries, have enjoyed from international trade over the last 40 years. These are benefits arising from ‘unbalanced trade’ which are in addition to the regular benefits – arising from efficient specialisation – of ‘balanced’

‘Utu’ as foreign policy: how a Māori worldview can make sense of a shifting world order
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicholas Ross Smith, Senior Research Fellow, National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury Getty Images There is a growing feeling in New Zealand that the regional geopolitical situation is becoming less stable and more conflicted. China has ramped up its Pacific engagement, most recently with

While the Liberals haemorrhaged, the Nationals held their own. Is it time to break up the Coalition?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Linda Botterill, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University Among the notable features of this year’s election campaign was that Australia’s second-oldest political party was apparently missing in action. At the same time, it managed to avoid the rout inflicted on its coalition partner.

Why is hospital parking so expensive? Two economics researchers explain
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa Farrell, Professor of Economics (Health Economist), RMIT University ThirtyPlus/Shutterstock Imagine having to pay A$39 dollars a day to park your car while visiting your sick child in hospital. For families already struggling in a cost-of-living crisis, hospital parking fees are not just another expense. They can

Vietnam is poised to become a top 20 economy, so why is Australia taking so long to make trade and investment links?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Vo, Senior lecturer in Vietnamese culture and politics, University of Wollongong Aritra Deb/Shutterstock At a time of widespread global trade instability, Australia should be expanding and diversifying its economic partnerships. Supply chains remain fragile, and protectionist rhetoric is once again gaining traction in major Western economies.

Marvel’s Thunderbolts* shines a light on men’s mental illness – but falls down with this outdated plotline
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emily Baulch, Research Associate, Discipline of Media and Communications, University of Sydney Marvel Studios This piece contains spoilers. Marvel’s men are sad. And that’s a good thing. Thor’s depressed in Avengers: Endgame. Tony Stark has panic attacks in Iron Man 3. Peter grieves in Spider-Man: No Way

Australia is set to be a renewables nation. After Labor’s win, there’s no turning back
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wesley Morgan, Research Associate, Institute for Climate Risk and Response, UNSW Sydney bmphotographer/Shutterstock An emphatic election victory for the incumbent Labor government means Australia’s rapid shift to renewable energy will continue. As Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen said on Saturday: In 2022, the Australian people

Financial Times: The West’s shameful silence on Gaza – do more to restrain Benjamin Netanyahu
EDITORIAL: The Financial Times editorial board After 19 months of conflict that has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians and drawn accusations of war crimes against Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu is once more preparing to escalate Israel’s offensive in Gaza. The latest plan puts Israel on course for full occupation of the Palestinian territory and would

‘Under no illusions’ about France, says author of new Rainbow Warrior book
Pacific Media Watch The author of the book Eyes of Fire, one of the countless publications on the Rainbow Warrior bombing almost 40 years ago but the only one by somebody actually on board the bombed ship, says he was under no illusions that France was behind the attack. Journalist David Robie was speaking last

Australia doesn’t have a federal Human Rights Act – but the election clears the way for overdue reform
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Maguire, Professor in Human Rights and International Law, University of Newcastle Master1305/Shutterstock The Albanese government has achieved an historic re-election, substantially building its majority in the House of Representatives. Much has already been written about the potential for a more ambitious legislative program on the back

Samoa down in RSF media freedom world ranking due to ‘authoritarian pressure’
Talamua Online News Samoa has dropped in its media and information freedom world ranking from 22 in 2024 to 44 in 2025 in the latest World Press Freedom Index compiled annually by the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders (RSF). For the Pacific region, New Zealand is ranked highest at 16, Australia at 29, Fiji at 40,

How maximum security prison inmates and officers worked together to create a farm behind bars
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Tietz, Senior Lecturer in Industrial Design, UNSW Sydney Macquarie Correctional Centre Media Unit At Macquarie Correctional Centre in western New South Wales, a story of collaboration and persistence is unfolding. Inmates and prison officers are farming commercial quantities of fresh food in a purpose-built indoor facility.

Can what you eat during pregnancy and breastfeeding affect whether your child develops food allergies?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Koplin, Evidence and Translation Lead, National Allergy Centre of Excellence; Chief Investigator, Centre of Food Allergy Research; Associate Professor and Group Leader, Childhood Allergy & Epidemiology Group, Child Health Research Centre, The University of Queensland Maria Evseyeva/Shutterstock Many questions pop up when you’re growing or raising

How do you put a tariff on movies? Here’s what Trump’s plan could mean for Australia
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark David Ryan, Professor, Film, Screen, Animation, Queensland University of Technology Kirk Wester/Shutterstock US President Donald Trump’s recent announcement of a plan to impose a 100% tariff on movies “produced in foreign lands” could have a massive impact on the global entertainment industry. Film and television production

Labor says its second term will be about productivity reform. These ideas could help shift the dial
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Roy Green, Emeritus Professor of Innovation, University of Technology Sydney Summit Art Creations/Shutterstock In his victory speech, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese highlighted social policy as a major factor in Labor’s electoral success, particularly Medicare, housing and cost of living relief. He was justified in doing so. But

Women’s sports are fighting an uphill battle against our social media algorithms

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hans Westerbeek, Professor of International Sport Business, Head of Sport Business Insights Group, Victoria University

Women’s sport is more and more getting the attention it deserves.

Stadiums are filling, television ratings for many sports are climbing and athletes such as the Matildas’ Mary Fowler, triple Olympic gold medallist Jess Fox and star cricketer Ellyse Perry are becoming household names.

Despite this progress, an invisible threat looms, one that risks undoing years of advocacy and momentum.

That threat is the algorithm.

How sports consumption is changing

As more fans consume sport through digital platforms such as YouTube, TikTok, Instagram and increasingly, AI-curated streaming services such as WSC Sports, the content they see is being selected not by editors but by artificial intelligence (AI).

Algorithms, trained to maximise engagement and profits, are deciding what appears in your feed, which video auto-plays next, and which highlights are pushed to the top of your screen.

But here is the problem: algorithms prioritise content that is already popular.

That usually means men’s sport.

This creates what researchers call an echo chamber effect, where users are shown more of what they already engage with and less of what they don’t.

In sport, this can be deeply problematic.

If a user clicks on highlights from the AFL men’s competition for example, the algorithm will respond by serving up more men’s footy content.

Over time, content from women’s competitions risks being squeezed out, not because it is unworthy but because it has not yet achieved the same levels of engagement.

This is not a glitch, it is a structural flaw in how digital platforms are designed to serve content.

It means women’s sport, already underrepresented in traditional media, risks becoming all but invisible to many users in this AI-driven ecosystem.

Also, generative AI tools such as ChatGPT, Sora and others don’t just curate content, they now create it.

Match reports, fan commentary, video summaries and social posts are being generated by machines. But these systems are trained on historical data, which overwhelmingly favours men’s sport.

So, the more content the algorithm generates, the more it reproduces the same imbalance. What was once human bias is now being automated and scaled across millions of screens.

This may sound abstract, but it has real-world consequences.

Young fans raised on algorithmically curated content are less likely to see women’s sport unless they actively search for it. And if they don’t see it, they don’t form emotional attachments to it.

That has major implications for ticket sales, merchandise, viewership and sponsorship investment.

An uphill battle

In short, visibility drives viability. If women’s sport becomes digitally invisible, it risks becoming financially unsustainable.

A 2024 study in Victoria shows only around 15% of traditional sports media coverage in the state goes to women’s sport. This mirrors a 2019 European Union study across 22 countries, which found 85% of print media coverage is dedicated to male athletes.

And while progress has been made, particularly during events such as the FIFA Women’s World Cup or the Olympics, regular, everyday visibility remains an uphill battle.

AI threatens to compound these historic disparities. A 2024 study found algorithms trained on historical data reproduce and even amplify gender bias.

The very systems that could democratise access to sport content may, in fact, be reinforcing old inequalities.

What can be done?

We can’t turn off the algorithm. But we can hold it to account.

Platforms like YouTube, TikTok and Netflix should be required to undergo independent algorithmic audits.

These would evaluate whether content recommendation engines are systemically under-representing women’s sport and propose changes.

In Europe, the Artificial Intelligence Act, one of the world’s first comprehensive AI regulations, requires transparency and oversight for high-risk AI applications. Australia and other countries should consider similar obligations for content platforms.

Sport organisations and broadcasters need to create intentional pathways for fans to discover women’s sport, even if they haven’t previously engaged with it.

That means curated playlists, featured stories and digital campaigns that surface content outside the fan’s usual algorithmic bubble.

Platforms must balance personalisation with diversity.

We also need better media literacy, especially for younger audiences. Fans should be encouraged to explore beyond what’s served to them, seek out women’s sport channels, and recognise when the algorithm is reinforcing narrow viewing habits.

Teaching this in schools, sport clubs and community programs could make a big difference.

An opportunity for Australia

Australia is well placed to lead this change because our women’s national teams are globally competitive, our domestic leagues are growing and fan appetite is rising.

But without visibility, this momentum can fade. We must remember that algorithms don’t just reflect our preferences, they shape them.

In an age where AI can dictate what we see, the battle for attention becomes even more crucial.

If we want women’s sport to thrive every week, we need to ensure it is seen, heard and valued in the digital spaces where fandom now lives.

Because in the age of AI, what we don’t see may be just as powerful as what we do.

Hans Westerbeek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Women’s sports are fighting an uphill battle against our social media algorithms – https://theconversation.com/womens-sports-are-fighting-an-uphill-battle-against-our-social-media-algorithms-255001

New taxes on super didn’t get much attention in the election campaign. But they could be tricky to implement

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Melatos, Associate Professor of Economics, University of Sydney

Poetra.RH/Shutterstock

The re-election of the Albanese government has led to renewed concern about planned changes to the taxation of investment returns in superannuation funds.

Labor’s emphatic victory on Saturday night, including what looks like an increased presence in the Senate, suggests the legislation is likely to become law in the near future.

Retirement income in Australia

Australia’s retirement income system comprises two pillars: a government-funded age pension as well as private superannuation.

Super includes compulsory employer-funded contributions as well as additional personal contributions.

These two pillars are complementary; a person can receive a pension even if they have private super. But the more super they have, the less pension they are eligible for.

About 70% of superannuation assets are held in Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (APRA)-regulated funds and 25% are held in self-managed super funds (SMSFs).

There are two types of tax – and tax concessions – on super. First, employer contributions and capped personal contributions are taxed at a concessional rate of 15%. Second, income earned by a super fund is taxed at 15% for balances in the accumulation phase (when contributions are being made). Income earned in the pension phase is tax-free.

So what does the proposed reform entail?

Starting July 1, the government proposes to increase the concessional tax rate on super account earnings in the accumulation phase from 15% to 30% for balances above A$3 million.

Those affected – about 80,000 super account holders, or 0.5% of the total – will continue to benefit from the existing 15% concessional tax rate on earnings on the first $3 million of their super balance.

They will also be able to carry forward any loss as an offset against their tax liability in future years.

The proposed increase in taxes would affect about 80,000 account holders.
Fizkes/Shutterstock

Concerns with the proposed reform

Concerns have been raised this reform implies the taxation of unrealised capital gains on assets held in super accounts, such as shares or property, even if they have not been sold.

This is, indeed, a significant departure from the status quo. Both APRA-regulated funds and SMSFs are currently only required to pay capital gains tax once the asset is sold and the gain is crystallised.

The move to tax unrealised capital gains is likely to prove particularly onerous for SMSFs. The typical industry super fund has a diversified portfolio of assets of varying liquidity, including significant cash holdings. But SMSF portfolios are often dominated by a large and illiquid asset (ones that cannot be easily sold and converted into cash) such as a farm or business property.

As a result, an SMSF facing a large unrealised capital gain, say from an increase in property values, may not have sufficient cash flow to pay the associated tax bill. The SMSF trustee might be forced to prematurely sell assets to meet the fund’s tax liability.

In the United States, President Joe Biden’s 2025 budget included a similar proposal to tax unrealised capital gains for households with more than US$100 million in wealth.

Purpose of the proposed reform

In announcing this initiative, Treasurer Jim Chalmers suggested the motivation was two-fold.

First, the federal government is facing pressure on the budget bottom line and generous tax concessions for super are becoming expensive.

Second, current super tax concessions are highly regressive. This means most benefits of the concessions flow to the wealthiest households which, in any case, will not be eligible for the pension.

The cost of current super concessions to the federal budget is about $50 billion in foregone revenue, according to Treasury. That is almost the cost of the age pension.

The Grattan Institute argues superannuation has become a “taxpayer-funded inheritance scheme”. A Treasury review found most Australians die with large outstanding super balances.

The Association of Superannuation Funds of Australia Retirement Standard calculates that, for a comfortable retirement, a couple needs a super balance of about $700,000 if they retire at age 67. The $3 million threshold is out of the ballpark. However, if the threshold is not indexed more people will be affected over time.

So, is this reform useful?

According to the government’s Retirement Income Review, the objective of Australia’s super system should be to “deliver adequate standards of living in retirement in an equitable, sustainable and cohesive way”.

While the proposed tax change aims to improve the equity and sustainability of Australia’s super system, it is not clear how it will work in practice.

In response to SMSF concerns about the difficulty in paying tax bills, the government’s proposal gives taxpayers 84 days to pay the tax liability instead of the usual 21 days. This hardly mitigates the risk that SMSF trustees may have to liquidate the main asset in their fund.

The Biden proposal had presented an alternative model, allowing for the tax liability to be paid over several years, not all at once. Alternatively, taxpayers could pay an interest-like charge while deferring their unrealised capital gains tax liability.

Such alternatives do not appear to have been seriously considered in the Australian government’s proposal.

Ultimately, though, the question must be asked: is taxing volatile unrealised capital gains really the most effective way to improve equity in, and the sustainability of, the superannuation system?

Mark Melatos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New taxes on super didn’t get much attention in the election campaign. But they could be tricky to implement – https://theconversation.com/new-taxes-on-super-didnt-get-much-attention-in-the-election-campaign-but-they-could-be-tricky-to-implement-255871

New Caledonia’s political talks – no outcome after three days of ‘conclave’

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific Desk

After three solid days of talks in retreat mode, New Caledonia’s political parties have yet to reach an agreement on the French Pacific territory’s future status.

The talks, held with French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls and French Prime Minister’s special advisor Eric Thiers, have since Monday moved from Nouméa to a seaside resort in Bourail — on the west coast of the main island, about 200 km from the capital — in what has been labelled a “conclave”, a direct reference to this week’s meeting of Catholic cardinals in Rome to elect a new pope.

However, the Bourail conclave is yet to produce any kind of white smoke, and no one, as yet, claims “Habemus Pactum” to say that an agreement has been reached.

Under heavy security, representatives of both pro-France and pro-independence parties are being kept in isolation and are supposed to stay there until a compromise is found to define New Caledonia’s political future, and an agreement that would later serve as the basis for a pact designed to replace the Nouméa Accord that was signed in 1998.

The talks were supposed to conclude yesterday, but it has been confirmed that the discussions were going to last longer, at least one more day, probably well into the night.

Valls was initially scheduled to fly back to Paris today, but it has also been confirmed that he will stay longer.

Almost one year after civil unrest broke out in New Caledonia on 13 May 2024, leaving 14 dead and causing 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4.2 billion) in damage, the talks involve pro-France Les Loyalistes, Le Rassemblement, Calédonie Ensemble and pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front), UNI-PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party).

Wallisian ‘third way’
Éveil Océanien, a Wallisian-based party, defends a “neither pro, nor against independence” line — what it calls a “third way”.

The talks, over the past few days, have been described as “tense but respectful”, with some interruptions at times.

The most sensitive issues among the numerous topics covered by the talks on New Caledonia’s future, are reported to be the question of New Caledonia’s future status and relationship to France.

Other sensitive topics include New Caledonia’s future citizenship and the transfer of remaining key powers (defence, law and order, currency, foreign affairs, justice) from Paris to Nouméa.

Valls, who is visiting New Caledonia for the third time since February 2025, said he would stay in New Caledonia “as long as necessary” for an inclusive and comprehensive agreement to be reached.

Earlier this week, Valls also likened the current situation as “walking on a tightrope above embers.”

“The choice is between an agreement and chaos,” he told local media.

Clashing demands
On both sides of the discussion table, local parties have all stated earlier that bearing in mind their respective demands, they were “not ready to sign at all costs.”

The FLNKS is demanding full sovereignty while on the pro-France side, that view is rejected after three referendums were held there between 2018 and 2021 said no to independence.

Valls’s approach was still trying to reconcile those two very antagonistic views, often described as “irreconcilable”.

“But the thread is not broken. Only more time is required”, local media quoted a close source as saying.

Last week, an earlier session of talks in Nouméa had to be interrupted due to severe frictions and disagreement from the pro-France side.

Speaking to public broadcaster NC la 1ère on Sunday, Rassemblement leader Virginie Ruffenach elaborated, saying “there had been profound elements of disagreements on a certain number of words uttered by the minister (Valls)”.

One of the controversial concepts, strongly opposed by the most radical pro-French parties, was a possible transfer of key powers from Paris to Nouméa, as part of a possible agreement.

Loyalists opposed to ‘independence-association’
“In what was advanced, the land of New Caledonia would no longer be a French land”, Ruffenach stressed on Sunday, adding this was “unacceptable” to her camp.

She also said the two main pro-France parties were opposed to any notion of “independence-association”.

“Neither Rassemblement, nor Les Loyalistes will sign for New Caledonia’s independence, let this be very clear.”

The pro-France camp is advocating for increased powers (including on tax matters) for each of the three provinces of New Caledonia, a solution sometimes regarded by critics as a form of partition of the French Pacific territory.

In a media release on Sunday, FLNKS “reaffirmed its . . . ultimate goal was Kanaky (New Caledonia’s) accession to full sovereignty”.

Series of fateful anniversaries
On the general public level, a feeling of high expectations, but also wariness, seems to prevail at the news that discussions were still inconclusive.

In 1988, the Matignon-Oudinot peace talks between pro-independence leader at the time, Jean-Marie Tjibaou and pro-France leader Jacques Lafleur, were also held, in their final stage, in Paris, behind closed doors, under the close supervision of French Socialist Prime Minister Michel Rocard.

The present crucial talks also coincide with a series of fateful anniversaries in New Caledonia’s recent history — on 5 May 1988, French special forces ended a hostage situation and intervened on Ouvéa Island in the Gossana grotto, where a group of hard-line pro-independent militants had held a group of French gendarmes.

The human toll was heavy: 19 Kanak militants and 2 gendarmes were killed.

On 4 May 1989, one year after the Matignon-Oudinot peace accords were signed, Jean-Marie Tjibaou and his deputy Yeiwene Yeiwene were gunned down by hard-line pro-independence Kanak activist Djubelly Wea.

Valls attended most of these commemoration ceremonies at the weekend.

On 5 May 1998, the 27-year-old Nouméa Accord was signed between New Caledonia’s parties and then French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin.

De facto Constitution
The Nouméa pact, which is often regarded as a de facto Constitution, was placing a particular stress on the notions of “re-balancing” economic wealth, a “common destiny” for all ethnic communities “living together” and a gradual transfer of powers from Paris to Nouméa.

The Accord also prescribed that if three self-determination referendums (initially scheduled between 2014 and 2018) had produced three rejections (in the form of “no”), then all political stakeholders were supposed to “meet and examine the situation thus generated”.

The current talks aimed at arriving at a new document, which was destined to replace the Nouméa Accord and bring New Caledonia closer to having its own Constitution.

Valls said he was determined to “finalise New Caledonia’s decolonisation” process.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Forest home of ‘polar dinosaurs’ 120 million years ago in southern Australia recreated in detail for the first time

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vera Korasidis, Lecturer in Environmental Geoscience, The University of Melbourne

Artwork © Bob Nicholls 2024

Roughly 140 million to 100 million years ago, the piece of land that is modern day Australia was located much further south on Earth. In fact, what is now Victoria was once within the polar circle, up to 80 degrees south of the equator and shrouded in darkness for months at a time.

Despite these harsh conditions, dinosaurs thrived here, leaving behind evidence of their existence at various palaeontological sites.

For decades, scientists have come to these sites to study the rocks containing the bones of these ancient creatures in order to better understand them.

My new research with palynologist Barbara Wagstaff, published in Alcheringa, builds on existing knowledge by using plant fossils from bone-bearing sites in the region to explain how the forests these dinosaurs lived in evolved – and, for the first time, illustrating them in detail.

One of the warmest periods on Earth

The Early Cretaceous epoch – between roughly 140 million and 100 million years ago – represents one of the warmest periods in the last half a billion years of Earth’s history. The sustained warmth was a result of increased volcanic activity, which released large quantities of carbon dioxide levels into the atmosphere.

The sustained warmth resulted in no polar ice caps, high sea levels and flooded continents.

The geographic distribution of land masses was also very different back then. The supercontinent Gondwana, in which most of the southern continents we know today were clumped into a single landmass, had only just started to break apart. At the time, southernmost Australia was in the polar circle.

The dinosaurs that lived in this region are known as “polar dinosaurs”. They included small ornithopods (plant-eaters with beaks and cheeks full of teeth) and therapods (carnivorous and predatory dinosaurs).

A map of Earth with the continents clustered together.
A map of Earth during the Early Cretaceous period 120 million years ago, with Australia seen in the polar region.
Scotese, Christopher R; Vérard, Christian; Burgener, Landon; Elling, Reece P.; Kocsis, Ádám T/Wikipedia



Read more:
Carnivorous dinosaurs thrived in Australia 120 million years ago, new fossils show


Building a picture of ancient plants

For decades, palaeontologists have been studying rocks from Victorian sites. To establish the age of the recovered dinosaur bones, we’ve needed the expertise of palynologists – palaeontologists who study microscopic fossil spores and pollen produced by plants.

Palynologists identified key species that they dissolved out of rocks. They deduced the dinosaur bones ranged in age from 130 to 100 million years old.

At the same time they were carefully recording all the microscopic spores and pollen they saw in the slides to build a picture of the plants through the Early Cretaceous period.

A planet-altering transition

The transition from a world without flowers to one with flowers has fascinated scientists for centuries, most famously Charles Darwin who labelled them “an abominable mystery”. More importantly, it also forever changed our planet.

Shortly after their first appearance approximately 132 million years ago, albeit in the southern portion of the supercontinent Laurasia, we see an explosive radiation of flowering plants not only in our new record from Victoria, but also globally.

What fuelled the evolution and rapid global expansion of flowering plants that dominate the Australian landscape today?

Our new research suggests warmer conditions helped flowering plants migrate across the globe and colonise understorey habitats shortly after evolving. Increased competition also contributed to the turnover in understorey flora, with flowering plants outcompeting lycophytes in rapidly colonising braided river channels after flooding events.

The appearance of flowering plants in the landscape resulted in the extinction of numerous understorey plants (in particular ferns) with a long fossil record.

As a result, by 100 million years ago, the forests of Victoria included an open conifer-dominated forest canopy. The subcanopy beneath was made up of seed ferns and ferns. Flowering plants and ferns featured in the understorey, alongside liverworts, hornworts, lycophytes and sphagnum-like mosses.

Illustration of a forest full of ferns.
By 100 million years ago, the canopy of forests of Victoria was dominated by conifers.
Artwork © Bob Nicholls 2024

Diversifying in a warming world

High carbon dioxide levels in the past made the planet warmer. This is consistent with what’s happening today. As a result of these warmer conditions cool-temperate forests thrived in the polar circle.

For flowering plants, the warmer conditions provided an opportunity to diversify in an increasingly warm world. However, not all plants adapted to the warming world, with many understorey floras, including ferns, becoming extinct.

The fossil record provides crucial insights into how life will respond to predicted future climate conditions because these have occurred before in Earth’s history.

Knowing this history is crucial to our response to the current climate change challenge.

Some exciting places to visit to see fossils in Australia include Eric the Red West dig site in the Otway Ranges, Inverloch’s Dinosaur Dreaming dig site in Victoria, the Dinosaur Trail along the Queensland towns of Hughenden, Richmond and Winton, and sauropod footprints in Western Australia at Gantheaume Point.

The Conversation

Vera Korasidis is currently an ARC DECRA Fellow. Initial funding for this research (1983/1984) was provided by BHP Group Limited (granted to Ray Cas and Larry Frakes, respectively). Funding for the early stages of this research (1984–2000) was primarily provided by Thomas Rich and Patricia Vickers-Rich with funding sources including National Geographic, the Australian Research Council (ARC) and Monash University. Funding since 2000 was provided through a Bicentennial Gold 88 Endowment, ARC Linkage grant and National Geographic.

ref. Forest home of ‘polar dinosaurs’ 120 million years ago in southern Australia recreated in detail for the first time – https://theconversation.com/forest-home-of-polar-dinosaurs-120-million-years-ago-in-southern-australia-recreated-in-detail-for-the-first-time-255494

Ovarian cysts can be painful when they burst. When do you need to see a doctor?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Chruścik, Lecturer in Biomedical Sciences, University of Southern Queensland

PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

Cysts are small pockets of fluid that form inside the body. Ovarian cysts are common, affecting around one in ten women. But sometimes they can cause pain – especially when they burst.

You can usually manage the pain at home. However, persistent pain can be the sign of something more serious, such as polycystic ovary syndrome (also known as PCOS).

Here’s what you should know about ovarian cysts: why they form, how to manage the pain if they burst, and when you should talk to a doctor.

How do cysts form?

The ovaries are two small almond-shaped organs on either side of the uterus. They have two main jobs: to release the eggs and produce hormones that help regulate the menstrual cycle.

Every month, one of the ovaries releases an egg. This process is called ovulation. A small sac containing the egg – called a follicle – releases it into the fallopian tube, where it waits for fertilisation by the sperm.

This sac usually dissolves after the follicle is released. But if the follicle isn’t released properly, or doesn’t dissolve, the fluid within the sac starts to fill and form a cyst.

Diagram of a uterus and one fallopian tube, with close-up of follicles developing in an ovary.
When the sac containing the egg doesn’t dissolve, it may turn into a cyst.
Olga Bolbot/Shutterstock

Can you feel an ovarian cyst?

This is quite common and most of the time the cyst goes away on its own. We don’t even know it is there.

But sometimes a cyst can grow and start causing pain.

This might be a constant and dull pain, or it may be a sensation of fullness, pressure or heaviness. You’ll usually feel this to one side in the area below your belly button, but the pain can also radiate to the back and hips. A cyst can also cause discomfort and pain during sex.

Ovarian cysts tend to be categorised into three groups: small (under 2cm), medium (2–5cm) and large (above 5cm).

Doctors generally watch for cysts that are large, grow rapidly or have an irregular shape or appear solid on an imaging scan. These characteristics may indicate a higher risk of complications.

What about when it bursts?

You can think of the cyst like a balloon. When you fill it up a little bit and leave it alone, it will eventually deflate on its own.

But if you keep filling the balloon more and more, it may burst. That’s what happens when an ovarian cyst continues to fill with fluid.

If a cyst bursts, you will generally feel a sudden, sharp pain. Depending on its size – and how much fluid the cyst releases into the pelvic area around the ovary – this may ease into a dull ache or cramp, or it may continue to cause significant pain.

The released fluid can irritate the nearby tissues and organs and may make you feel nauseated. Some people may also experience weakness, dizziness, rapid breathing, vaginal bleeding or vomiting.

How do I know if it’s a cyst bursting?

The symptoms of a ruptured ovarian cyst can be similar to other serious conditions, such as appendicitis, ectopic pregnancy or kidney stones. These require very different treatments.

It is important not to self-diagnose.

You should seek care if you experience sharp, intense pain that comes on quickly, especially if it feels different from your usual period pain or doesn’t settle. It could be a sign that a cyst has burst or twisted, known as ovarian torsion.

Other signs to watch out for include pain accompanied by:

  • fever or chills

  • dizziness or fainting

  • rapid breathing or racing heartbeat

  • heavy vaginal bleeding not related to your period

  • nausea or vomiting

  • a sudden increase in pressure or discomfort in your lower abdomen.

The only way to know for sure what’s going on is through a proper medical assessment. Ultrasound imaging is the most common way to diagnose ovarian cysts, but other methods such as blood tests or other scans may be used in some cases.

If you’re not sure whether you should see a doctor, you can also check your symptoms (online or over the phone) using the Australian government’s free health advice website. In an emergency, always call 000.

How should you treat the pain?

Once you know you’re dealing with a burst cyst, treatment is very similar to managing period pain.

One of the best home remedies is heat therapy, such as using a hot water bottle, heating pad or a warm compress. Heat helps by improving the blood circulation to the area, allowing muscles to relax and reducing tension in surrounding tissues.

Heat also helps your body remove the fluid from the burst cyst and this reduces inflammation. Warmth stimulates the release of endorphins – sometimes known as “natural painkillers”.

Rest, hydration and warm baths may also help relieve the pain.

Woman in bathrobe fills bathtub.
Using heat – including warm baths – can help relax your abdomen and relieve pain.
Dean Drobot/Shutterstock

When pain is intense, over-the-counter pain medications are recommended. The best options are non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs – such as ibuprofen – and pain-reducing analgesics, such as paracetamol.

These drugs target different steps in how the body processes pain, which is why they can be used at the same time. Ibuprofen reduces inflammation, while paracetamol tackles pain (but has no influence on inflammation).

The Conversation

Anna Chruścik does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Ovarian cysts can be painful when they burst. When do you need to see a doctor? – https://theconversation.com/ovarian-cysts-can-be-painful-when-they-burst-when-do-you-need-to-see-a-doctor-253224

‘Utu’ as foreign policy: how a Māori worldview can make sense of a shifting world order

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicholas Ross Smith, Senior Research Fellow, National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury

Getty Images

There is a growing feeling in New Zealand that the regional geopolitical situation is becoming less stable and more conflicted. China has ramped up its Pacific engagement, most recently with the Cook Islands, and the United States under Donald Trump is abandoning the old multilateral world order.

As a result, we’re beginning to see New Zealand shift away from a two-decades-long preference for engaging with multiple partners towards a more conventional balancing strategy.

Essentially, this attempts to counter the perceived threat from a strong country – namely China – with a combination of external alliances and internal policies.

Externally, New Zealand has sought re-align itself within the US-led security sphere. Participation in pillar two of the AUKUS security pact has been seriously discussed, and New Zealand has actively engaged with NATO as a member of the “Indo-Pacific Four” (along with Australia, Japan and the Republic of Korea).

Internally, a NZ$12 billion “defence plan” was announced in early April. This will see New Zealand increase defence spending from just over 1% of GDP to more than 2% over the next eight years.

Foreign Minister Winston Peters has made no secret of these changing priorities. He has said he is simply taking “the world as it is”, adding:

this realism is a shift from our predecessors’ vaguer notions of an indigenous foreign policy that no-one else understood, let alone shared.

This was a direct repudiation of the previous Labour government’s foreign minister, Nanaia Mahuta. Her tenure had offered a glimpse of what a foreign policy guided by te ao Māori – the Māori worldview – might look like.

Four tikanga Māori principles underpinned the policy: manaakitanga (hospitality), whanaungatanga (connectedness), mahi tahi and kotahitanga (unity through collaboration), and kaitiakitanga (intergenerational guardianship).

‘The world as it is’: Foreign Minister Winston Peters speaks at Rātana celebrations in Whanganui, January 24 2025.
Getty Images

Beyond Western-centric thinking

Clearly, te ao Māori offers a very different way of looking at international relations. At its core it adopts a “relational” understanding of the world that views reality as a series of entanglements: “human with human, human with nonhuman, nonhuman with human, human and nonhuman with transcendent”.

It is also a non-anthropocentric view: humans are not the masters of the world but rather stewards or custodians of a complex web of relations.

But as we argue in a recent Global Policy article, despite good intentions, Mahuta’s four tikanga Māori were mostly used rhetorically. They did not fundamentally alter New Zealand’s foreign policy, which remained firmly Western-centric.

We suggest those four tikanga principles would be enhanced by adding the concept of “utu” as a kind of overarching framework.

Largely thanks to the famous 1983 film of the same name, utu is often thought to simply mean violent revenge. In fact, it is a much deeper concept that refers to the “process of restoring physical and spiritual relationships to an equal or harmonious state”.

Utu as a foreign policy framework

A foreign policy underpinned by utu, therefore, would seek to build relationships that are harmonious and reciprocal.

Harmony, in this sense, goes beyond notions of an international order characterised by global peace, greater connectedness, increased cooperation and interdependence.

While these are important, an utu-informed view of harmony would also take into account the relationship between humans and the natural world, and between present, past and future generations.

Similarly, in the Western-centric view, reciprocity is typically “invoked as an appropriate standard of behaviour which can produce cooperation among sovereign states”.

But utu involves a reciprocity built through hospitality (manaakitanga), something which has to be given even if serious discord exists in a relationship. Reciprocity is also important in interactions between humans and the natural world.

Consequently, an utu foreign policy doctrine would offer a radically different lens than New Zealand is currently using.

A genuinely independent foreign policy

Firstly, it would require New Zealand to reject the Western geopolitical construct
of the “Indo-Pacific”, which vastly oversimplifies the complex realities of the region.

And it would mean viewing China not as an existential threat, but rather as a crucial relationship that is subject to the principles of manaakitanga, despite growing discord and diplomatic challenges.

Secondly, it would see New Zealand recognise climate change as the primary existential threat to the status quo. This would align closely with the country’s Pacific neighbours whose Blue Pacific initiative offers an alternative to the Indo-Pacific focus.

Lastly, it would help New Zealand more consistently and coherently pursue a genuinely independent foreign policy. This should have bipartisan appeal, as it would give New Zealand a unique perspective on the world.

Ultimately, as New Zealand faces a more complex regional environment and a range of national security challenges, utu in its true sense offers a more constructive framework.

Perhaps adopting a more complex – and more humble – understanding of the world, as provided by te ao Māori, would give policymakers an alternative pathway to simply taking “the world as it is”.


The author acknowledges the contribution of independent researcher Bonnie Holster, co-author of the Global Policy paper on which this article is based.


The Conversation

Nicholas Ross Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Utu’ as foreign policy: how a Māori worldview can make sense of a shifting world order – https://theconversation.com/utu-as-foreign-policy-how-a-maori-worldview-can-make-sense-of-a-shifting-world-order-255602

While the Liberals haemorrhaged, the Nationals held their own. Is it time to break up the Coalition?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Linda Botterill, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Among the notable features of this year’s election campaign was that Australia’s second-oldest political party was apparently missing in action. At the same time, it managed to avoid the rout inflicted on its coalition partner.

The Nationals, who have represented rural and regional Australia in the federal parliament for more than a century, were nowhere to be seen as an identifiable, separate political party.

This isn’t unusual. The parties that make up the Coalition do highly targeted messaging in their electorates, but then fall neatly into policy lockstep when an election is called. This time, however, the Nationals seemed particularly shy.

Leader David Littleproud stopped issuing media releases on April 24, a full nine days before the election was held, and his speech to the National Press Club given that day was not available on the party website. It is hard to imagine former party leaders Tim Fischer, John Anderson or Ian Sinclair being quite so reticent.

The focus of the commentary since election night has been on the Liberals’ failings, particularly in the major cities. You could be forgiven for thinking “Coalition” was a synonym for “Liberals”.

But as the Liberal Party tries to reckon with these failings, the Nats are in a position of increasing power. The great survivors of Australian politics now appear to be better at surviving than their coalition counterparts. It’s just a question of how they want to use that power and longevity.

Growing party power

The Nationals are a uniquely Australian phenomenon. First, they are an avowedly agrarian party in a highly urbanised country.

Second and more distinctly, they are part of what the rest of the world would see as a decidedly odd coalition arrangement. Elsewhere, coalition governments are negotiated after the election result is known and involve public bargaining and horse trading.

In the Australian coalition arrangement, these negotiations occur behind closed doors and can hold even in opposition. The Nats benefit because they have access to ministerial and shadow ministerial positions with the power, salary and other advantages that these confer.

The National Party largely held its own in the face of the Labor landslide. At most, it lost one of its 10 House of Representatives seats: Calare in northern New South Wales, which has been held by a former Nat, now independent.

Its primary vote actually increased marginally from 3.6% in 2022 to 4.0%. This is less than One Nation (6.3%) but because of its dispersed vote, One Nation didn’t win a lower house seat.

The Nats appear likely to lose a NSW senator as part of the joint party ticket. Nonetheless, the Nats are now a proportionally larger force in the Coalition, with Nats and Nationals-aligned LNP members accounting for just over 40% of Coalition MPs.

On that basis they could become more influential over policies and shadow portfolios. Including senators, they now account for 30% of the Coalition party room.

At a crossroads

The demise of the Nationals has been predicted for decades, but still they persist.

The peculiar Australian coalition arrangement works for them. They will benefit both from holding shadow ministerial positions if the Coalition is retained and likely having a greater role in determining policy direction.

Whether the Liberals benefit from a continuing coalition is an open question. They need to rebuild in the cities and focus on regaining the support of voters who are socially liberal but economically conservative, younger, and female. There’ll inevitably be a review of what went wrong for the Liberals, and this might best be done free of ties to the Nats.

The choice seems to be between shifting policy closer to the ten community independents or remaining hitched to the conservative Nationals. The ill-fated nuclear power policy has, after all, been attributed to David Littleproud.

Deciding which way to fall won’t be easy. Apparently aware of his party’s increased leverage, Nationals Senator Matt Canavan has said they were led too much by the Liberals during the last parliament. He said:

I worry that we have been gun shy in this last term of parliament in a futile attempt to give the Liberals space or some sort of opportunity to win seats in the city.

So is now the time for the Coalition partners to go it alone? Probably not.

On present numbers, the Liberals could struggle to form the opposition in their own right. The combined LNP in Queensland makes the situation even more complicated.

The Nats have no incentive to leave. Open competition could see them lose seats to the Liberals in the future.

And besides, two Liberal leadership contenders, Angus Taylor and Sussan Ley, hold seats with significant rural histories, both of which have been held by the Country/National Party.

The Conversation

Linda Botterill has in the past received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Grains Research and Development Corporation, and Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (now Agrifutures).

ref. While the Liberals haemorrhaged, the Nationals held their own. Is it time to break up the Coalition? – https://theconversation.com/while-the-liberals-haemorrhaged-the-nationals-held-their-own-is-it-time-to-break-up-the-coalition-255626

Why is hospital parking so expensive? Two economics researchers explain

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa Farrell, Professor of Economics (Health Economist), RMIT University

ThirtyPlus/Shutterstock

Imagine having to pay A$39 dollars a day to park your car while visiting your sick child in hospital.

For families already struggling in a cost-of-living crisis, hospital parking fees are not just another expense. They can be a financial barrier to supporting loved ones in their most vulnerable moments.

Hospital parking is a big revenue earner. In New South Wales, public hospitals collected almost $51.7 million in parking fees in 2024. That was up from $30.2 million in 2023.

It may be tempting to view hospital parking fees as exploiting a captive market. But the reality is much more complex.

It involves urban economics, pressures on health-care funding and competing demands for limited space, often in busy city centres.

Let’s start with supply and demand

Basic economics tells us that price is the mechanism for balancing supply and demand. This is known as the equilibrium price. If demand is greater than supply, the price rises. So for urban hospitals, where parking spaces are limited, this scarcity creates market conditions that, not surprisingly, drive up prices.

But economics also tells us that if there’s still demand for parking despite the price, then under some circumstances suppliers can charge more than the equilibrium price. Put simply, this “inelastic demand” means it is possible to charge more to a captive audience.



You could certainly argue hospital patients and visitors are a captive audience. While many hospitals are well serviced by public transport, hospital patients and visitors are often too sick or time-poor to use it. So they have little choice than to pay for parking. For rural hospitals, there is limited or no public transport, so visitors have to drive.

So are hospitals taking advantage of the inelastic demand for parking? Are they price gouging – setting prices above what is considered reasonable or fair? Or are there reasons for setting such high prices?

Location, location, location

Car parks of hospitals in prime locations are not just attractive to hospital patients and visitors. They’re also attractive to other users, such as those working in the city or sightseeing. High parking fees deter these users, ensuring spaces are available for hospital users.

High prices prevent hospital users from overstaying. This prevents them doing non-hospital activities (such as shopping) after their hospital appointment or visits and before returning to their cars.

Hospitals also charge high prices to raise revenue for health care. In a statement to the ABC earlier this year, NSW Health said extra money raised from parking is reinvested into health services and facilities.

Royal Prince Alfred (RPA) hospital emergency department, with ambulances waiting.
Hospitals are often in prime locations, such as Royal Prince Alfred Hospital in Sydney’s inner west.
Rose Marinelli/Shutterstock

But it makes sense to encourage visitors

However, raising parking fees to support hospital budgets could be a false economy. We know hospital visitors have an important role in patients’ recovery times. So if high parking costs deter visitors or carers, this could lead to longer hospital stays for their loved ones.

Cheaper parking might allow for more visiting, leading to shorter hospital stays and significant cost savings per patient.

I (Lisa) had firsthand experience of this when my elderly father with dementia was admitted to hospital recently. The hospital allowed 24/7 visitor access for carers (in this case, my mother) and free hospital parking. Access 24/7 is important for patients with dementia who are often disorientated in hospital. This disorientation is typically worse in the evening (known as sundowning).

Having carers present meant staff could focus on medical issues. It facilitated visits outside normal visiting hours (when dementia patients typically need the extra support) and when the demand for parking spaces is lower.

Man, woman and child visiting sick older woman in hospital, wearing masks
Visitors are great for patients’ wellbeing and help their recovery. So we want to encourage them.
DC Studio/Shutterstock

Who needs cheap parking?

High parking prices reflect the high demand for a fixed supply of parking spaces that are rationed to those most willing to pay (those with the income). But a better solution is to ration according to need (that is, to boost patient wellbeing).

The economics solution is to charge different users different prices. Most hospitals do this already by offering concessions. But concessions can differ by hospital or state. Not everyone knows concession-rate parking is available, and it can be hard for some people to find out if they qualify.

So if you are concerned about the cost of hospital parking, know the fees and available concessions before you park. You can find this on most hospitals’ websites.

Currently, concessions are generally based on income (including the possession of a concession card). But we need a greater shift towards providing concession rates based on need. For example those visiting long-stay patients clearly need concessions to support patient wellbeing.

A media campaign has called for a national cap on hospital parking costs for frequent users.

Most car parks have a daily limit but frequent users can soon accumulate large bills over weeks or months of hospital visits. For many patients, particularly those requiring frequent treatments such as dialysis, parking costs accumulate annually.

Person having dialysis in hospital, with dialysis catheter connected to vein
For people having frequent treatments, such as dialysis, parking costs can add up over the years.
ainata/Shutterstock

How could we make things cheaper and fairer?

We need to apply concession rates to hospital visitors on the basis of need, not just income. Need should be informed by patient wellbeing and the importance of visitors to the healing process.

We need a consistent set of rules across hospitals about concession-rate parking. This would simplify the process for hospital car park users.

We also need to look at longer-term solutions. When expanding hospitals or planning new ones, we can consider transitioning away from prime locations. This would help make parking less attractive to non-hospital users.

The challenge for health-care systems is balancing operational necessity of recovering costs with the ethics of equity and access that prevent necessary care.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why is hospital parking so expensive? Two economics researchers explain – https://theconversation.com/why-is-hospital-parking-so-expensive-two-economics-researchers-explain-255716

Vietnam is poised to become a top 20 economy, so why is Australia taking so long to make trade and investment links?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Vo, Senior lecturer in Vietnamese culture and politics, University of Wollongong

Aritra Deb/Shutterstock

At a time of widespread global trade instability, Australia should be expanding and diversifying its economic partnerships. Supply chains remain fragile, and protectionist rhetoric is once again gaining traction in major Western economies.

US President Donald Trump’s America First agenda includes sweeping tariffs on imports, withdrawal from multilateral agreements and pressure to take production in-house.

At the same time, China, Australia’s largest trading partner, has often used trade for geopolitical leverage. In 2020, Beijing imposed tariffs of more than 200% on Australian wine. This wiped 30% off the sector’s export value.

So economic diversification is not only desirable but strategically imperative.

An opportunity

Fifty years on from the fall of Saigon, Vietnam presents a compelling opportunity for economic and strategic diversification. The reunited country is eager to move beyond its wartime image and assert itself as an emerging economic powerhouse.

Picture of a large city with river in foreground
Vietnam’s capital, Ho Chi Min City. The country has shifted from being a place synonymous with war to becoming one of the world’s top economies.
Nguyen Quang Ngoc Tonkin/Shutterstock

Since the launch of the Doi Moi reforms in 1986, Vietnam has embraced economic liberalisation and market-oriented policies. The Doi Moi reforms opened the economy to foreign trade, allowed private ownership and restructured state-owned enterprises.

From a growth rate of just 1.6% in 1980, Vietnam is now set to become one of the world’s top 20 economies by 2050. In 2023 alone, it attracted A$8.5 billion in foreign direct investment, underscoring strong investor confidence.

The 50th anniversary of reunification on April 30 provided insights into the country’s growth. Celebrations included military parades, 3D virtual reality displays and exhibitions promoting advances in technology.

Slow to act

Yet Australia has been slow to act. Despite geographic proximity and shared interests, Australia’s economic footprint in Vietnam remains surprisingly small. In 2023, Australian foreign direct investment totalled just A$3 million. It ranked 22nd, behind countries including Switzerland and Seychelles.

In trade, the disparity is similarly stark. Vietnam accounts for only 2.33% of Australia’s exports and 1.4% of imports. Two-way trade between the two countries reached $26.3 billion in 2022. At the same time, Vietnam’s trade with the United States, topped A$191.9 billion.

Some Australian firms are already making inroads. BlueScope Steel, Linfox, and SunRice have invested significantly in manufacturing, logistics and agriculture. And RMIT University has been a key player in transnational education since it opened the first of three campuses in Vietnam in 2000.

ANZ and Qantas also have a visible presence. However, small and medium-sized enterprises – which comprise more than 98% of Australian businesses – remain largely absent. Many prefer export partnerships or distributor agreements over direct investment.

Potential obstacles

Australian companies have long favoured English-speaking or high-income markets. These offer greater institutional and cultural familiarity and regulatory certainty.

Vietnam’s relationship-based commercial environment poses challenges, especially for firms lacking embedded networks and local knowledge. Concerns around regulatory transparency, intellectual property protection, contract enforcement and corruption – though improving – continue to weigh on corporate decisions.

Small to medium enterprises, in particular, face extra barriers due to limited institutional support, regulatory understanding, market intelligence and in-country networks.

Help from government

The Australian government has taken some steps to catch up. The Enhanced Economic Engagement Strategy, launched in 2021, aims to double two-way investment and elevate both nations to top ten trading partner status.

It identifies priority sectors such as agriculture, education, clean energy, digital technology and manufacturing. However, the strategy contains no enforceable legal protections, tariff concessions or means of dispute resolution.

Woman in an orange uniform using a sewing machine on a production line
Manufacturing is one of the priority areas recognised in Australia’s Enhanced Economic Engagement Strategy for Vietnam.
Hien Phung Tu/Shutterstock

The lack of these matters. Japan, South Korea and the European Union have pursued coordinated economic strategies that include concessional loans, robust legal frameworks and in-market support services. These help their businesses thrive in Vietnam’s complex regulatory environment.

Similarly, the EU has integrated trade promotion with legal certainty under agreements like the EU Vietnam Free Trade Agreement.

More needs to be done

Without comparable tools, Australia’s initiatives risk being more aspirational than actionable.

Last year’s upgrade in bilateral ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, signals growing political will.

For Australia to realise the potential of its relationship with Vietnam it should back long-term policies. These policies should reduce market entry barriers, incentivise small to medium enterprises and increase joint skills development.

Investors also need legal and institutional support.

Australia has strong potential to expand into emerging sectors. These include renewable energy, digital technology, healthcare, vocational education and training, green and smart infrastructure and agritech.

Vietnam’s push for environmentally sustainable economic growth, digital transformation and workforce training aligns closely with Australian strengths. This creates opportunities for strategic investment and cooperation.

There is the potential for Australia to build a dynamic partnership with Vietnam central to its long-term economic position in the Indo-Pacific.

The Conversation

Anne Vo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Vietnam is poised to become a top 20 economy, so why is Australia taking so long to make trade and investment links? – https://theconversation.com/vietnam-is-poised-to-become-a-top-20-economy-so-why-is-australia-taking-so-long-to-make-trade-and-investment-links-255722

Marvel’s Thunderbolts* shines a light on men’s mental illness – but falls down with this outdated plotline

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emily Baulch, Research Associate, Discipline of Media and Communications, University of Sydney

Marvel Studios

This piece contains spoilers.


Marvel’s men are sad. And that’s a good thing.

Thor’s depressed in Avengers: Endgame. Tony Stark has panic attacks in Iron Man 3. Peter grieves in Spider-Man: No Way Home.

In Marvel’s latest release Thunderbolts* (or The New Avengers), we finally see a male superhero seek advice on how to deal with mental illness.

The only problem? His impromptu therapist is a woman he’s only just met.

A blanket of darkness

Bob Reynolds (Lewis Pullman) is a new and damaged superhero experiment. Bob believes the world might be better off without him – foreshadowing that he’s not entirely wrong.

Bob turns to Yelena Belova (Florence Pugh) for help. Yelena understands, saying “that darkness gets pretty enticing”. As she struggles to describe the feeling, Bob supplies the word: a void.

Yelena offers a survival tactic: push the darkness deep down and carry on. It’s terrible advice and they both know it. But in that moment, it’s honest, and it connects them.

Thunderbolts explores suicidal thoughts, PTSD and bipolar disorder. Bob speaks of the euphoric highs and shattering lows he experiences, often resulting in blackouts. His mental illness becomes metaphoric: his internal darkness manifests in his powers, and he becomes the villainous superpower of the film.

Some of the film handles these themes well. Bob’s bipolar spreads into a dangerous blanket of darkness into which others, literally, vanish. At the film’s climax, Bob battles the dark, depressed version of himself. He beats himself up, seeking to beat the evil version of himself and, metaphorically, his mental illness. It doesn’t work. The darkness spreads to his stable self, too.

But Yelena and the Thunderbolts fight their way to him, embracing him in a hug, and their support gives him the strength to confront his trauma.

Women as emotional supports

Done well, positive depictions of mental health struggles can be important pieces of representation.

Unfortunately, most mental health depictions in major films are not done well, when they are included at all. Accurate portrayals of bipolar disorder remain rare. Research shows on young adult literature continues to lack mental health representation, especially by authors with lived experience.

Across Hollywood, from Rey saving Kylo Ren in Star Wars to Beauty fixing the Beast, women are constantly cast as emotional supports for men.

This is also true throughout the Marvel Cinematic Universe. The Black Widow offers the Hulk her hand; Tony Stark punches him to sleep. Scarlet Witch is forced to carry her grief for Vision. In Thunderbolts, Yelena becomes the latest emotional ballast for a traumatised man.

Film still: Bob in pajamas holds his hands up.
The film’s depiction of men’s mental illness through the story of Bob Reynolds (Lewis Pullman) is an important one.
Marvel Studios

These women take these roles despite their own troubles, often without support or recognition from their male counterparts.

Yelena steps into the dark emanating from Bob, believing her own struggles will allow her to help him. It’s poignant and beautiful in a way. Those who have walked through hell know the pathway through.

But it’s also troubling.

To save Bob from himself, she must risk her body, mind and mental wellbeing. Alone, her flashbacks become real as she comes face to face with her childhood trauma, undergoing psychological torture at Bob’s hands to reach him.

The weight of emotional labour

Yelena’s actions aren’t just a trope. They reflect a broader cultural script where women are expected to take on emotional responsibility not just for themselves but also for the men around them.

Women are taught to care about others. At home and at work, the emotional labour undertaken by women often goes unnoticed, but it comes with real costs: stress, burnout and self-neglect.

As men struggle with loneliness and a lack of friendships, women are expected to fill that gap. This dynamic, sometimes called “mankeeping”, leaves women doing the emotional work of informal therapy without support or reciprocity.

Taking on these informal therapist roles results in disempowerment and dissatisfaction.

The film’s depiction of Bob’s mental health issues has positive aspects: it goes against the pressure to conform to traditional ideas of masculinity, where men are taught to suppress their emotions and be stoic. Bob is allowed to be vulnerable and ask for help, and, despite his actions, is still shown to be worth helping.

Film still: Florence Pugh
Too much caring responsibility falls on the shoulders of Yelena Belova (Florence Pugh), who has her own struggles.
Marvel Studios

A significant number of young men who follow masculinity influencers believe they need to be stoic and control their emotions and that women should occupy traditional gender roles, being soft, nurturing, motherly and supportive.

These beliefs can not only discourage men from seeking professional help: they set women up to carry the emotional burden in relationships, often at great personal cost.

Addressing mental health

Toxic masculinity is well and truly alive, but women aren’t the answer to it.

Addressing mental health issues effectively requires a multifaceted approach that includes professional intervention, personal responsibility and mutual support within relationships.

Thunderbolts gestures toward progress, but doesn’t quite escape old tropes. Bob’s pain is real, but it’s also weaponised. His mental illness becomes a threat, and his instability something others must contain.

The film acknowledges he’s struggling, but ultimately treats his struggle as dangerous as his void-like inner turbulence is unleashed on those around him. It’s a reflection of a broader cultural pattern: when men’s emotional pain is left unaddressed, it festers, and women are often expected to absorb the cost.

We’re left with a troubling question: in the stories we tell, are we promising struggling young men a fairytale ending of romance and self-sacrifice in the shape of a young woman coming to save them from themselves?


If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

The Conversation

Emily Baulch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Marvel’s Thunderbolts* shines a light on men’s mental illness – but falls down with this outdated plotline – https://theconversation.com/marvels-thunderbolts-shines-a-light-on-mens-mental-illness-but-falls-down-with-this-outdated-plotline-255869

Australia is set to be a renewables nation. After Labor’s win, there’s no turning back

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wesley Morgan, Research Associate, Institute for Climate Risk and Response, UNSW Sydney

bmphotographer/Shutterstock

An emphatic election victory for the incumbent Labor government means Australia’s rapid shift to renewable energy will continue. As Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen said on Saturday:

In 2022, the Australian people voted to finally act on climate change. After three years of progress […] in 2025 they said keep going.

The election result also means the debate about energy policy is now, in broad terms, over. Australia’s energy future is wind and solar, backed by storage.

Coal and gas will have a fast-declining role to play and nuclear energy will have none at all. Australia is set to be a renewables nation. There is no turning back now.

Cementing renewables investment

By continuing to build renewables capacity, the returned Labor government can position Australia on the world stage as a genuine leader on clean energy.

The Albanese government has set a national target of more than 80% of the main national electricity grid running on renewables by 2030. With such a large majority in parliament, Labor may well be in government at that time.

Australia already has the world’s highest per-capita solar uptake, with about 300,000 solar systems installed each year. One in three Australian homes now has rooftop solar.

Labor is complementing this boom with a new home battery discount scheme, which aims to have more than one million batteries installed by 2030. This will help stabilise the grid by reducing demand at peak times.

But more investment in renewables is needed. The policy certainty of a returned Labor government should help to attract international capital. This is important, because more than 70% of investment in renewables in Australia comes from offshore.

Securing climate consensus

Labor’s win also means it can finally bed down a national consensus on climate policy.

A recent survey on Australian attitudes to climate action suggested community views can shift if people see action is taken by governments and big business.

This does not mean community opposition to renewable energy will evaporate – especially in regional Australia. The federal government must work with industry players and other levels of government to ensure proper public consultation. The new Net Zero Economy Authority will play an important role in ensuring the regions and their workers benefit from the energy transition.

For its part, the Coalition needs to do some soul-searching. Australian voters returned a number of climate-friendly independents in key seats. The Coalition also failed to win support from younger Australians, who typically view renewables favourably.

All this suggests continued opposition to renewables is unlikely to help the Coalition form government anytime soon. What’s more, continuing to promote nuclear power – which some in the Coalition are pushing formakes little sense in an increasingly renewables-dominated grid.

Doubling down on international climate cooperation

Labor’s plans to rapidly expand renewable energy strengthen Australia’s credentials to host the COP31 UN climate talks with Pacific island countries next year.

Australia’s bid has strong support from other nations. Turkey – the only other nation with its hand up to host – has so far resisted pressure from Australia to withdraw its bid. In support of their own bid, Turkish representatives pointed to uncertainty in Australia ahead of the May election – however that uncertainty has now passed.

Adelaide will host the talks if Australia’s bid succeeds. This will be a chance to share our world-beating renewables story – including in South Australia, which is set to achieve 100% clean electricity by 2027.

Australia could also use the talks in South Australia to promote new export industries that use renewable energy, especially plans to produce green iron and green steel at Whyalla.

Hosting rights could attract investment in Australia’s renewables rollout and help promote exports of critical minerals and green metals. And it would enable Australia to cement its place in the Pacific during a time of increased geo-strategic competition, by promoting a renewables partnership for the whole region.

Australia must move fast and secure the COP31 bid at climate talks in Germany next month. Any delay risks a less ambitious summit next year, because building consensus for new initiatives takes time.

South Australia has made a bold bid to host COP31 (SA Government)

Seizing our economic opportunities

As Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said during his victory speech on Saturday, renewable energy is “an opportunity we must work together to seize for the future of our economy”.

Australia is the world’s largest exporter of raw iron ore and metallurgical coal, both used extensively in offshore steelmaking.

But Australia can create jobs and reduce emissions by refining iron ore in Australia using renewables and green hydrogen.

The potential export value of green iron is estimated at A$295 billion a year, or three times the current value of iron ore exports. More broadly, our clean energy exports – including green metals, fertilisers and fuels – could be worth six to eight times more than our fossil fuel exports, analysis suggests.

A key challenge for the returned government is assuring markets such as Japan that Australia is a long-term strategic partner, even while redirecting trade and investment away from coal and gas exports and toward long-term clean energy industries.

Embracing Australia’s future

Australians have delivered a strong mandate for climate action. The returned Labor government must ensure this support is not squandered, and voter trust is not lost.

This means seizing the opportunity, once and for all, to shift Australia from our past as a fossil fuel heavyweight to our future as a renewables superpower.

Wesley Morgan is a fellow with the Climate Council of Australia

Ben Newell receives funding from the Australian Research Council

ref. Australia is set to be a renewables nation. After Labor’s win, there’s no turning back – https://theconversation.com/australia-is-set-to-be-a-renewables-nation-after-labors-win-theres-no-turning-back-256081

Financial Times: The West’s shameful silence on Gaza – do more to restrain Benjamin Netanyahu

EDITORIAL: The Financial Times editorial board

After 19 months of conflict that has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians and drawn accusations of war crimes against Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu is once more preparing to escalate Israel’s offensive in Gaza.

The latest plan puts Israel on course for full occupation of the Palestinian territory and would drive Gazans into ever-narrowing pockets of the shattered strip.

It would lead to more intensive bombing and Israeli forces clearing and holding territory, while destroying what few structures remain in Gaza.

This would be a disaster for 2.2 million Gazans who have already endured unfathomable suffering.

Each new offensive makes it harder not to suspect that the ultimate goal of Netanyahu’s far-right coalition is to ensure Gaza is uninhabitable and drive Palestinians from their land. For two months, Israel has blocked delivery of all aid into the strip.

Child malnutrition rates are rising, the few functioning hospitals are running out of medicine, and warnings of starvation and disease are growing louder. Yet the US and European countries that tout Israel as an ally that shares their values have issued barely a word of condemnation.

They should be ashamed of their silence, and stop enabling Netanyahu to act with impunity.

In brief remarks on Sunday, US President Donald Trump acknowledged Gazans were “starving”, and suggested Washington would help get food into the strip.

But, so far, the US president has only emboldened Netanyahu. Trump returned to the White House promising to end the war in Gaza after his team helped broker a January ceasefire between Israel and Hamas.

Under the deal, Hamas agreed to free hostages in phases, while Israel was to withdraw from Gaza and the foes were to reach a permanent ceasefire.

But within weeks of the truce taking hold, Trump announced an outlandish plan for Gaza to be emptied of Palestinians and taken over by the US.

In March, Israel collapsed the ceasefire as it sought to change the terms of the deal, with Washington’s backing. Senior Israeli officials have since said they are implementing Trump’s plan to transfer Palestinians out of Gaza.

On Monday, far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said: “We are finally going to occupy the Gaza Strip.”

Netanyahu insists an expanded offensive is necessary to destroy Hamas and free the 59 remaining hostages. The reality is that the prime minister has never articulated a clear plan since Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack killed 1200 people and triggered the war.

Instead, he repeats his maximalist mantra of “total victory” while seeking to placate his extremist allies to ensure the survival of his governing coalition.

But Israel is also paying a price for his actions. The expanded offensive would imperil the lives of the hostages, further undermine Israel’s tarnished standing and deepen domestic divisions.

Israel has briefed that the expanded operation would not begin until after Trump’s visit to the Gulf next week, saying there is a “window” for Hamas to release hostages in return for a temporary truce.

Arab leaders are infuriated by Netanyahu’s relentless pursuit of conflict in Gaza yet they will fete Trump at lavish ceremonies with promises of multibillion-dollar investments and arms deals.

Trump will put the onus on Hamas when speaking to his Gulf hosts. The group’s murderous October 7 attack is what triggered the Israeli offensive.

Gulf states agree that its continued stranglehold on Gaza is a factor prolonging the war. But they must stand up to Trump and convince him to pressure Netanyahu to end the killing, lift the siege and return to talks.

The global tumult triggered by Trump has already distracted attention from the catastrophe in Gaza. Yet the longer it goes on, the more those who remain silent or cowed from speaking out will be complicit.

This editorial was published by the London Financial Times under the original title “The west’s shameful silence on Gaza: The US and European allies should do more to restrain Benjamin Netanyahu” on May 6, 2025.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘Under no illusions’ about France, says author of new Rainbow Warrior book

Pacific Media Watch

The author of the book Eyes of Fire, one of the countless publications on the Rainbow Warrior bombing almost 40 years ago but the only one by somebody actually on board the bombed ship, says he was under no illusions that France was behind the attack.

Journalist David Robie was speaking last month at a Greenpeace Aotearoa workship at Mātauri Bay for environmental activists and revealed that he has a forthcoming new book to mark the anniversary of the bombing.

“I don’t think I had any illusions at the time. For me, I knew it was the French immediately the bombing happened,” he said.

Eyes of Fire . . . the earlier 30th anniversary edition in 2015. Image: Little Island Press/DR

“You know with the horrible things they were doing at the time with their colonial policies in Kanaky New Caledonia, assassinating independence leaders and so on, and they had a heavy military presence.

“A sort of clamp down in New Caledonia, so it just fitted in with the pattern — an absolute disregard for the Pacific.”

He said it was ironic that four decades on, France had trashed the goodwill that had been evolving with the 1988 Matignon and 1998 Nouméa accords towards independence with harsh new policies that led to the riots in May last year.

Dr Robie’s series of books on the Rainbow Warrior focus on the impact of nuclear testing by both the Americans and the French, in particular, on Pacific peoples and especially the humanitarian voyages to relocate the Rongelap Islanders in the Marshall Islands barely two months before the bombing at Marsden wharf in Auckland on 10 July 1985.

Detained by French military
He was detained by the French military while on assignment in New Caledonia a year after Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior was first published in New Zealand.

His reporting won the NZ Media Peace Prize in 1985.


David Robie’s 2025 talk on the Rainbow Warrior.     Video: Greenpeace Aotearoa

Dr Robie confirmed that Little island Press was publishing a new book this year with a focus on the legacy of the Rainbow Warrior.

Plantu’s cartoon on the Rainbow Warrior bombers from the slideshow. Image: David Robie/Plantu

“This edition is the most comprehensive work on the sinking of the first Rainbow Warrior, but also speaks to the first humanitarian mission undertaken by Greenpeace,” said publisher Tony Murrow.

“It’s an important work that shows us how we can act in the world and how we must continue to support all life on this unusual planet that is our only home.”

Little Island Press produced an educational microsite as a resource to accompany Eyes of Fire with print, image and video resources.

The book will be launched in association with a nuclear-free Pacific exhibition at Ellen Melville Centre in mid-July.

Find out more at the microsite: eyes-of-fire.littleisland.co.nz

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Australia doesn’t have a federal Human Rights Act – but the election clears the way for overdue reform

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Maguire, Professor in Human Rights and International Law, University of Newcastle

Master1305/Shutterstock

The Albanese government has achieved an historic re-election, substantially building its majority in the House of Representatives. Much has already been written about the potential for a more ambitious legislative program on the back of this result.

That agenda should include substantive human rights reform. The government has the opportunity in its second term to enhance the protections we all deserve by legislating a national Human Rights Act.

Australia’s human rights framework

Australia presents itself – and is largely ranked – as a global leader in protecting civil and political rights.

It has a strong history of commitment to the UN’s human rights agenda, including as a party to seven core human rights treaties. Australia is also an enthusiastic participant in international human rights monitoring processes, including the Universal Periodic Review.

Yet Australia also receives persistent international criticism, notably in relation to the rights of Indigenous peoples, refugees and asylum seekers.

Australia has a dualist legal system. The Australian government can consent to treaty obligations that are binding on state parties, but those obligations are not absorbed into domestic law. This limits Australia’s capacity to meet its human rights obligations, because many are unenforceable under domestic law.

Instead, Australia has built a patchwork human rights system. The Constitution affords only minimal rights protections, including the right to vote and the right to a trial by jury for certain offences.

Only Victoria, the Australian Capital Territory and Queensland have passed human rights legislation. But state laws do not include comprehensive protection for all the human rights protected by the treaties Australia has signed.

Recently in Queensland, the LNP government rejected the recommendations of a review into the state’s Human Rights Act that would have enhanced the right to adequate housing and the right to be free from gender-based violence.

At the federal level, parliament has a process for human rights scrutiny of legislation, but has not passed a comprehensive national human rights law.

The path forward

Between 2019 and 2023, the Australian Human Rights Commission conducted a national inquiry, Free & Equal. Its final report recommended major reforms including the passage of a Human Rights Act.

A separate inquiry by the parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights also proposed national human rights laws. These inquiries provided model legislation for parliament’s consideration.

A Human Rights Act would remedy gaps in Australia’s compliance with its international obligations. Importantly for Australians, an act would provide comprehensive and enforceable protection for the rights we are all entitled to.

Where does the government stand?

Labor’s national platform notes Australia is an outlier due to its lack of comprehensive human rights legislation. It commits a federal Labor government to:

consider whether our commitment to the implementation of human rights standards could be enhanced through a statutory Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities, or similar instrument.

In its first term, the Albanese government acted quickly to ensure that the Australian Human Rights Commission retained global A-status accreditation. It also conducted the promised parliamentary review into Australia’s human rights framework. However, it is yet to respond to the recommendations of that review.

The prospects of human rights law reform seemed slim in the immediate aftermath of the Voice referendum. The government appeared hesitant to make policy commitments in Indigenous affairs.

Yet Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner Katie Kiss argued the referendum outcome highlighted the urgency of reform that would realise “even the most basic human rights” of Indigenous people.

The time is right

An argument can be made that the values expressed as central to the government’s second term agenda are tightly aligned with the values of the international human rights framework.

In his speech on election night, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said:

Today, the Australian people have voted for Australian values. For fairness, aspiration and opportunity for all. For the strength to show courage in adversity and kindness to those in need.

He went on to highlight areas of need to ensure that every Australian has “the opportunity to be their best”, which included:

  • fair pay for workers and a right to disconnect
  • secure housing
  • equal pay and social equity for women
  • access to quality education for all students
  • the National Disability Insurance Scheme
  • protection for a healthy environment
  • equal rights for First Nations people
  • Medicare.

These are all matters of central concern to the electorate. We may not talk about them all the time in human rights language, but they are also human rights issues.

Australia is a party to human rights treaties that protect fair working conditions, an adequate standard of living and a right to health, women’s rights, the right to education, the rights of people with disabilities and Indigenous peoples, and the right to a healthy environment.

The ground has been laid for comprehensive human rights reform in Australia. This project could unite “Australian values” of fairness and equity with protection of human rights in Australian law.

We all stand to gain from opening our national conversation to human rights principles.

Amy Maguire holds an Australian Research Council fellowship. Her industry partner is the Australian Human Rights Commission.

ref. Australia doesn’t have a federal Human Rights Act – but the election clears the way for overdue reform – https://theconversation.com/australia-doesnt-have-a-federal-human-rights-act-but-the-election-clears-the-way-for-overdue-reform-255863

Samoa down in RSF media freedom world ranking due to ‘authoritarian pressure’

Talamua Online News

Samoa has dropped in its media and information freedom world ranking from 22 in 2024 to 44 in 2025 in the latest World Press Freedom Index compiled annually by the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

For the Pacific region, New Zealand is ranked highest at 16, Australia at 29, Fiji at 40, Samoa ranked 44 and Tonga at 46.

And for some comfort, the United States is ranked 57 in media freedom.

The 2025 World Press Freedom Index released in conjunction with the annual Media Freedom Day on May 3, says despite the vitality of some of its media groups, Samoa’s reputation as a regional model of press freedom has suffered in recent years due to “authoritarian pressure” from the previous prime minister and a political party that held power for four decades until 2021.

Media landscape
The report lists independent media outlets such as the Samoa Observer, “an independent daily founded in 1978, that has symbolised the fight for press freedom.”

It also lists state-owned Savali newspaper “that focuses on providing positive coverage of the government’s activities.”

TV1, is the product of the privatisation of the state-owned Samoa Broadcasting Corporation. The Talamua group operates Samoa FM and other media outlets, while the national radio station 2AP calls itself “the Voice of the Nation.”

Political context
Although Samoa is a parliamentary democracy with free elections, the Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP) held power for four decades until it was narrowly defeated in the April 2021 general election by Samoa United in Faith (Faʻatuatua i le Atua Samoa ua Tasi, or FAST).

An Oceania quick check list on the 2025 RSF World Press Freedom rankings. While RSF surveys 180 countries each year, only Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, and Tonga are included so far. Image: PMW from RSF

The report says part of the reason for the HRPP’s defeat was its plan to overhaul Samoa’s constitutional and customary law framework, which would have threatened freedom of the press.

Championing media freedom
The Journalists Association of (Western) Samoa (JAWS) is the national media association and is press freedom’s leading champion. JAWS spearheaded a media journalism studies programme based at the National University of Samoa in the effort to train journalists and promote media freedom but the course is not producing the quality journalism students needed as its focus, time and resources have been given the course.

Meanwhile, the media standards continue to slide and there is fear that the standards will drop further in the face of rapid technological changes and misinformation via social media.

A new deal for journalism
The 2025 World Press Freedom Index by RSF revealed the dire state of the news economy and how it severely threatens newsrooms’ editorial independence and media pluralism.

In light of this alarming situation, RSF has called on public authorities, private actors and regional institutions to commit to a “New Deal for Journalism” by following 11 key recommendations.

Strengthen media literacy and journalism training
Part of this deal is “supporting reliable information means that everyone should be trained from an early age to recognise trustworthy information and be involved in media education initiatives. University and higher education programmes in journalism must also be supported, on the condition that they are independent.”

Finland (5th) is recognised worldwide for its media education, with media literacy programmes starting in primary school, contributing to greater resilience against disinformation.

Republished from Talamua Online News.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

How maximum security prison inmates and officers worked together to create a farm behind bars

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Tietz, Senior Lecturer in Industrial Design, UNSW Sydney

Macquarie Correctional Centre Media Unit

At Macquarie Correctional Centre in western New South Wales, a story of collaboration and persistence is unfolding. Inmates and prison officers are farming commercial quantities of fresh food in a purpose-built indoor facility.

One of the 400 male offenders in maximum security at Macquarie contacted me with the idea about five years ago, proposing it would form the basis of a PhD. I agreed to supervise the project.

Inmates at Macquarie Correctional Centre are encouraged to further their education and follow their interests. The approach is modelled on the Scandinavian prison system, which has the world’s lowest re-offending rates.

The project shows food gardening provides a meaningful activity for inmates, some of whom never had the opportunity to learn how to plant and grow produce.

A hand reaches for tomatoes growing on a vine, against a leafy background.
The M Farm produces fresh produce for the on site café.
Macquarie Correctional Centre Media Unit

Why farm indoors?

The project involved farming indoors because the environment can be more carefully controlled. Being isolated from the weather means there’s no need to worry about extremes such as frosts or heatwaves.

This type of “controlled environment agriculture” is also more efficient. It requires less resources than traditional agriculture, mainly because there are fewer losses due to pests and diseases.

By controlling the amount of light, water and nutrients each plant receives, it’s possible to optimise the growing system – making it more like a plant factory than a standard greenhouse.

Small seedlings grow on raised planter boxes inside the purpose-built indoor farming facility during the first stage of operations.
Inside M Farm, in the early days.
PhD student

From vision to reality

Inmates studying in prison don’t have internet access. Emails are printed out or relayed. If information needs to be viewed online it is under supervision of an authorised officer.

Despite the challenges, the student published his first conference paper in 2021 and his first academic journal article in 2023. A second article followed in 2024. The student also submitted his PhD 2024.

The project began with a research plan. Then the PhD student ran focus groups with officers and inmates in mixed groups. A series of one-on-one interviews followed.

Officers and inmates co-designed and developed the indoor farming facility. One group of inmates, trained in the in-house design office, used 3D computer aided design (CAD) software to produce technical drawings for the farm. Another group took these drawings and turned them into small-scale indoor farming prototypes.

After extensive testing, the team selected the best prototype and developed the full-scale project, known as M Farm.

The student won a competitive grant of A$50,000 from the NSW Department of Communities and Justice Innovation Fund. This funded construction of the farm.

Another grant from the University of NSW supported a solar-powered food waste composting machine. The machine converts daily food waste from the entire prison into organic fertiliser. This means less food waste is sent to landfill, saving costs and reducing emissions.

Produce from the farm is used in the prison café. Since November 2023, the farm has supplied about $3,500 worth of produce to the café.

Last year, about 30 items were entered in the local agricultural show. M Farm won first place in the district for best fresh produce.

A man partially obscured by a wooden post, wearing a dark green hat and t-shirt, reaches for a large melon on the vine in a healthy garden.
M Farm has grown award-winning fresh produce.
Macquarie Correctional Centre Media Unit

Cooperation is key to success

Inmates ran the project and enjoyed tangible benefits such as access to fresh produce and a sense of accomplishment and pride.

The project proved inmates can be productive without constant oversight. Similar results were achieved in a community-based vegetable gardening initiative in Girona, Spain, where residents formed an intensive farming cooperative without local council administration.

The prison officers also benefited from being part of the process and took pride in the results. They also shared the benefits in the on-site café, which is open to both inmates and prison staff.

This experiment provides further evidence that engagement and collaboration through co-design can lead to social learning, or “informal mutual learning”.

Empowering co-designers enables the development of solutions beyond initial expectations. The best approach is arming people with the skills they need to actively engage and co-lead in the decision-making processes.

Leafy greens growing in the front garden at M Farm.
Tasty and nutritious leafy greens grow in the front garden at M Farm.
Christian Tietz

Make it grow

The PhD thesis includes a co-design tool kit that other prisons worldwide can follow. Given the global prison population exceeds 11 million people, this presents an opportunity to develop a broad-scale sustainability initiative.

Farming fresh produce in prisons has the potential to improve nutrition and wellbeing. It also offers environmental benefits such as producing compost, reducing waste and cutting greenhouse gas emissions.

Such projects also have the potential to give inmates confidence and hope, and provides them with skills and knowledge that can benefit the community after their release.

The Conversation

Christian Tietz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How maximum security prison inmates and officers worked together to create a farm behind bars – https://theconversation.com/how-maximum-security-prison-inmates-and-officers-worked-together-to-create-a-farm-behind-bars-244962

Can what you eat during pregnancy and breastfeeding affect whether your child develops food allergies?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Koplin, Evidence and Translation Lead, National Allergy Centre of Excellence; Chief Investigator, Centre of Food Allergy Research; Associate Professor and Group Leader, Childhood Allergy & Epidemiology Group, Child Health Research Centre, The University of Queensland

Maria Evseyeva/Shutterstock

Many questions pop up when you’re growing or raising a new baby.

Among them, women often wonder if what they eat during pregnancy or breastfeeding will affect whether or not their child will have a food allergy.

Researchers have also been trying to answer this question for many years.

A baby’s exposure to food allergens during pregnancy and via breast milk is thought to be important. Experts believe it could allow the child to start developing helpful immune responses so they tolerate food allergens in their diet in future.

But to what degree this theory plays out, and whether a mother’s diet influences their child’s likelihood of developing food allergies, isn’t yet clear. Here’s what we know so far.

The science of food allergies

A food allergy occurs when the body’s immune system responds to a particular food as if it was harmful to the body.

In Australia, foods which commonly cause allergies include egg, cow’s milk, peanut, tree nuts, sesame, soy, wheat, fish and other seafood (this can vary a little in different countries). Although almost any food can cause an allergic reaction.

For people with food allergies, symptoms can appear within minutes of eating the food. These symptoms can include a swollen face, lips or eyes, hives or welts on the skin, vomiting, trouble breathing, and persistent dizziness or collapse.

In pregnancy, food allergens can cross the placenta and can be detected in amniotic fluid, from which they reach the baby’s gastrointestinal tract when the baby swallows.

After birth this process continues when food allergens pass from breast milk to the baby’s gastrointestinal tract. Both of these pathways lead to early life exposure to different foods.

This is thought to help the baby’s developing immune system to accept food allergens when they’re introduced once the child starts eating solids. In other words, the immune system may be more likely to see the food as harmless and not mount an allergic response against the food.

A woman breastfeeding a baby.
Babies can be exposed to allergens in breast milk before they start eating solid foods.
Nastyaofly/Shutterstock

Along with food allergens, babies also receive beneficial antibodies in breast milk. Levels of food allergen-specific antibodies, which could offer protection against allergies, have been found to be higher in babies whose mothers ate more of foods including egg, peanut, cow’s milk and wheat during early breastfeeding.

Lower levels of these beneficial antibodies in the blood have been linked with higher chances of babies developing food allergies.

Research is trying to answer the question

While there are scientific explanations for how a woman’s diet during pregnancy and breastfeeding could influence her child’s likelihood of developing a food allergy, we don’t have conclusive evidence to tell us exactly what the best diet is to prevent allergies.

Some studies have tried to look at this, but results have been inconsistent because they have been done in different populations, diet has been assessed in different ways, and they have not always been able to account for other factors that might influence both diet and food allergy risk.

Current research is trying to understand this further. A large Australian study, the PrEggNut Study, is testing whether the amount of egg and peanut mothers eat during pregnancy and breastfeeding affects their child’s risk of having an egg or peanut allergy.

More than 2,100 mothers were randomly assigned to eat either higher or lower amounts of egg and peanut from mid-pregnancy until their baby was four months old. Results are expected next year.

Another Australian study, the Nuts For Babies Study, is testing whether the amount of peanuts and cashew nuts mothers eat during breastfeeding can reduce the chances of their child developing a peanut or cashew nut allergy.

This study has recently commenced and is looking for 4,000 pregnant women living in Western Australia or Victoria and who are planning to breastfeed their baby to participate.

A mother and father feed a small child peanut butter.
Ongoing research is trying to tell us how a mother’s diet during pregnancy or breastfeeding could affect her child’s risk of food allergies.
Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels

So what’s the advice for now?

There are many other things, such as genetic and environmental factors, that may also play a role in the development of a baby’s immune system, including how their immune cells respond to food allergens. And we still have a lot to learn about what causes allergies more broadly.

While we wait for the results of the above studies, the current advice is for mothers not to avoid any common allergy-causing foods during pregnancy and breastfeeding (unless of course they’re allergic themselves).

The science so far suggests that if anything, exposing the baby to allergens could reduce their risk of developing allergies, rather than increase it.

Once the baby is ready to eat solid foods, we know introducing peanuts and eggs from around six months of age makes it less likely the child will develop an allergy to these foods.

Introducing other common allergy-causing foods in the first year of life may also be helpful, although the evidence for this is not as strong compared with peanuts and eggs.

Once these foods have been introduced, continuing to include them in your baby’s meals regularly, at least once a week, might also make it less likely they develop an allergy to these foods.

The Conversation

Jennifer Koplin receives research funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. She is a member of the Executive Committee for the National Allergy Centre of Excellence, which is supported by funding from the Australian government. She has received a research award from the Stallergenes Greer Foundation, paid to her institution, for unrelated research. She is a co-investigator on the PrEggNut study mentioned in this article.

Debbie Palmer receives research project funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and is supported by a Stan Perron Charitable Foundation Fellowship. Debbie is the lead chief investigator of both the PrEggNut Study and Nuts For Babies Study. She is the food allergy stream co-chair of the National Allergy Centre of Excellence, which is supported by funding from the Australian government.

Desalegn Markos Shifti is supported by the National Health and Medical Research Council-funded Centre for Food and Allergy Research postdoctoral funding.

ref. Can what you eat during pregnancy and breastfeeding affect whether your child develops food allergies? – https://theconversation.com/can-what-you-eat-during-pregnancy-and-breastfeeding-affect-whether-your-child-develops-food-allergies-255114

How do you put a tariff on movies? Here’s what Trump’s plan could mean for Australia

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark David Ryan, Professor, Film, Screen, Animation, Queensland University of Technology

Kirk Wester/Shutterstock

US President Donald Trump’s recent announcement of a plan to impose a 100% tariff on movies “produced in foreign lands” could have a massive impact on the global entertainment industry.

Film and television production is increasingly part of an interconnected global system. Hollywood’s major studios and global streaming giants use a diverse range of locations around the world, sometimes working across multiple countries for a single project.

Doing so allows them to leverage production incentives and tax shelters offered by different countries, take advantage of exchange rates to lower their production costs, and more.

They also film offshore, for example in China, as strategic co-productions and feature iconic locations and local actors to appeal to audiences in that specific national market.

Many countries have become important hubs in this global system of production. Australia is a significant player. So, how exactly might Trump’s tariffs work? And why is so much Hollywood film made internationally in the first place?

‘Movies made in America’

Trump made the announcement in a post on the social media network Truth Social. But his original statement is vague and lacks crucial detail.

Based on his post, this proposal could include any foreign movie imported into the United States. More likely, though, it refers to US movies filmed (in part or wholly) overseas.

Trump’s statement only singles out movies. He doesn’t mention television series for broadcasters, or specifically film and television programs made for streaming platforms.

This suggests a focus on movies made by Hollywood studios. It may or may not include content made by streamers such as Netflix.

Tariffs on tickets?

Movies are a kind of intellectual property. They’re intangible products or services, not physical goods. If a tariff was applied to movies, they’d become the first service in the current trade war to receive one.

So what tariffs or regulations could be applied?

One option would be a levy on distributors releasing US movies made overseas. Another option would be to adapt the French TSA model, which levies a tax on all cinema tickets. In France, this money is reinvested into the local industry. The US could impose such a tax on tickets for films with production components overseas.

Both options would pass the costs on to consumers. A drop in already fragile cinema attendance or revenues could simply cause studios to reduce the number of movies made for theatrical release.

Studios might instead concentrate on making movies and television series for their own streaming platforms, such as Disney+ and Paramount+.

Buying cinema tickets and selecting seats using an app on a phone
One option could be to impose a tax directly on tickets for US cinemagoers.
bbernard/Shutterstock

Taxing production

Could the tax be imposed in other ways? Many US studio movies, and television programs, are at least partly, if not wholly, filmed internationally. But they are still US-controlled movies and still dominate the box office in many countries worldwide.

Could the revenue of Godzilla x Kong: The New Empire (2024), filmed on the Gold Coast in Australia, specifically be targeted and taxed for being made overseas, in contrast to a Hollywood movie made completely at home?

Would there be a sliding scale based on how much of a film is shot overseas? Would the tax apply to post-production or only production? The process of reviewing and enforcing this would be complex.

Another option may be taxing the portion of a movie’s production budget obtained from foreign tax incentives.

Major blockbusters filming in Australia are eligible for tax rebates and incentives, which can equate to almost half, or more, of the money they spend in Australia. But exactly how the US would review and regulate such a tax is again unclear.

App icons on a phone for Netflix, Max, Paramount+ and Peacock
Many of the major film studios now have their own dedicated streaming platforms.
Tada Images/Shutterstock

Australia’s film industry

International film and television production expenditure in Australia now averages A$880 million each year. International movies alone account for about half of that figure.

And the number of movies and television series being filmed in Australia has increased dramatically since the outbreak of COVID.

Production expenditure here on both local and international productions jumped from just over $1 billion in 2019–20 to about $2.4 billion in 2022–23.

There are numerous reasons for this. Australia became a more popular international production hub after serving as a “production bubble” during the pandemic, as restrictions forced filming to shut down in many other countries. Relationships were forged between local producers, crews, film agencies and studios.

The reputation of places like the Gold Coast, known for talented crews and stunning filming locations, has also played an important role in continually luring studios back.

The biggest draw card

But the major reason is the strong pull of Australia’s tax incentives for filming content here.

In Australia, international film and television programs are eligible for a 30% “location offset” on eligible production expenditures. If a project qualifies, producers will receive a provisional certificate, and they can claim a fixed 30% rebate for expenses in an income tax return for the relevant year.

There’s also a 30% offset on eligible post-production and visual effects work. And these incentives can be “stacked” on top of an extra 10–15% in incentives from state screen agencies (such as Screen QLD).

Some combined federal and state-based production offsets amount to rebates of 50%, or more, of a project’s production spend in Australia.

Why Australia is worried

International productions, which are quite different to local film and television programs, generate employment for many local actors and technical professionals. The loss of this film production would dramatically reduce employment for local professionals.

If these levies are imposed only on movies that screen theatrically, then television series and streaming films and series could continue to film in Australia unaffected. That would lessen the impact on local industries. If the definition includes both, the impact could be dramatic.

The Conversation

Mark David Ryan has received funding from the Gold Coast Film Commission. He is affiliated with the National Institute of Dramatic Art (NIDA).

ref. How do you put a tariff on movies? Here’s what Trump’s plan could mean for Australia – https://theconversation.com/how-do-you-put-a-tariff-on-movies-heres-what-trumps-plan-could-mean-for-australia-255948

Labor says its second term will be about productivity reform. These ideas could help shift the dial

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Roy Green, Emeritus Professor of Innovation, University of Technology Sydney

Summit Art Creations/Shutterstock

In his victory speech, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese highlighted social policy as a major factor in Labor’s electoral success, particularly Medicare, housing and cost of living relief. He was justified in doing so.

But looking forward, Treasurer Jim Chalmers named stalled productivity growth as a top priority for the next three years:

The best way to think about the difference between our first term and the second term …[is] the first term was primarily inflation without forgetting productivity, the second term will be primarily productivity without forgetting inflation.

The government asked the Productivity Commission in December to develop five pillars of its productivity agenda and come up with actionable reforms. And for the first time, the commission went out and sought “productivity pitches” from anyone in the community.

Ahead of further reports due out later this year, those community “pitches” offer some clues about where the Albanese government might start to tackle productivity over the next three years and beyond.

Why does productivity matter?

Essentially, productivity is about working smarter, not harder. It’s about efficiency and innovation driving more output for an economy or company. Growth in productivity has been the driver of real wage growth and improved living standards since the Industrial Revolution.

However, productivity performance has slumped across most advanced economies. In Australia, growth is the slowest in 60 years. This is despite the transformative impact of the internet and digital technologies.

Explanations of the productivity slowdown are many and varied. Some have suggested the growth of the care economy and the services sector more broadly means productivity is reduced. Others wonder whether it can be measured at all in this context.

The explanation that has gained most acceptance is that productivity has increased dramatically in “frontier firms” at the cutting edge of technological change and business innovation. The problem in Australia is that we have too few frontier firms and too many “laggard” companies. The rate of new technology adoption is too slow.

This problem is made more acute by Australia’s trade and industrial structure, which is heavily weighted to resources exports rather than the knowledge-based industries of the future.

What is the Productivity Commission looking at?

This is the rationale for the Treasurer’s request in December for the Productivity Commission to identify priority reforms in five key areas. He asked for “actionable recommendations to assist governments to make meaningful and measurable productivity-enhancing reforms”.

The five pillars are:

  • creating a more dynamic and resilient economy
  • building a skilled and adaptable workforce
  • harnessing data and digital technology
  • delivering quality care more efficiently
  • investing in cheaper, cleaner energy and the net zero transformation.

These are ambitious objectives, and the Productivity Commission is pursuing the review task in a different way from the past by seeking ideas directly from the community through crowd sourcing.

This is a sensible move, especially given the commission’s role in presiding over Australia’s productivity decline. Perhaps they are finally learning from failed experiments in deregulation, privatisation and contracting out.

The commission has published a selection of the 500 suggestions it received. These include research and development initatives; improving university collaboration with industry; improving management capabilities and building inclusive workplaces; and reforming skilled migration.

In the technology area, suggestions included developing internal capability and processes in the public service; making more use of artificial intelligence; and improving digital infrastructure in regional areas.

In the care economy, pharmacists could play an increased role, such as consulting on minor illnesses, while more could be invested in preventative health.

The fifth area of focus, the energy transition, produced ideas on streamlining state and federal approval processes for net zero projects; increasing fossil fuel taxes; supporting electric vehicle uptake and vehicle-to-grid technology.

The commission has said it plans to continue the consultation process and release interim reports mid-year.

Will it be enough to shift the dial?

The question remains, will these individual measures on their own, however meritorious, be sufficient to shift the dial on Australia’s productivity performance without a more comprehensive approach to innovation and industrial policy?

The government set up a “strategic examination” of research and development (R&D) in February. An interim discussion paper found links between the decline of productivity growth, the decline of business spending on R&D, and the decline of manufacturing.

In other words, reversing the productivity slowdown may not simply be a matter of boosting R&D. It will also require the revival and reinvention of manufacturing. It implies a complex sovereign capability and means for diversifying Australia’s export mix in global markets and value chains.

This is the purpose of the government’s Future Made in Australia strategy, with its twin objectives of economic resilience and net zero transition. That success in turn depends on the development of a more effective and joined up research and innovation system.

The chance was missed in the commodity boom to design and deliver overdue structural changes in the Australian economy. Instead, the productivity decline was masked by a terms-of-trade boost to our national income, thanks to higher commodity prices.

The Albanese government’s second and possibly third term in office provides another opportunity to undertake the major structural changes required to secure Australia’s future as an inclusive and dynamic knowledge-based economy. Surely this one will not be missed.

The Conversation

Roy Green does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Labor says its second term will be about productivity reform. These ideas could help shift the dial – https://theconversation.com/labor-says-its-second-term-will-be-about-productivity-reform-these-ideas-could-help-shift-the-dial-255880

Meta’s new AI chatbot is yet another tool for harvesting data to potentially sell you stuff

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Uri Gal, Professor in Business Information Systems, University of Sydney

Tony Lam Hoang/Unsplash

Last week, Meta – the parent company of Facebook, Instagram, Threads and WhatsApp – unveiled a new “personal artificial intelligence (AI)”.

Powered by the Llama 4 language model, Meta AI is designed to assist, chat and engage in natural conversation. With its polished interface and fluid interactions, Meta AI might seem like just another entrant in the race to build smarter digital assistants.

But beneath its inviting exterior lies a crucial distinction that transforms the chatbot into a sophisticated data harvesting tool.

‘Built to get to know you’

“Meta AI is built to get to know you”, the company declared in its news announcement. Contrary to the friendly promise implied by the slogan, the reality is less reassuring.

The Washington Post columnist Geoffrey A. Fowler found that by default, Meta AI “kept a copy of everything”, and it took some effort to delete the app’s memory. Meta responded that the app provides “transparency and control” throughout and is no different to their other apps.

However, while competitors like Anthropic’s Claude operate on a subscription model that reflects a more careful approach to user privacy, Meta’s business model is firmly rooted in what it has always done best: collecting and monetising your personal data.

This distinction creates a troubling paradox. Chatbots are rapidly becoming digital confidants with whom we share professional challenges, health concerns and emotional struggles.

Recent research shows we are as likely to share intimate information with a chatbot as we are with fellow humans. The personal nature of these interactions makes them a gold mine for a company whose revenue depends on knowing everything about you.

Consider this potential scenario: a recent university graduate confides in Meta AI about their struggle with anxiety during job interviews. Within days, their Instagram feed fills with advertisements for anxiety medications and self-help books – despite them having never publicly posted about these concerns.

The cross-platform integration of Meta’s ecosystem of apps means your private conversations can seamlessly flow into their advertising machine to create user profiles with unprecedented detail and accuracy.

This is not science fiction. Meta’s extensive history of data privacy scandals – from Cambridge Analytica to the revelation that Facebook tracks users across the internet without their knowledge – demonstrates the company’s consistent prioritisation of data collection over user privacy.

What makes Meta AI particularly concerning is the depth and nature of what users might reveal in conversation compared to what they post publicly.

Open to manipulation

Rather than just a passive collector of information, a chatbot like Meta AI has the capability to become an active participant in manipulation. The implications extend beyond just seeing more relevant ads.

Imagine mentioning to the chatbot that you are feeling tired today, only to have it respond with: “Have you tried Brand X energy drinks? I’ve heard they’re particularly effective for afternoon fatigue.” This seemingly helpful suggestion could actually be a product placement, delivered without any indication that it’s sponsored content.

Such subtle nudges represent a new frontier in advertising that blurs the line between a helpful AI assistant and a corporate salesperson.

Unlike overt ads, recommendations mentioned in conversation carry the weight of trusted advice. And that advice would come from what many users will increasingly view as a digital “friend”.

A history of not prioritising safety

Meta has demonstrated a willingness to prioritise growth over safety when releasing new technology features. Recent reports reveal internal concerns at Meta, where staff members warned that the company’s rush to popularise its chatbot had “crossed ethical lines” by allowing Meta AI to engage in explicit romantic role-play, even with test users who claimed to be underage.

Such decisions reveal a reckless corporate culture, seemingly still driven by the original motto of moving fast and breaking things.

Now, imagine those same values applied to an AI that knows your deepest insecurities, health concerns and personal challenges – all while having the ability to subtly influence your decisions through conversational manipulation.

The potential for harm extends beyond individual consumers. While there’s no evidence that Meta AI is being used for manipulation, it has such capacity.

For example, the chatbot could become a tool for pushing political content or shaping public discourse through the algorithmic amplification of certain viewpoints. Meta has played role in propagating misinformation in the past, and recently made the decision to discontinue fact-checking across its platforms.

The risk of chatbot-driven manipulation is also increased now that AI safety regulations are being scaled back in the United States.

Lack of privacy is a choice

AI assistants are not inherently harmful. Other companies protect user privacy by choosing to generate revenue primarily through subscriptions rather than data harvesting. Responsible AI can and does exist without compromising user welfare for corporate profit.

As AI becomes increasingly integrated into our daily lives, the choices companies make about business models and data practices will have profound implications.

Meta’s decision to offer a free AI chatbot while reportedly lowering safety guardrails sets a low ethical standard. By embracing its advertising-based business model for something as intimate as an AI companion, Meta has created not just a product, but a surveillance system that can extract unprecedented levels of personal information.

Before inviting Meta AI to become your digital confidant, consider the true cost of this “free” service. In an era where data has become the most valuable commodity, the price you pay might be far higher than you realise.

As the old adage goes, if you’re not paying for the product, you are the product – and Meta’s new chatbot might be the most sophisticated product harvester yet created.

When Meta AI says it is “built to get to know you”, we should take it at its word and proceed with appropriate caution.

Uri Gal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Meta’s new AI chatbot is yet another tool for harvesting data to potentially sell you stuff – https://theconversation.com/metas-new-ai-chatbot-is-yet-another-tool-for-harvesting-data-to-potentially-sell-you-stuff-255966

India and Pakistan have fought many wars in the past. Are we on the precipice of a new one?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Hall, Professor of International Relations, Griffith University

India conducted military strikes against Pakistan overnight, hitting numerous sites in Pakistan-controlled Kashmir and deeper into Pakistan itself. Security officials say precision strike weapon systems, including drones, were used to carry out the strikes.

Pakistan says at least eight civilians have been killed and many more injured.

While there’s still much uncertainty around what’s happened, it is clear both sides are closer to a major conflict than they have been in years – perhaps decades.

We’ve seen these kinds of crises before. India and Pakistan have fought full-scale wars many times over the years, in 1947, 1965, 1971 and 1999.

There were also cross-border strikes between the two sides in 2016 and 2019 that did not lead to a larger war.

These conflicts were limited because there was an understanding, given both sides possess nuclear weapons, that escalating to a full-scale war would be very dangerous. That imposed some control on both sides, or at least some caution.

There was also external pressure from the United States and others on both occasions not to allow those conflicts to spiral out of control.

While it’s possible both sides will exercise similar restraint now, there may be less pressure from other countries to compel them to do so.

In this context, tensions can escalate quickly. And when they do, it’s difficult to get both sides to back down and return to where they were before.

Why did India strike now?

India says it was retaliating for a terror attack last month on mostly Indian tourists in heavily militarised Kashmir, which both sides claim. The attack left 26 dead.

There was a claim of responsibility after the attack from a group called the Resistance Front, but it was subsequently withdrawn, so there’s some uncertainty about that.

Indian sources suggest this group, which is relatively new, is an extension of a pre-existing militant group, Lashkar-e-Taiba, which has been based in Pakistan for many years.

Pakistan has denied any involvement in the tourist attack. However, there’s been good evidence in the past suggesting that even if the Pakistani government hasn’t officially sanctioned these groups operating on its territory, there are parts of the Pakistani establishment or military that do support them. This could be ideologically, financially, or through other types of assistance.

In previous terror attacks in India, weapons and other equipment have been sourced from Pakistan. In the Mumbai terror attack in 2008, for instance, the Indian government produced evidence it claimed showed the gunmen were being directed by handlers in Pakistan by phone.

But as yet, we have no such evidence demonstrating Pakistan is connected to the tourist attack in Kashmir.

India has also repeatedly asked Pakistan to shut down these groups. While the leaders have occasionally been put in jail, they’ve later been released, including the alleged mastermind of the 2008 Mumbai attack.

And madrassas (religious schools) that have long been accused of supplying recruits for militant groups are still permitted to operate in Pakistan, with little state control.

Pakistan, meanwhile, claims that attacks in Kashmir are committed by local Kashmiris protesting against Indian “occupation” or Pakistanis spontaneously moved to take action.

These two positions obviously don’t match up in any way, shape or form.

A political cost to pay for not acting

It remains to be seen what cost either side is willing to pay to escalate tensions further.

From an economic standpoint, there’s very little cost to either side if a larger conflict breaks out. There’s practically no trade between India and Pakistan.

New Delhi has likely calculated that its fast-growing economy will not be harmed by its strikes and others will continue to trade and invest in India. The conclusion of a trade deal with the United Kingdom, after three years of negotiations, will reinforce that impression. The deal was signed on May 6, just before the Pakistan strikes.

And from the standpoint of international reputation, neither side has much to lose.

In past crises, Western countries were quick to condemn and criticise military actions committed by either side. But these days, most take the view that the long-simmering conflict is a bilateral issue, which India and Pakistan need to settle themselves.

The main concern for both sides, then, is the political cost they would suffer from not taking military action.

Before the terrorist attack on April 22, the government of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had claimed the security situation in Kashmir was improving, and ordinary Indians could safely travel in the region. Those claims were undermined by what occurred that day, making it crucial for the government to respond.

And now, if Pakistan doesn’t react to the Indian strikes, its government and especially its military would have a cost to pay, too.

Despite a patchy record of success, Pakistan’s army has long justified its outsize role in national politics by claiming that it alone stands between the Pakistani people and Indian aggression. If it fails to act now, that claim might look hollow.

Little external mediation to bank on

So, how does this play out? The hope would be there’s limited military action, lasting a few days, and then things calm down rapidly, as they have in the past. But there are no guarantees.

And there are few others willing to step in and help deescalate the dispute. US President Donald Trump is mired in other conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza and with the Houthi rebels in Yemen, and his administration’s diplomacy has so far been inept and ineffective.

When asked about the Indian strike today, Trump replied it was a “shame” and he “hopes” it ends quickly.

That’s very different from the strong rhetoric we’ve seen from US presidents in the past when India and Pakistan have come to blows.

New Delhi and Islamabad will likely have to settle this round themselves. And for whoever decides to blink or back down first, there may be a substantial political cost to pay.

Ian Hall receives funding from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. He is also an honorary academic fellow of the Australia India Institute at the University of Melbourne.

ref. India and Pakistan have fought many wars in the past. Are we on the precipice of a new one? – https://theconversation.com/india-and-pakistan-have-fought-many-wars-in-the-past-are-we-on-the-precipice-of-a-new-one-256080

10 reasons why banning social media for New Zealanders under 16 is a bad idea – and will affect adults too

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alex Beattie, Lecturer, Media and Communication, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

metamorworks/Getty Images

Government coalition partners National and Act are at odds over proposed restrictions on social media use by New Zealanders aged 16 and under.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon recently announced a National Party private member’s bill that would require social media companies to verify someone is aged 16 or older. Luxon said social media was not “always a safe place for young people”.

But ACT Party leader David Seymour has dismissed National’s proposal, saying it was “simple, neat and wrong”.

Even if the member’s bill is not chosen out of the parliament biscuit tin, global interest in getting young people off social media is increasing.

In late 2024, Australia passed a law banning children aged under 16 from social media platforms. Advocates, police and politicians in the United Kingdom, United States and elsewhere have all proposed similar laws.

While there is merit in young people spending more time offline, and there are real concerns about the impact of social media on wider society, it’s not clear that outright prohibition will achieve what is hoped for. Here are ten reasons a blanket ban is not the answer.

1. The addiction fallacy

Lobby group Before 16 has compared social media to tobacco, saying the platforms should be treated as a public health harm. The implication is that young people could get addicted to social media.

But the standard for diagnosing addiction is high. Most young people are not addicted to social media; they have a habitual relationship with it that is hard to change.

Likewise, comparing digital experiences to food may not capture the full range of interactions and impacts. This often implies value judgements, suggesting online experiences are all about “dopamine hits” (similar to sweet treats) and inherently less valuable or “unhealthy” compared to offline experiences.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon speaking in front of microphones.
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has introduced a members bill banning social media for people under 16 years old.
Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

2. People are not ‘exposed to’ social media

The language of the ban seems to suggest the relationship between social media and users goes in one direction – that people are simply exposed to the good and bad of platforms such as Facebook, TikTok and X. But using social media is not like going outside and getting burnt by the sun.

While social media affects people, it’s also a tool we use to actively shape and create meaning for ourselves. It provides social scaffolding for day-to-day lives, identity formation, communication with family overseas, community support, and even a place to complain about parents.

3. Murky science

One of most influential books behind the ban is Jonathan Haidt’s The Anxious Generation. Haidt claims a causal link between social media use and increased anxiety and depression in Gen Z (those born between 1995 and 2012).

But this claim is highly contentious and has been criticised for failing to consider other causes for the rise in anxiety in young people.

At best, there may be a correlation between social media and poor mental health – they are happening at the same time. Young people are also grappling with the climate crisis, increasing inequality and global instability. These variables are difficult to isolate in a study, meaning social media becomes an easy target.

4. A range of experiences

Critics of social media also assume everyone has a negative experience online. And yes, if you tend to compare yourself to others on social media then you might end up feeling bad about your life.

But not everyone thinks this way or uses social media to compare what they have (and don’t have) with others.

5. The moral panic factor

Moral panics can occur when emerging technologies challenge established social norms.

Phenomena such as “phubbing” (using a phone to snub someone) challenge what is considered “socially acceptable” behaviour, triggering a deluge of think pieces about how they hurt society.

While some skills may decline (such as reading and writing) with new technology, others like visual or oral storytelling practiced on social media are on the rise.

Banning social media could mean young people miss out on valuable digital skills.

David Seymour speaks to the press in parliament.
ACT Party leader David Seymour has called the social media ban bill ‘simple, neat and wrong’.
Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

6. Marginalised groups lose out

Getting young people off social media might not be a big deal for kids who fit within their community. But if you are young, gay and live in a small town, for example, social media may provide the only space where you can feel safe or celebrated for who you are.

Social media is also a key means for immigrants to stay in touch with their families and culture.

7. Enforcement challenges

There are also problems with how the ban is supposed to work – something Australia is still grappling with despite already passing a ban into law (which comes into effect at the end of this year).

Policymakers have yet to explain how age verification technologies would work without giving away more personal data to media platforms. And everyone would have to verify their age, regardless of whether they are under 16 years old or not.

8. Losing innovation

Young people are savvier with technology than older generations. They lead with innovations such as FINSTA (fake Instagram) accounts – fake profiles that allow people to post more privately on Instagram without the pressure of conforming to expectations or judgement of people who know you.

Blanket bans could hurt this technological adeptness and creativity and stop young people from teaching us how to navigate our online and offline lives.

9. Learning how to disconnect

Media literacy is also a crucial skill in today’s media saturated age. The skill of unplugging could become part of that curriculum.

Temporarily going offline is an excellent way to make students aware of their relationship with social media. Schools could have media-free classes or courses to build awareness, encourage new habits and support students to develop new routines.

10. Better options than a ban

No one is arguing that social media hasn’t had a negative effect on individuals and society as a whole. But instead of a ban, why not work to improve the platforms?

We could focus regulatory efforts on creating safer spaces, like we do with physical buildings.

Overseas advocacy work on children’s digital rights shows how we can protect children from algorithms, gamification and other predatory tactics used by social media platforms, rather than introducing an outright ban.

The Conversation

Alex Beattie receives funding from The Royal Society of New Zealand. He has previously won a Marsden Fast Start Grant.

ref. 10 reasons why banning social media for New Zealanders under 16 is a bad idea – and will affect adults too – https://theconversation.com/10-reasons-why-banning-social-media-for-new-zealanders-under-16-is-a-bad-idea-and-will-affect-adults-too-256065

COVID is still around and a risk to vulnerable people. What are the symptoms in 2025? And how long does it last?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Meru Sheel, Associate Professor and Epidemiologist, Infectious Diseases, Immunisation and Emergencies (IDIE) Group, Sydney School of Public Health, University of Sydney

Five years ago, COVID was all we could think about. Today, we’d rather forget about lockdowns, testing queues and social distancing. But the virus that sparked the pandemic, SARS-CoV-2, is still circulating.

Most people who get COVID today will experience only a mild illness. But some people are still at risk of severe illness and are more likely to be hospitalised with COVID. This includes older people, those who are immunocompromised by conditions such as cancer, and people with other health conditions such as diabetes.

Outcomes also tend to be more severe in those who experience social inequities such as homelessness. In the United Kingdom, people living in the 20% most deprived areas have double chance of being hospitalised from infectious diseases than those in the least deprived areas.

How many cases and hospitalisations?

In Australia, 58,000 COVID cases have been reported so far in 2025. However, testing rates have declined and not all positive cases are reported to the government, so case numbers in the community are likely much higher.

Latest data from FluCan, a network of 14 hospitals, found 781 people were hospitalised for COVID complications in the first three months of the year. This “sentinel surveillance” data gives a snapshot from a handful of hospitals, so the actual number of hospitalisations across Australia is expected to be much higher.

While deaths are lower than previous years, 289 people died from COVID-related respiratory infections in the first two months of the year.

What can we expect as we head into winter?

We often see an increase in respiratory infections in winter.

However, COVID peaks aren’t just necessarily seasonal. Over the past few years, peaks have tended to appear around every six months.

What are the most common COVID symptoms?

Typical early symptoms of COVID included fever, cough, sore throat, runny nose and shortness of breath. These have remained the most common COVID symptoms across the multiple variant waves.

Early in the pandemic, we realised COVID caused a unique symptom called anosmia – the changed sense of taste or smell. Anosmia lasts about a week and in some cases can last longer.
Anosmia was more frequently reported from infections due to the ancestral, Gamma, and Delta variants but not for the Omicron variant, which emerged in 2021.

However, loss of smell still seems to be associated with some newer variants. A recent French study found anosmia was more frequently reported in people with JN.1.

But the researchers didn’t find any differences for other COVID symptoms between older and newer variants.

Should you bother doing a test?

Yes. Testing is particularly important if you experience COVID-like symptoms or were recently exposed to someone with COVID and are at high-risk of severe COVID. You might require timely treatment.

If you are at risk of severe COVID, you can see a doctor or visit a clinic with point-of-care testing services to access confirmatory PCR (polymerase chain reaction) testing.

Rapid antigen tests (RATs) approved by Australia’s regulator are also still available for personal use.

But a negative RAT doesn’t mean that you don’t have COVID – especially if you are symptomatic.




Read more:
COVID-19 rapid tests still work against new variants – researchers keep ‘testing the tests,’ and they pass


If you do test positive, while you don’t have to isolate, it’s best to stay at home.

If you do leave the house while experiencing COVID symptoms, minimise the spread to others by wearing a well-fitted mask, avoiding public places such as hospitals and avoiding contact with those at higher risk of severe COVID.

How long does COVID last these days?

In most people with mild to moderate COVID, it can last 7–10 days.

Symptomatic people can spread the infection to others from about 48 hours before you develop symptoms to about ten days after developing symptoms. Few people are infectious beyond that.

But symptoms can persist in more severe cases for longer.

A UK study which tracked the persistence of symptoms in 5,000 health-care workers found symptoms were less likely to last for more than 12 weeks in subsequent infections.

General fatigue, for example, was reported in 17.3% of people after the first infection compared with 12.8% after the second infection and 10.8% following the third infection.

Unvaccinated people also had more persistent symptoms.




Read more:
How long are you infectious when you have coronavirus?


Vaccinated people who catch COVID tend to present with milder disease and recover faster. This may be because vaccination prevents over-activation of the innate immune response.

Vaccination remains the best way to prevent COVID

Vaccination against COVID continues to be one of the most effective ways to prevent COVID and protect against it. Data from Europe’s most recent winter, which is yet to be peer reviewed, reports COVID vaccines were 66% effective at preventing symptomatic, confirmed COVID cases.

Most people in Australia have had at least one dose of the COVID vaccine. But if you haven’t, people over 18 years of age are recommended to have a COVID vaccine.

Boosters are available for adults over 18 years of age. If you don’t have any underlying immune issues, you’re eligible to receive a funded dose every 12 months.

Boosters are recommended for adults 65–74 years every 12 months and for those over 75 years every six months.

Adults over 18 years who are at higher risk because of weaker immune systems are recommended to get a COVID vaccine every 12 months and are eligible every six months.

Check your status and eligibility using this booster eligibility tool and you can access your vaccine history here.

A new review of more than 4,300 studies found full vaccination before a SARS-CoV-2 infection could reduce the risk of long COVID by 27% relative to no vaccination for the general adult population.

With ongoing circulation of COVID, hybrid immunity from natural infection supplemented with booster vaccination can help prevent large-scale COVID waves.

The Conversation

Meru Sheel receives funding from National Health and Medical Research Council and Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. She serves on WHO’s Immunization and Vaccines Related Implementation Research Advisory Committee (IVIR-AC)

ref. COVID is still around and a risk to vulnerable people. What are the symptoms in 2025? And how long does it last? – https://theconversation.com/covid-is-still-around-and-a-risk-to-vulnerable-people-what-are-the-symptoms-in-2025-and-how-long-does-it-last-253840

ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 7, 2025

ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 7, 2025.

In an election that played out on social media as much as TV, do leaders’ debates still matter?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Mills, Honorary Senior Lecturer, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Sydney With the election campaign now fading into the rear-view mirror, the parties, particularly the Liberals, will be reviewing their campaign strategies. A part of this will likely be the use of televised debates.

Labor has promised fast action to cut student debt, but arts students will have to wait for lower fees
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Norton, Professor of Higher Education Policy, Monash University Labor’s federal election win means university fees and costs are set to change. But some of these changes will not be immediate. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has already said planned cuts to student debt will be a top

How having no pants in public went from a nightmare to the Met Gala’s hottest fashion trend
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jye Marshall, Lecturer, Fashion Design, School of Design and Architecture, Swinburne University of Technology While the official theme of the 2025 Met Gala was Superfine: Tailoring Black Style, another trend emerged among those on the red carpet: no pants. While many might shudder at the thought of

Greens leader Adam Bandt and Teal Zoe Daniel likely to lose their seats
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne With 80% of enrolled voters counted, the ABC is giving Labor 87 of the 150 House of Representatives seats, the Coalition 40, the Greens zero and all

For 100 years, we have marvelled at planetariums. Here’s a brief history of how humans brought the stars indoors
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Bush, Senior Lecturer in History and Philosophy of Science, The University of Melbourne Ulverstone Planetarium, Hive Tasmania Picture this: a small audience is quietly ushered into a darkened room. They gasp in awe, as a brilliant night sky shines above. They wonder – as many after

More than 50 years after trying to reach Venus, a failed Soviet spacecraft is about to return to Earth
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alice Gorman, Associate Professor in Archaeology and Space Studies, Flinders University A postage stamp from the Soviet Union celebrating its Venus space program from the 1960s and 1970s. Soviet Union/Wikipedia During the height of the Cold War in the 1960s and 1970s, the USSR launched 29 spacecraft

The Premier League champions have already been crowned but there’s still a lot on the line – mainly money
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ronnie Das, Associate Professor in Data Analytics, The University of Western Australia The English Premier League (EPL) is one of the most prestigious and widely consumed soccer competitions in the world. Yet it is also manifestly lopsided when it comes to competitive balance. Only a handful of

Cheap overseas, ruinous in Australia: here’s how to make double-glazed windows the norm
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trivess Moore, Associate Professor in Property, Construction and Project Management, RMIT University New Africa/Shutterstock In Europe, double-glazed windows are standard. But in Australia, these energy-saving windows are remarkably uncommon. Correctly installed, the effect of double-glazing is remarkable. Instead of a house losing or gaining huge amounts of

More Australians are overdosing on GHB. But there are ways to reduce your risk
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jack Freestone, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, National Centre for Clinical Research on Emerging Drugs, UNSW Sydney Hendo Wang/Unsplash Gamma hydroxybutyrate – better known as GHB – is an increasingly popular illegal drug being used recreationally in Australia. While it can create feelings of euphoria, disinhibition and increased libido,

The election of a new pope is announced with smoke: what do the colours mean, and how are they made?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clare Johnson, Professor of Liturgical Studies and Sacramental Theology and Director of the ACU Centre for Liturgy, Australian Catholic University For nearly 800 years the Catholic Church has utilised the process of the conclave to elect a new pope. “Conclave” means “with a key”, indicating the cardinal-electors

Avoiding AI is hard – but our freedom to opt out must be protected
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Jin Kang, Senior Lecturer in Computer Science, RMIT University Vietnam Wachiwit Imagine applying for a job, only to find out that an algorithm powered by artificial intelligence (AI) rejected your resume before a human even saw it. Or imagine visiting a doctor where treatment options are

Popes have been European for hundreds of years. Is it time for one from Africa or Asia?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University Catholicism did not begin as a “white” faith. Born on the eastern rim of the Mediterranean, it spread through the trading routes and legions of the Roman Empire into Africa, Asia and, only later, what we now call Europe.

Moving towns: 4 stories of communities facing relocation show the complex realities of managed retreat
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stacy Vallis, Lecturer in Architecture and Emerging Technologies, Auckland University of Technology Shutterstock/Emagnetic With large parts of New Zealand having recently been pummelled by ex-tropical Cyclone Tam and ongoing bouts of heavy rain, it is important to remember that natural hazards have long shaped our cities. Two

Indonesian postcard image ‘dangerous’ but Fiji a rising star in RSF press freedom index
Pacific Media Watch To mark the release of the 2025 World Press Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) partnered with the agency The Good Company to launch a new awareness campaign that puts an ironic twist on the glossy advertising of the tourism industry. Three out of six countries featured in the exposé are from

Gender quotas are the only way for the Liberals to go: Simon Birmingham
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The Liberals’ former Senate Leader Simon Birmingham has urged the party to adopt quotas for its women in parliament, in an excoriating post-election critique. Birmingham, a leading moderate who retired from parliament in January, says given the Liberals’ parliamentary representation

Why do some people get a curved back as they age and what can I do to avoid it?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jakub Mesinovic, Research Fellow at the Institute for Physical Activity and Nutrition, Deakin University fran_kie/Shutterstock As we age, it’s common to notice posture changes: shoulders rounding, head leaning forward, back starting to curve. You might associate this with older adults and wonder: will this happen to me?

As Warren Buffett prepares to retire, does his investing philosophy have a future?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Angel Zhong, Professor of Finance, RMIT University Warren Buffett, the 94-year-old investing legend and chief executive of Berkshire Hathaway, has announced plans to step down at the end of this year. His departure will mark the end of an era for value investing, an investment approach built

Labor settled the ‘funding wars’ just before the election. Here are 4 big issues schools still face
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stewart Riddle, Professor, School of Education, University of Southern Queensland Days before Prime Minister Anthony Albanese called the federal election, the Labor government settled a long-running argument with the states over school funding. This locked in a new 25%–75% split on federal and state funding for schools.

What’s the difference between osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Giovanni E. Ferreira, NHMRC Emerging Leader Research Fellow, Institute of Musculoskeletal Health, University of Sydney Douglas Olivares/Shutterstock. Arthritis – an umbrella term for around 100 conditions that damage the joints – affects 4.1 million Australians. This is expected to rise by 31% to 5.4 million by 2040

Office design isn’t keeping up with post-COVID work styles – here’s what workers really want
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ozgur Gocer, Senior Lecturer, University of Sydney Flexible work has become the new norm, despite the best efforts of companies calling workers back to the office. Some employers assume that a return to the old ways of working is both possible and desirable. But for many workers,

In an election that played out on social media as much as TV, do leaders’ debates still matter?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Mills, Honorary Senior Lecturer, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Sydney

With the election campaign now fading into the rear-view mirror, the parties, particularly the Liberals, will be reviewing their campaign strategies. A part of this will likely be the use of televised debates.

Leaders’ debates have been part of Australian election campaigns since 1984, but the 2025 campaign set a record of four televised exchanges between Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton.

The increased frequency, ever-evolving formats and fragmenting audiences of these televised campaign rituals do not guarantee improved voter information.

Debates are idealised in international academic research as a “public service event”.

But the evolution of Australian debates over four decades suggests voter education tends to be compromised by considerations of electoral strategy and network marketing.

Risk versus reward

Back in the 1980s, debates were a more stately affair – one-off events hosted by the National Press Club and carried by the national broadcaster.

1984 Great Debate: Bob Hawke and Andrew Peacock.
National Library of Australia29.9 MB (download)

This year, all four of the Albanese–Dutton exchanges were conducted in-house by the rival television networks.

In total, the four debates reached nearly six million viewers – though “reach” only measures “the total amount of people who dipped in for at least 60 seconds on linear TV, and 15 seconds on streaming”, according to media publication Mumbrella.



Even allowing for party officials, election nerds and political scientists who watched more than one debate, these are still significant numbers, if lower than in decades past. The Australian electorate, it seems, is not yet entirely jaded about politics and politicians.

Notably, squeezing four debates into a five-week campaign meant the last two took place with pre-polling under way.

For the networks, hosting a debate presents an opportunity to showcase their stars, generate “exclusives” and maximise audiences. Their interest lies in mistakes or conflict, not policy rundowns.

By contrast, for the Labor and Liberal campaign professionals, debates are primarily about risk minimisation. Debates are high-risk verbal combat: any gaffe, “gotcha” moment, forgotten statistic or ill-disciplined response in front of a live television audience carries a potentially high cost.

So leaders spend valuable campaign hours preparing for debates, rehearsing their talking points, workshopping zingers, probing ways of exploiting the other’s weaknesses and responding to their taunts and challenges.

They are structured such that they are not debates at all. There is no exchange, no rebuttal, no counterargument. For the most part, they resemble press conferences or studio interviews: formats in which the leaders are well practised and journalists are elevated to equal prominence with the political leaders.

What’s the appeal?

The principal motivation for both incumbent and challenger is that debates offer direct and protracted opportunities to articulate their key messages.

In an era of fragmented audiences and shortened attention spans, each network promoted and gathered the viewers for them.

Opening and closing statements in which the leaders outline their contrasting visions and policy themes operate like paid advertisements – but without the payment.

The parties can then repackage the highlights into snackable short videos for social media, giving it a long tail. Both parties did this in this election.

Indeed, debates are all about whose voice is heard in an election campaign. Leaders’ debates reinforce the dominance of the major parties. Labor and Liberal strategists alike resist any suggestion that they should share the debate platform with minor parties.

But while it remains true that only the major party leaders have a chance of forming a new government, the new reality of Australian elections is that the majors rely heavily on preference flows from minor parties and independents, who thus have a legitimate claim to be heard on a debate stage.

Perhaps those in the live TV audiences who judged neither Albanese nor Dutton as winners of the debates were not “undecideds”, but minor party supporters.

Do debates shift votes?

Previous research suggests debates tend to assist challengers more than incumbents. Opposition leaders have the additional advantage of standing on an equal footing with the prime minister.

The exceptions generally occur when incumbents look likely to lose the election and want to gain ground against their challenger. Think Paul Keating in 1996, Kevin Rudd in 2013 and Scott Morrison in 2019, who all agreed to multiple debates.

In 2025, Albanese joins that list, given his poor poll standings before the campaign began.

It is not possible to measure what, if any, effect the four debates had on Albanese’s turnaround during the campaign. Voter effects are notoriously difficult to measure.

The Australian Electoral Study has identified only modest effects in previous campaigns. Perhaps thanks to confirmation bias, debates are more likely to reinforce than change opinions.

But the 2025 campaign may suggest something more. The campaign certainly saw significant shifts in opinion, including in perceptions of the two leaders. In Newspoll, Albanese surged as preferred prime minister, and as more likely to make Australians better off over the next three years.

With hindsight, it seems clear that voters warmed to Albanese’s confidence, consistency and plans for the future, and cooled on Dutton’s policy-light focus on grievance.

My hunch is the extended exposure of the leaders over four debates, right through the campaign and into the early voting period, provided some fuel for that change in perception.

The Conversation

Stephen Mills was a staff member (1986-91) for Labor Prime Minister Bob Hawke and since 2015 has volunteered for local Labor election campaigns.

ref. In an election that played out on social media as much as TV, do leaders’ debates still matter? – https://theconversation.com/in-an-election-that-played-out-on-social-media-as-much-as-tv-do-leaders-debates-still-matter-255771

Labor has promised fast action to cut student debt, but arts students will have to wait for lower fees

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Norton, Professor of Higher Education Policy, Monash University

Labor’s federal election win means university fees and costs are set to change. But some of these changes will not be immediate.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has already said planned cuts to student debt will be a top priority for the the new parliament. A new student debt repayment system will follow soon after.

But humanities students paying nearly A$17,000 a year for their studies – thanks to the Job-ready Graduates scheme introduced by the Morrison government – will probably have to wait until 2027 for lower fees.

Reduction in student debt

People with student debt will benefit from a 20% cut to how much they owe. As the Greens support wiping student debt entirely, Labor is likely to only need one or two other senators to pass the cut.

With more Labor senators elected, Labor will be less reliant on crossbenchers to get legislation through parliament.

Labor says the debt reduction will apply before 3.2% indexation is applied to HELP loan balances on June 1 this year. Given this deadline is mere weeks away, the necessary legislation will probably need to be retrospective.

On average, the 20% reduction will save Australia’s 3 million student debtors about $5,500 each.

A new student debt repayment system

Another promised Labor change will deliver quick cash benefits to the about 1.2 million people making compulsory student debt repayments.

If the Senate agrees, for the 2025-26 financial year, the income threshold to start repaying student loans will increase from $56,156 to $67,000. Anyone earning less than $67,000 in 2025-26 will repay nothing that financial year, compared to between $561 and $1,340 under current settings.

Once the $67,000 income threshold is reached, student debtors will repay 15% of their income above this amount up to an income of $125,000, when the rate moves up to 17%. For example, a person earning $68,000 will be $1,000 above the new threshold – 15% of $1,000 equals a repayment of $150. Under the current system, somebody earning $68,000 would repay $1,360.

Employers will deduct lower HELP repayments from their payroll, delivering extra cash to student debtor employees. Given the limited time before the thresholds are scheduled to change on July 1, employers may start with the old repayment system and transition to the new one after the necessary legislation passes.

Understand the fine print

During the election campaign, the Parliamentary Budget Office released work it did on HELP repayment scenarios for independent ACT Senator David Pocock, who was reelected on Saturday.

This showed how under Labor’s proposed system, people with student debt will take longer to repay and incur higher indexation costs. If student debtors are concerned about this they can make voluntary repayments.

What happens to the Job-ready Graduates scheme?

A key to reducing repayment times is students accruing less debt in the first place. The Morrison government’s Job-ready Graduates policy increased student contributions for business, law and most arts subjects. Currently they pay $16,992 a year for their studies.

The Coalition introduced this change in 2022 in a bid to encourage more university students to study “job-ready” teaching, nursing and STEM subjects.

A new Australian Tertiary Education Commission, which Labor plans to legislate in the second half of 2025, will review student contribution levels as part of its broader role in managing the domestic student funding system.

Last year, the Australian Universities Accord final report recommended student contributions should no longer be designed to steer course choices. Instead they should be based on expected future earnings.

Using this principle, humanities students would pay the cheapest student contribution level. But this will not happen quickly.

The new commission has a lot of work to do, with new student contributions forming part of a broader funding overhaul. The government then needs to accept any recommendations and legislate the new rates.

Unfortunately for current students, this process means that student contributions are unlikely to change before 2027 at the earliest.

International students

While many domestic students are set to eventually pay less for their education, international students face early increases in costs. During the election campaign, Labor announced student visa application fees will increase from $1,600 to $2,000. As recently as June 2024 the visa application fee was only $710.

This latest visa increase adds another item to an already long list of policies designed to discourage or block potential international students. It probably isn’t the last.

Although student visa applications have trended down, the number of student visa holders in Australia at the end of March 2025 was higher than at the same time in 2023 or 2024.

The government might try again to legislate formal caps on international student numbers. The Greens combined with the Liberals to block this in 2024.

Commonwealth Prac Payments

With Labor returned, eligible teaching, nursing and social work students will receive $331.65 a week when on mandatory work placements.

While the “Commonwealth Prac Payments” policy is scheduled to start on July 1, the necessary legal instrument is not yet in place.

Late in the election campaign the Coalition announced that, if elected, it would proceed with Prac Payments as a loan, rather than a grant.

With the election result, Prac Payments can go ahead as originally planned. The minister can authorise the necessary delegated legislation before parliament sits. While the Senate could later “disallow” Prac Payments, the new Senate numbers make this very unlikely.

Needs-based funding

Labor’s election win should see another so far unlegislated program – needs-based funding for equity students – proceed as promised from January 1 2026.

This will be a per student payment made to universities for each low socioeconomic status and First Nations student, along with each student enrolled at a regional campus. The idea is similar to needs-based funding for schools.

Whether or not current education minister Jason Clare remains in the portfolio, Labor has a large higher education agenda to implement. In some areas the detail is already clear. But significant work remains to develop the new Australian Tertiary Education Commission and a new domestic student funding system.

With several policy start dates due in the next eight weeks, the government will need to move quickly.

Andrew Norton provided higher education policy advice to previous Liberal governments and served on the Universities Accord reference group during the first Albanese government.

His current employer, Monash University, is significantly affected by policies on international students.

ref. Labor has promised fast action to cut student debt, but arts students will have to wait for lower fees – https://theconversation.com/labor-has-promised-fast-action-to-cut-student-debt-but-arts-students-will-have-to-wait-for-lower-fees-255872

How having no pants in public went from a nightmare to the Met Gala’s hottest fashion trend

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jye Marshall, Lecturer, Fashion Design, School of Design and Architecture, Swinburne University of Technology

While the official theme of the 2025 Met Gala was Superfine: Tailoring Black Style, another trend emerged among those on the red carpet: no pants.

While many might shudder at the thought of wearing their underwear in public, the no-pants trend has picked up steam in recent years, with celebrities such as Kristen Stewart, Kendall Jenner, Bella Hadid, Sydney Sweeney and many more rocking the look.

Lisa’s outfit confuses the internet

Pop singer Sabrina Carpenter and K-pop star Lisa in particular rocked the internet with their pantless outfits at the Met Gala – although the latter has stirred up some controversy.

Social media users were offended by Lisa’s underwear – part of a lacy bodysuit designed by Louis Vuitton – which seems to have an image of civil rights activist Rosa Parks embroidered onto it (although this hasn’t been confirmed), along with a number of other figures.

It’s possible the look wouldn’t seem quite as offensive if the rest of the bodysuit wasn’t concealed by the blazer. Nonetheless, it’s a less successful attempt at marrying the gala’s theme of Black dandyism with one of the hottest trends in fashion right now.

But where exactly does the no-pants trend come from? Is it as “new” as it seems? And do we have Bridget Jones herself to thank?

The modern revival of no pants

The revival of no pants, or mini shorts, marks a shift towards individualism in fashion, and is possibly also leveraging shock value. We’ve seen the trend slowly reemerge since 2022, with celebrity outfits and a series of runway adoptions.

The latest runways have continued to deliver collections with hot pants, mini shorts and simply no pants, including Miu Miu Spring 2024 RTW, Alexander Wang Spring 2025 RTW and Louis Vuitton Spring 2025.

The body positive movement may also be a factor in the way celebrities are expressing themselves. The no-pants trend is a moment to celebrate the legs. It’s also particularly useful for people who are shorter, as it creates the illusion of longer legs by pulling the focus to the torso.

Sabrina Carpenter told Vogue she was specifically advised by Pharrell Williams – Louis Vuitton’s men’s creative director – to not wear pants at the Met Gala due to her short stature.

Back to the origins

While fashion is often seen as frivolous, the way we dress is actually closely linked with cultural, economic and political movements.

Pants for women have a long and complex history. Before the mid-19th century, it was considered unacceptable for women in Western societies to wear bloomers (pants), as this was seen as a threat to male power.

This 1896 satirical cartoon by William H. Walker (1871-1938) shows a navy ship crewed by women.
untitled; William H. Walker Cartoon Collection, MC068, Public Policy Papers, Department of Special Collections, Princeton University Library

The taboo continued up until the early 19th century, with one 1903 men’s magazine presenting a special issue of “bifurcated girls” – that is, women posing in trousers.

And it was only in 2013 that France officially overturned a 200-year-old (unenforced) ban that said women could only wear trousers with permission from the police.

If the no-pants trend seems overtly or subtly transgressive, it is because of the centuries women have spent trying to negotiate how much they can show of their bodies.

Exoticism also has a big role to play in the way women adopted trends to expose their body. In the past, each time women revealed parts of their body they weren’t “supposed to”, they’ve been met with public shock.

As for the no-pants trend, we can probably trace the first contemporary examples of this back to the rise of ballet clothing and dancewear, particularly the leotard, from the 1950s onward.

The workout videos of the 1980s (hello, Jane Fonda) also boosted the popularity of the look.

The fashion life cycle

For women, pants provided practicality and freedom of movement, which was especially important as they took on men’s roles during the first and second world wars. So it’s no surprise womens’ pants became a fashion mainstay.

Other trends, such as going pantless, will usually come into mainstream fashion in one of two ways. Either they trickle down from runways and celebrities, or bubble up from street style or social media.

Trend cycles begin with “innovators” and “early adopters” – the bold among us who are ready to take the risk before others. Research into fashion trends suggests about 1% to 2.5% of the population are innovators who will adopt a style before it gains traction among the public.

Trends will generally die when they hit a point of saturation and people become tired of them. While a trend that’s closer to classic fashion may last ten years, fashion “fads” tend to fizzle out after about one to two years.

Given the Met Gala appearances, I think the no-pants look will be sticking around for at least another year. We can also expect it to dilute as it trickles down into mainstream fashion, which means we might see more mini shorts in stores instead.

Jye Marshall is a member of the Australian Fashion Council and Ethical Clothing Australia Accreditation.

ref. How having no pants in public went from a nightmare to the Met Gala’s hottest fashion trend – https://theconversation.com/how-having-no-pants-in-public-went-from-a-nightmare-to-the-met-galas-hottest-fashion-trend-255952

Greens leader Adam Bandt and Teal Zoe Daniel likely to lose their seats

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

With 80% of enrolled voters counted, the ABC is giving Labor 87 of the 150 House of Representatives seats, the Coalition 40, the Greens zero and all Others ten, with 13 seats remaining undecided.

Based on votes realigned to a Greens vs Labor two candidate count in Melbourne, the ABC has Greens leader Adam Bandt trailing Labor by almost 4,400 votes (52.9–47.1). This would be a 9.4% swing to Labor from the Greens since the 2022 election. Analyst Kevin Bonham agrees with the ABC’s estimate. Primary votes are 40.3% Bandt (down 4.4%), 31.5% Labor (up 5.8%) and 19.1% Liberals (down 0.5%).

Bandt had won Melbourne by 60.2–39.8 against Labor at the 2022 election, but his margin was reduced to 56.5–43.5 by an unfavourable redistribution. Bandt has become hated by the right, so it’s natural that their preferences would go to Labor ahead of Bandt.

If this result is confirmed, the Greens will have lost three of their four House seats. In the fourth seat (Ryan), The Poll Bludger’s projections have the Greens just ahead of Labor when one of these parties is excluded, so they will probably beat the Liberal National Party on Labor preferences.

Despite these losses, the Greens overall vote has held up, down 0.5% to 11.8%. It’s likely the Greens will improve when absent votes start being counted; these votes were cast outside a voter’s home electorate.

The problem for the Greens is that their vote has become too dispersed and not concentrated enough to win single-member seats. In the proportional Senate, the Greens have performed far better, holding all their six seats that were last elected in 2019 (one from each state).

Liberal Tim Wilson gains Goldstein

The ABC has called a Liberal gain in Goldstein, with Teal independent incumbent Zoe Daniel defeated by a current margin of 684 votes. Daniel won on ordinary votes, which include election day and pre-poll votes cast within Goldstein, by 51.8–48.2. But the nearly 14,000 postals counted so far have favoured Wilson by a huge 64–36, and there’s still at least 6,000 postals to be counted.

In other close Teal vs Liberal contests, an amendment to a pre-poll booth hurt the Teal in Liberal-held Bradfield, and she now trails by 178 votes. Postals that have heavily favoured the Liberal are almost finished, and the Teal may be able to regain the lead on other vote types.

In Kooyong, incumbent Teal Monique Ryan leads the Liberals by 622 votes. Ryan won ordinary votes by 52.3–47.7, but she’s losing the 14,000 postals counted so far by 62–38, and there’s still at least 6,500 postals to be counted.

Other close seats

The electoral commission is still realigning the two candidate count in Bendigo, Bean and Fremantle. he ABC estimates Labor has an 1,183 vote lead over the Nationals in Bendigo, a 355 vote lead over a Teal independent in Fremantle, but Labor trails a Teal independent in Bean by 943 votes.

In Liberal-held Menzies, Labor leads by almost 1,400 votes and should win, as the Liberal-favouring postals are nearly finished. In Labor-held Bullwinkel, Labor leads the Liberals by 50 votes and should extend their lead once vote types other than postals start being counted. In LNP-held Longman, the LNP leads Labor by 439 votes, but postals are nearly finished and Labor may regain the lead on other vote types.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Greens leader Adam Bandt and Teal Zoe Daniel likely to lose their seats – https://theconversation.com/greens-leader-adam-bandt-and-teal-zoe-daniel-likely-to-lose-their-seats-256067

For 100 years, we have marvelled at planetariums. Here’s a brief history of how humans brought the stars indoors

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Bush, Senior Lecturer in History and Philosophy of Science, The University of Melbourne

Ulverstone Planetarium, Hive Tasmania

Picture this: a small audience is quietly ushered into a darkened room. They gasp in awe, as a brilliant night sky shines above. They wonder – as many after them will do – what trickery has made the roof above their heads disappear?

But this is a performance; the stars above an ingenious projection. For the first time a public audience has experienced the spectacle of the opto-mechanical planetarium. The location is the newly opened Deutsches Museum in Munich, built to celebrate science and technology. The date is May 7 1925.

Visualising the heavens

Throughout time, cultures around the world have used the stars to help make sense of the world, to understand where we come from and determine our place in the cosmos.

People have tried to recreate the movements of the stars and planets since antiquity. In the 1700s, the orrery, a clockwork model of the Solar System, was developed. The word “planetarium” was invented to describe orreries that featured the planets.

One room-sized orrery example was built by the self-taught Frisian astronomer Eise Eisinga. It’s still operational today in Franeker, Netherlands.

No human has ever been to the edge of the Solar System to see this view. Orreries, and other mechanical models of the universe like celestial globes, present views from impossible, external perspectives.

Eise Eisinga’s orrery was constructed on a scale of 1mm:1 million km with the pendulum clock that drives the mechanism located in the ceiling above.
Erik Zachte, CC BY-SA

The first planetariums

The desire for a realistic view of the stars and planets, created from a perspective we actually see, gathered pace in the early 20th century as light pollution from growing cities diminished the view of the night sky.

People like Oskar von Miller, first director of the Deutsches Museum in Munich, Germany, wanted to return this vision of the stars and planets to everyone. (Ironically, von Miller’s earlier career was as an electrical engineer, rolling out the city lighting that contributed to light pollution.)

One early attempt to create this view of the night sky was the Atwood Sphere, installed in Chicago in 1913.

Approximately five metres across, it was made of sheet metal perforated with a star map. When viewed from the inside, the light shining through 692 pinholes replicated the Chicago night sky. The whole structure could even be rotated to simulate the motion of the stars.

A realistic display of the stars is one thing. Representing the planets, whose positions in the sky change from night to night, is a different one. Von Miller and others at the Deutsches Museum knew that fixed holes could not represent the complexity of a moving planet.

What if the planets were displayed by projection? If so, couldn’t the stars be projected, as well? With this realisation, a new kind of planetarium was born, borrowing the name from earlier orreries but working in a completely different way.

The task of building such a device was given to the German optical company Carl Zeiss AG. After many setbacks, their first planetarium projector was completed in 1923, with the first performance at the Deutsches Museum a century ago today.

Planetariums were a hit with the public. Within decades, they had spread around the world – the first planetarium in the United States opened in Chicago in 1930, while the first one in Asia opened in Osaka, Japan in 1937. The popularity of planetariums particularly accelerated in the US during the space race of the 1960s.

Australia’s oldest operating planetarium is the Melbourne Planetarium, managed by Museums Victoria since 1965. In Aotearoa New Zealand, Auckland’s Stardome Observatory has been in operation since 1997. The current longest-running planetarium in the southern hemisphere is in Montevideo, Uruguay, operational since 1955.

Changing pace of technology

The opto-mechanical planetarium projector remains a technological wonder of the modern world. Individual plates, perforated with pinholes, are illuminated by a bright central light. Separate lenses focus each projection from one of these star maps to fill the entire dome with about 5,000 stars.

The Sun, Moon and planets have separate projectors driven by gears and rods that mechanically calculate the object’s position in the sky for any time or place.

The Zeiss ZKP-1 star projector was installed at Adelaide Planetarium in 1972.
Adelaide Planetarium

By the 1990s, a digital revolution had begun. With the advent of computers, the positions of the planets could now be calculated digitally. The Melbourne Planetarium became the first digital planetarium in the southern hemisphere when it installed the Digistar II in 1999.

This system, developed by computer graphics company Evans and Sutherland, replaced the multiple lenses of earlier projectors with a fisheye lens. A single beam of light swept across the whole dome so rapidly that it seemed to create a single image – albeit in a bizarre green colour, rendering a starfield of fuzzy green blobs.

The first accurate fly-through of a star field was created by Evans and Sutherland and used as the opening credits of Star Trek II: Wrath of Khan (1982).

The trade-off for a less crisp starfield was a 3D database with more than 9,000 stars. For the first time, planetarium audiences could fly through space, far beyond the edge of the Solar System.

Planetarium technology continues to develop. Today, most planetariums operate through video projection. Known as fulldome, the output from multiple projectors is blended together to create a seamless video, transforming the planetarium into a sophisticated 360-degree theatre.

A still fulldome frame from Melbourne Planetarium’s production Moonbase One, released in 2018.
Museums Victoria

A gateway to the stars

Astronomy has also changed over the last century. Just as Zeiss was completing its first projector, astronomer Edwin Hubble discovered that other galaxies exist beyond our Milky Way galaxy.

The stars shown on the dome in Munich in 1925 turned out to be just a tiny part of the universe that we know today.

Planetariums’ digital systems now incorporate data from telescopes and space agencies around the world. Audiences can fly off Earth, orbit the planets and moons of the Solar System, and explore the billions of known galaxies.

In the planetarium, data from the GAIA spacecraft shows the little Sagittarius Dwarf Galaxy dropping stars like breadcrumbs as it orbits the Milky Way.
Museums Victoria, CC BY-SA

Yet some things have not changed. From orreries and lantern slides to opto-mechanical and digital planetariums, the communication of astronomy has always been about more than just the latest results of science.

The power of the planetarium over the last 100 years has been its ability to evoke wonder and awe. It taps into our enduring fascination with the vast mystery of the night sky.

The Conversation

Tanya Hill works at the Melbourne Planetarium operated by Museums Victoria.

Martin Bush does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. For 100 years, we have marvelled at planetariums. Here’s a brief history of how humans brought the stars indoors – https://theconversation.com/for-100-years-we-have-marvelled-at-planetariums-heres-a-brief-history-of-how-humans-brought-the-stars-indoors-255228

More than 50 years after trying to reach Venus, a failed Soviet spacecraft is about to return to Earth

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alice Gorman, Associate Professor in Archaeology and Space Studies, Flinders University

A postage stamp from the Soviet Union celebrating its Venus space program from the 1960s and 1970s. Soviet Union/Wikipedia

During the height of the Cold War in the 1960s and 1970s, the USSR launched 29 spacecraft towards Venus, the planet scientists call Earth’s “twin sister”.

Three flew past Venus, and went into orbit around the Sun. Sixteen orbited or landed on Venus, where they experienced a climate often described as “hellish”.

Ten got stuck in Earth orbit. All of them re-entered Earth’s atmosphere the same year they were launched – except Kosmos 482, which has stayed aloft for 53 more years. As the last remnant of the Soviet Venus program left in Earth orbit, it’s not your average piece of space junk.

Because it was designed to withstand Venusian conditions, many think the lander may make planetfall on Earth instead of incinerating in the atmosphere. And that is expected to happen this week.

Destination Morning Star

Venus was a target of interest because its thick clouds might be hiding life on the surface. But the spacecraft were also Cold War weapons aimed at demonstrating the superiority of socialist science.

Venera 1 was launched in 1961, only four years after Sputnik 1, the first satellite. Venera 7, in 1970, was the first spacecraft to successfully soft-land instead of crashing on a planet. Vega 2 was the last USSR Venus mission in 1984.

The Venera probes were launched in pairs, a few days apart. If one failed, the other might succeed. Venera 8 was launched on March 27 1972 and reached Venus 117 days later. On March 31, its twin left Earth but failed to escape Earth orbit, earning the designation Kosmos 482.

Two scientists work on a spacecraft.
Venera 8 (pictured here) was identical to Kosmos 482 and made it to Venus.
Lavochkin/Roscosmos/Wikipedia

The spacecraft comprised a delivery “bus” about 3.5 metres tall, with a propulsion system, solar panels and a mesh dish antenna at one end, and the spherical landing craft at the other end. The landers had their own refrigeration system to cool them down and a heat shield to protect them. If all went to plan, the buses would eject the landers from orbit. The landers would hit the upper cloud decks at a speed of nearly 12km per second.

At 60km altitude, the main parachute was released to float the lander down to the surface. A range of instruments would then measure the temperature, pressure, wind speed, visibility, atmospheric gases and rock composition, and radio the results back to Earth. Each lander carried a USSR medallion inside.

But all didn’t go to plan. Venera 8 sped on its way to Venus, sending its lander down on July 22.

Fate had something different in store for Kosmos 482.

How to be space junk in one easy step

The upper rocket stage that was meant to propel the Kosmos 482 bus out of Earth orbit shut off too early because the timer wasn’t set correctly. The rocket stage fell back to Earth and burnt up, while titanium pressure vessels from its fuel system fell onto fields in Aotearoa New Zealand.

The bus and landing craft came apart in mid-June and the bus fell back into the atmosphere in 1981. The 465kg lander continued its orbit alone.

At its farthest, the lander was 9,000km away, coming as close as 210km in its highly elliptical orbit around Earth. Over 50 years, that orbit has lowered to only 2,000km at its farthest point. Now the atmosphere is dragging it back towards Earth with a predicted re-entry of May 10. You can get updates on Kosmos 482’s position here.

Venera 9 took the first images of the surface in 1975. The Venera 13 and 14 missions took the first colour photos.

Will the lander fall on Earth?

The lander had a titanium body designed to withstand Venus surface conditions of 90 times the atmospheric pressure of Earth and 470°C. After more than 50 years it won’t have the refrigeration, the capacity to aerobrake or a working parachute to slow it down and keep it cool. Its reentry will be uncontrolled.

Typically, space junk reenters at around seven kilometres per second and can reach temperatures of 1,600°C as it tears through the atmosphere. Titanium alloys have a melting point of around 1,700°C. This is why the so-called “space balls” that landed in New Zealand in April 1972 survived reentry. If they did, then the lander could as well.

Six of the nine other failed Kosmos reentries had landers or impactors, but we don’t know where they are – either they did not survive, fell into the ocean, or have not yet been found on land. This may also be the fate of the Kosmos 482 lander.

The Kosmos 482 lander filmed from Leiden in 2020 by space tracking expert Marco Langbroek (Delft Technical University)

Danger from Venus

Venus might be the planet of love, but in popular culture, it has been associated with danger.

In the 1960 East German film The Silent Star (later dubbed into English as First Spaceship on Venus), the Venusians plan to bombard Earth with radiation so they can conquer it.

In the 1968 film Night of the Living Dead, an American Venus probe returns bringing a deadly radiation which turns the dead into zombies.

An episode of the hit 1970s TV series The Six Million Dollar Man characterised a Russian Venus spacecraft as a “death probe” when it accidentally returned to Earth.

These representations reflect Cold War fears of nuclear war and war waged from space.

In the 21st century, we have a new source of anxiety: the environmental impacts of space junk. But spacecraft such as Kosmos 482 are not the junk people should be worried about.

In the past five years, there’s been a massive increase in the number of rocket launches and the number of spacecraft in low Earth orbit. More and more space junk is reentering the atmosphere. For example, it’s estimated that a Starlink satellite reenters almost every day. When it burns up, it leaves behind damaging chemicals and soot particles.

In the meantime, Venera 8 is still waiting silently on the surface of Venus for its twin to arrive.

The Conversation

Alice Gorman is an expert member of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) International Scientific Committee on Aerospace Heritage and a Fellow of the Outer Space Institute.

ref. More than 50 years after trying to reach Venus, a failed Soviet spacecraft is about to return to Earth – https://theconversation.com/more-than-50-years-after-trying-to-reach-venus-a-failed-soviet-spacecraft-is-about-to-return-to-earth-255836

The Premier League champions have already been crowned but there’s still a lot on the line – mainly money

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ronnie Das, Associate Professor in Data Analytics, The University of Western Australia

The English Premier League (EPL) is one of the most prestigious and widely consumed soccer competitions in the world.

Yet it is also manifestly lopsided when it comes to competitive balance. Only a handful of teams are title contenders each season.

The rest mainly aim to avoid relegation to the second-tier Championship, or strive to qualify for lucrative Europe-wide competitions that run alongside the domestic season.

Despite the dominance of a handful of teams, and this year’s title race already being decided in Liverpool’s favour, there is still major fan interest, even among neutrals.

The reason why is prestige and the financial windfalls for the teams that qualify for European leagues.

Soccer’s uneven playing field

Competitiveness in the Premier League has significantly declined since 1997 due to growing overseas investments.

Super-wealthy investors such as Roman Abramovich and Sheikh Mansour have permanently changed the fortunes of Chelsea and Manchester City, respectively. Since foreign acquisitions, these clubs experienced meteoric rises and dominated the league, and in Manchester City’s case, have enjoyed a near-monopoly on the league title in recent years.

Superior financial backing provides unfair advantages in the player transfer market, wage affordability, and modernising training facilities that domestically funded clubs can’t match.

This is probably a major reason why in 33 years of the EPL’s existence, there have only ever been seven different winners.

This isn’t a unique feature of the English competition.

Among the major European leagues, Barcelona and Real Madrid have combined 18 Spanish La Liga titles since 2004, Bayern Munich has won 15 German Bundesliga championships, and in Italy’s Serie A, Juventus (nine), Inter Milan (seven) and AC Milan (two) have shared the vast majority of titles over the past two decades.

This is an illustration of what economists call industrial concentration – market domination by a small number of organisations.

Normally, a fundamental principle when designing a sports league is the idea that every team should have a chance of winning it.

In US sports, such as the National Basketball Association, this is enshrined within the sport’s rules and governance.

One can argue it has been a long time since there was any such equality in English football.

Despite the criticism, there is still major interest in the Premier League, due mainly to the jostling for European qualification.

Why it’s not all about the title

Liverpool and its fans are still celebrating their title win, which they clinched with four games to spare. The victory, the club’s 20th in top-tier English soccer, equals their arch-rival Manchester United’s record.

The league’s often thrilling relegation battle has also already been decided.

But interest in the league’s final few games is still high because many clubs are jostling for European qualification.

These European-wide competitions are, in descending order of prestige, the Champions League, Europa League and the recently launched Conference League.

Organised by the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA), these competitions bring together the top teams from each major European soccer league to compete against each other.

This year, the top five English clubs (instead of the usual top four) will be offered a confirmed Champions League position. This is due to the collective best performance of English clubs this season in the Champions League.

At the time of writing, there is only a seven-point spread between the six teams still vying for a top-five finish, with three games left to play.

The sixth team in the league table, and the FA Cup winner, also receives the opportunity to join Europe’s second-tier club league tournament, the Europa League.

And the Carabao Cup winner secures a spot in the third-tier Conference League.

With Newcastle United (Carabao Cup winner) and Manchester City (favourite for FA Cup final) likely to finish in the top five Premier League places, the race for Europe is getting more intense with mathematical permutations suggesting up to ten Premier League places may be open to European league qualification.

This means 12 EPL teams are still fighting for every single point.

European qualification delivers enormous financial incentives. For many of the smaller competing clubs, such as Bournemouth, Nottingham Forest and Fulham, this is a once-in-a-generation opportunity.

Money matters

Champions League qualification offers the largest financial rewards, with a €2.467 billion prize pool (A$4.34 billion), and minimum €18.62 million (A$32.7 million) reward per club for participation.

Each victory during the tournament’s league stage also attracts a further €2.1 million (A$3.69 million) performance bonus, and bonuses for qualifying for the knockout stage range from €1 million to €18.5 million (A$1.75 million to $32.4 million) per club, depending on how far they progress.

For Europa League participation, the reward is €4.31 million (A$7.57 million) per team, and €3.17 million (A$5.57 million) for the Conference League.

This money is vital for clubs’ survival, especially as player wages and the transfer market have skyrocketed in recent years.

For example, Manchester City’s Erling Haaland, the highest-paid Premier League player, earns £500,000 (A$1.028 million) per week.

So, having the financial means to purchase top-quality players and sustain a strong team is becoming incredibly difficult for clubs with limited investments and earnings.

For smaller clubs, qualifying for European competition can be a lifeline, which is why there’s still so much interest in the Premier League’s upper mid-table battles – despite Liverpool already being a week into the title celebrations.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The Premier League champions have already been crowned but there’s still a lot on the line – mainly money – https://theconversation.com/the-premier-league-champions-have-already-been-crowned-but-theres-still-a-lot-on-the-line-mainly-money-254700

Cheap overseas, ruinous in Australia: here’s how to make double-glazed windows the norm

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trivess Moore, Associate Professor in Property, Construction and Project Management, RMIT University

New Africa/Shutterstock

In Europe, double-glazed windows are standard. But in Australia, these energy-saving windows are remarkably uncommon.

Correctly installed, the effect of double-glazing is remarkable. Instead of a house losing or gaining huge amounts of heat through its windows, double-glazed windows help keep the indoor temperature at a consistent temperature – reducing the need to crank up the air-con or heater.

In hot parts of Australia, these windows would keep out heat. In cold, they would keep heat in. They also slash outside noise. Houses with double-glazing can add resale value and even improve occupant health.

Why are they not standard? There are several reasons. But our research in Victoria found the main one is cost – double-glazing costs much more than a standard single-glazed window.

Heat loss and gain through windows is responsible for about 1.5% of Australia’s total energy use. As climate change intensifies, making double-glazing standard in Australia would cut household energy bills and make life indoors more pleasant. Other countries are moving to even higher performance triple-glazed windows. But Australia is stuck.

Why does double glazing work so well?

Windows let light and often air into a home. But they can also be the main way heat enters or leaves. Double-glazing works by adding a gap between two panes, often filled with dense argon gas, which doesn’t transfer heat well. The window frame material is important, too, to reduce heat transfer.

We measure the insulating quality of a window with a U-value – essentially, how much heat can be transferred through the glass. The lower this value, the more insulating the window.

A basic single-glazed window has a U-value of about 6. On a typical Australian home, these windows mean significant air conditioning is often required to maintain a comfortable temperature indoors during summer and winter.

Double-glazed windows with advanced design features common in North America and Europe typically have a U-value of 2.4 or less. When combined with wall and roof insulation, they can significantly reduce the need for heating or cooling. Triple-glazed are better still, with a U-value of 0.8 or less.

Many countries with snowy winters have taken to double-glazed windows as a way to reduce heating costs.
brizmaker/Shutterstock

Standard overseas, rare in Australia

In the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and much of Europe, double-glazed windows have been the norm for several decades. Commonly, these windows use argon gas between the two sheets and improve insulation further with low emittance coatings, thin transparent layers of metal which block solar rays.

In many of these countries, single-glazed windows have largely disappeared and retrofitting older houses with double-glazing is routine.

Anyone embarking on a renovation in Australia will soon discover double-glazing tends to be seen as a specialist eco-retrofit measure rather than something done as standard.

In 2016, only 6% of windows installed in new houses in Australia had U-values below 4. In 2024, that figure was 19%, indicating high performance windows are slowly becoming more common. But there’s still much to do to make them the norm.

Why is progress slow? We spoke to stakeholders in window manufacturing and building in Australia.

These industry experts explained why Australia is lagging:

  • historically low-cost energy means the typical response to heat or cold is to install air conditioning

  • single-glazed windows have long been the norm

  • Australians often haven’t heard of high-performance windows or understand why they matter

  • only a few companies make these windows in Australia, meaning competition is limited and costs remain high

  • at present, there’s no requirement to include double-glazed windows in new builds or renovations

  • housing affordability issues mean owners want to keep upfront construction costs as low as possible.

Window manufacturers in Australia are interested in moving into double-glazing, but the demand isn’t there yet.
Anatoliy Cherkas/Shutterstock

What should be done?

In our research, many windows industry insiders told us they were ready to scale up production of higher performance windows. The skills and technologies needed are here. What’s missing was the demand.

When we interviewed builders, they told us the choice of windows wasn’t simple. They had to weigh up material costs, existing supplier relationships and industry practices. Some told us it was cheaper at times to import from Europe or Asia than to buy Australian-made.

In part, this is a chicken and egg problem. Prices are high because there’s little demand and demand is limited because prices are high.

So what should be done?

Overseas experience has shown boosting demand is the key. If double-glazed windows become more common, more manufacturers will enter the Australian market and prices will drop.

The quickest way to do this would be to require their use in new construction and renovation.

At first, the industry might struggle to meet this demand. But that would create clear incentives for new players here or overseas to meet the demand.

Government support could help window manufacturers upgrade machinery and processes to be able to meet new demand.

Subsidies could help offset the costs to households, if designed to sunset after a set period. Any subsidies should target groups such as vulnerable older Australians affected by energy poverty as well as renters on low incomes.

Making this a reality is doable. After all, New Zealand did exactly this. In 2007, policymakers introduced new minimum performance requirements for windows. It took about four years to shift the market from single-glazed to predominantly double-glazed. Australia could do the same.

Trivess Moore has received funding from various organisations including the Australian Research Council, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, Victorian government and various industry partners. He is a trustee of the Fuel Poverty Research Network.

Lisa de Kleyn received funding from Sustainability Victoria, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia, 3000, for a short-term research project on the high performance window industry in 2023.

Ralph Horne has received funding from various sources including the Australian Research Council, the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute and the Victorian government to support research related to this topic.

Tom Simko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Cheap overseas, ruinous in Australia: here’s how to make double-glazed windows the norm – https://theconversation.com/cheap-overseas-ruinous-in-australia-heres-how-to-make-double-glazed-windows-the-norm-250280

More Australians are overdosing on GHB. But there are ways to reduce your risk

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jack Freestone, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, National Centre for Clinical Research on Emerging Drugs, UNSW Sydney

Hendo Wang/Unsplash

Gamma hydroxybutyrate – better known as GHB – is an increasingly popular illegal drug being used recreationally in Australia.

While it can create feelings of euphoria, disinhibition and increased libido, GHB carries serious risks. The difference between a recreational dose and an overdose of GHB – usually taken as a liquid – can be less than 0.5ml.

What is GHB?

GHB (also sometimes called “G”, “juice”, “Gina” or “fantasy”) has gained attention globally due to associated harms. It is generally a colourless and odourless liquid which may taste bitter or salty.

When taken at higher doses, GHB acts as a depressant, slowing down breathing and heart rate.

At low doses (about 1ml), it can cause effects such as euphoria, increased libido and lowered inhibitions. For this reason, GHB is often used as a party drug (for example, in night clubs) and to facilitate sex.

Other chemicals called gamma butyrolactone (GBL) and 1,4-butanediol (1,4-BD) are often sold or used as substitutes to GHB, producing broadly similar effects.

How widely is it used?

Only 0.2% of Australian residents report having used GHB in the past year. This is low compared to other drugs such as cannabis (11.5%) or cocaine (4.5%).

However, among certain groups GHB use is much higher.

In 2024, 12% of people who regularly take ecstasy and other illicit stimulants (such as methamphetamine) said they’d also used GHB in the previous six months. Among those who regularly inject drugs, it was 15%. This data is collected annually and shows GHB use has increased among these groups over the past five years.

Surveys of gay and bisexual men also indicate higher use: nearly 20% say they have taken GHB at least once in their life.

Risks of a ‘G-drop’ or ‘blow-out’

GHB carries a high risk for overdose. This is because there is a very small difference in a dose that produces euphoric or relaxing effects and one that causes a loss of consciousness.

A GHB overdose is often called a “G-drop” or “blow-out”. People who overdose may experience unconsciousness and muscle twitching, seizures and respiratory depression – when a person stops breathing.

Unfortunately, unlike overdoses caused by opioids – which may be reversed by administering naloxone – there is no drug that can reverse the effects of GHB.

Witnessing a GHB overdose can be very distressing. You should call emergency services on 000 and meanwhile keep the person’s airways clear and monitor their breathing.

Dependence and other harms

Harms related to GHB have been escalating over the past ten years. Notably, GHB-related ambulance attendances, emergency presentations and hospitalisations have increased. For example, in Victoria, ambulance attendances related to GHB increased 147% between 2012 and 2019.

People who use GHB at least once a day can become dependent. If someone is using GHB daily, it is always recommended they consult a medical provider before stopping. Suddenly stopping can cause severe and even life-threatening withdrawal symptoms.

Sex and consent

Because GHB decreases inhibitions and enhances libido, some people also choose to combine it with sex.

In our research, we’ve found those who do this often use a range of strategies to care for themselves and their partners. For example, they may communicate about their sexual interests, boundaries and limits beforehand, and communicate consent both verbally and non-verbally.

Several high-profile cases overseas and in Australia have also drawn attention to the use of GHB in drink spiking and drug-facilitated sexual assault.

These instances are deeply concerning. However, many studies show other drugs – such as cannabis and even alcohol – are more commonly used in drug-facilitated sexual assault.

Detecting GHB in cases of sexual assault can be difficult and the true prevalence of drug-facilitated sexual assault in Australia is unknown, meaning we don’t have consistent data on how often GHB is used in sexual assault.

If people who voluntarily use GHB for sex experience distressing sexual situations, research shows they may resist labelling these as sexual violence. This can mean, despite their anguish, they may not seek support from sexual assault services.

Our research suggests people who use GHB may be more willing to seek help when services use different language to offer support – focusing on “confusion” or “concern” about sexual encounters, rather than sexual violence.

Silhoutte of man hunched in bedroom on bed.
Not everyone who has distressing experiences combining GHB and sex will want to use the term sexual violence.
Pixel-Shot/Shutterstock

Strategies to reduce harm

Our research also shows knowledge about GHB and harm reduction can make a difference. We interviewed 31 people who’d used GHB three or more times in the previous year.

They reported a range of strategies to keep themselves, their friends and sexual partners safe when using GHB. These include:

  • measuring every dose carefully

  • always starting with a low dose

  • spacing out doses over time

  • avoiding mixing GHB with other central nervous system depressants, such as alcohol

  • communicating openly about consent, sexual interests and boundaries when combining GHB with sex.

Shifting patterns

We still don’t know exactly why there is an increase in GHB use in Australia.

Possible factors include its low price and increased availability.

New groups using GHB, including people who inject drugs and women, may also contribute to the increase in harms such as hospitalisations. They may be less familiar with safer ways to use the drug. We need more research to understand why and how these new groups are using it.

There is also a lot we still need to learn about GHB’s long-term impacts on health and wellbeing.

Australian guidelines have been published on the management of GHB withdrawal.

However, there are few guidelines for clinicians and service providers about how best to work alongside people seeking to reduce their GHB use. We need more research to understand the experiences of people who use services aiming to reduce their use of GHB or withdraw.

Advice about drug use and treatment is available for free at the National Alcohol and Other Drug Hotline.

You can report unexpected overdoses to the Poisons Information Centre from anywhere in Australia on 131 126. In an emergency, call 000.

The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

The Conversation

Jack Freestone provides occasional consultancy services for ACON, a community health organisation for sexuality and gender diverse communities in NSW.

Krista Siefried receives funding from the Department of Health and Aged Care Australia, and the National Health and Medical Research Council.

ref. More Australians are overdosing on GHB. But there are ways to reduce your risk – https://theconversation.com/more-australians-are-overdosing-on-ghb-but-there-are-ways-to-reduce-your-risk-253128

The election of a new pope is announced with smoke: what do the colours mean, and how are they made?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clare Johnson, Professor of Liturgical Studies and Sacramental Theology and Director of the ACU Centre for Liturgy, Australian Catholic University

For nearly 800 years the Catholic Church has utilised the process of the conclave to elect a new pope. “Conclave” means “with a key”, indicating the cardinal-electors are locked up with a key to conduct their deliberations.

With no direct communication to the outside world, a key feature of the papal election process is the use of smoke to signal the result of ballots and to announce the election of a new pope.

Black smoke means a new pope has not been elected. White smoke means there is a new pope.

So where does this tradition come from – and how do they achieve the different coloured smoke?

Sending messages with smoke

Smoke signals are one of the oldest forms of long-distance communication between humans. For millennia, smoke signals have been used to indicate danger, to call for a gathering of tribes/nations, to transmit news and to warn of enemy invasions

Many indigenous peoples (such as those of North America, South America, China and Australia) are known for their sophisticated use of smoke signalling techniques to indicate specific messages to those at a distance.

These techniques can include changing the location of the fire (such as halfway up or at the top of a hill), adjusting the colour of smoke (using different types of foliage or damp/dry foliage) and the interruption or diversion of the smoke column at different intervals to produce particular patterns of smoke.

Catholic incense

Catholics utilise smoke in many rituals in the form of incense.

Incense (from the Latin incendere, meaning “to burn”) signifies prayer, sacrifice and reverence for people and objects. This fragrant smoke symbolises the prayer of the assembly rising up to God. Psalm 141:2 asks “may prayer be set before you like incense”. In Revelations 8:3–5, an angel is “given much incense to offer, with the prayers of all God’s people”.

Boys in red and white robes, swinging metal incense burners.
Catholics use incense during entrance processions, as with these altar boys swinging the thurible.
Bilderstoeckchen/Shutterstock

Catholics inherited their use of incense from its use in Jewish temple rituals and Greek imperial court rituals.

The smoke from the incense is used to show reverence toward the Gospel book, the presiding celebrant, the gifts of bread and wine offered at Mass, the altar, cross, the Easter Candle and the body of the deceased at a funeral.

This holy smoke is a visual and olfactory signal of the congregation’s offerings of supplication and praise rising up to God.

Crafting the smoke

Once the conclave begins, the only form of communication between the cardinal-electors and the outside world will be smoke signals sent through the chimney of a stove specially installed in the Sistine Chapel for the duration of the conclave.

Etching: a crowd gathers in a plaza to watch the smoke.
The 1878 conclave was held at the Sistine Chapel. Smoke, depicted here, indicated there was no new pope.
Wikimedia Commons

The tradition of burning the ballots goes back to at least 1417, though it wasn’t until the 18th century that the first chimney was installed in the Sistine Chapel. At this time, the appearance of smoke at set times indicated no new pope had been elected; while the absence of smoke indicated there was a new pope.

Prior to this it is likely that a new pope was simply announced from the loggia (central balcony) of St Peter’s Basilica and a written announcement was posted outside for people to read.

Since 1914, white smoke has indicated the election of a new pope. A stereotypical association of the colour of the smoke – white (positive) and black (negative) – lies behind the use of the two contrasting smoke colours.

In 1904, Pius X (who was pope from 1903–14) mandated that all notes taken by cardinals during the election were to be burned along with the ballots themselves. This burning of notes also increased the volume of smoke, making it clearly visible to the public outside when his successor Pope Benedict XV was elected in 1914.

The use of chemicals to ensure either black or white smoke was introduced after the 1958 conclave when damp straw added to papers from an unsuccessful ballot did not ignite at first. White smoke appeared before eventually turning black, causing confusion among the crowd gathered outside.

Black and white photograph: a crowd in a square.
A crowd watches as black smoke rises from the Sistine Chapel at the 1922 conclave.
Wikimedia Commons/Bibliothèque nationale de France

In 2013, the Vatican Press Office released the chemical formulae used to create black and white smoke.

To generate black smoke, potassium perchlorate and anthracene (a component of coal tar) fuelled with sulfur are electrically ignited. To generate white smoke, potassium chlorate, milk sugar and pine rosin are ignited.

Using these smoke signals, the cardinals can communicate from within the conclave immediately and directly to the faithful awaiting the announcement of the Church’s 267th Pope.

The Conversation

Clare Johnson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The election of a new pope is announced with smoke: what do the colours mean, and how are they made? – https://theconversation.com/the-election-of-a-new-pope-is-announced-with-smoke-what-do-the-colours-mean-and-how-are-they-made-255595

Avoiding AI is hard – but our freedom to opt out must be protected

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Jin Kang, Senior Lecturer in Computer Science, RMIT University Vietnam

Wachiwit

Imagine applying for a job, only to find out that an algorithm powered by artificial intelligence (AI) rejected your resume before a human even saw it. Or imagine visiting a doctor where treatment options are chosen by a machine you can’t question.

This isn’t science fiction. It’s becoming a reality for many people today. AI quietly shapes almost every part of our lives – from the news we read chosen by AI to how our cities manage traffic. AI promises convenience, productivity, innovation and efficiency.

But as it grows more powerful, one urgent question is being overlooked: do people have the right to live free from AI’s influence?

Excluded from modern life

Opting out of AI is no simple matter.

AI powers essential systems such as healthcare, transport and finance.

It also influences hiring decisions, rental applications, loans, credit scoring, social media feeds, government services and even what news or information we see when we search online.

Challenging decisions made by AI in your life can be enormously difficult – and may only be able to be done in court. It’s even harder to choose to live without AI entirely, as this requires stepping away from much of modern life. For example, Australian users of Meta’s social media platforms cannot opt out of having their data used to train the company’s AI models.

A growing divide

AI-driven systems are biased. Automated hiring tools favour certain demographics, and AI-powered credit scoring can unfairly deny loans.

These biases are not just theoretical but they are real and present in our daily interactions. If AI becomes the gatekeeper for essential services, those who choose to avoid it could face significant disadvantages.

In many countries where digital systems are expanding rapidly, a large portion of the population struggles to adapt to these technologies. For example in India, only 12% of people over the age of 15 are considered digitally literate highlighting the challenges of technological changes.

Many face exclusion simply because they don’t fit into the AI-defined model. In these cases, opting out of AI isn’t a personal choice anymore, but it’s a matter of survival in a rapidly changing world. The divide between those who embrace AI and those who are left behind is widening and becoming a social barrier.

This isn’t just about bias or inefficiency. It’s about the fundamental transformation of our society, where the connected, the optimised, and the machine-readable dominate – and the rest of us are left in the shadows.

A lesson in control

The story of The Sorcerer’s Apprentice, a poem by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe written in 1797, is a powerful reminder of the dangers of unleashing forces we cannot control.

In the tale, an apprentice uses magic to perform tasks but loses control of the enchanted broomstick, leading to chaos and disaster. Today, AI is that uncontrollable force. It has the potential to make life easier but also poses serious risks when it gets out of hand.

The problem isn’t just about safety but about freedom. The Sorcerer’s Apprentice teaches us, as historian Yuval Noah Harari has written, to “never summon a power you cannot control” – a reminder that even well-meaning advancements can spiral out of control if we fail to manage them properly.

As AI becomes more embedded in our lives, the issue isn’t just about whether it works. It’s about whether we have the right to decide how much of it we want in our lives. The freedom to choose, to opt out, is essential to preserving our autonomy in the digital age.

Australian users of Meta’s social media platforms cannot opt out of having their data used to train the company’s AI models.
Tada Images/Shutterstock

What needs to change?

To protect the right to live a life free from the constant influence of AI, we must act now.

While most AI governance frameworks emphasise responsible use focusing on fairness, transparency and accountability, they often overlook a vital principle: the right to disengage from AI systems entirely without facing exclusion or disadvantage.

Governments, businesses and communities need to create policies that not only regulate AI but also respect individual freedoms. People should have the option to live without AI, without facing discrimination or exclusion from essential services.

AI decision making also needs to be more transparent. Whether it’s automated hiring, healthcare or financial services, AI should be understandable, accountable and open to scrutiny. No longer can we allow these systems to operate behind closed doors, making decisions that affect people’s lives with no recourse for the individuals involved.

Finally, society must invest in digital literacy. Everyone should understand the systems that impact their lives and have the tools to challenge them when necessary. Ensuring people know how to navigate and control the technologies that shape their world is essential in maintaining freedom in the digital age.

An urgent question

Some may ask, why not just add a kill switch to AI and shut it down if needed? But once AI is woven into crucial systems such as healthcare, transport or communication, it’s no longer something we can simply turn off.

Like electricity or the internet, it becomes a core part of modern life, not easily reversible without major disruption.

So as AI spreads further into every corner of our lives, we must urgently ask: will we still have the freedom to say no?

If we don’t act now to protect the right to choose, we risk a future where personal autonomy is compromised, and the influence of AI goes unchecked. The question isn’t whether we can live with AI but whether we will still have the right to live without it before it’s too late to break the spell.

James Jin Kang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Avoiding AI is hard – but our freedom to opt out must be protected – https://theconversation.com/avoiding-ai-is-hard-but-our-freedom-to-opt-out-must-be-protected-255873

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