How many chargers do you own? We’re surrounded by rechargeable electronic devices – mobile phones, laptops, smart watches, headphones, e-bikes and more.
You might have a phone charger plugged in next to your bed without ever bothering to switch it off at the wall or unplugging it when not in use. The same might go for a laptop charger by your desk.
But is that risky to do? And are there hidden costs associated with leaving chargers plugged in all the time?
What’s inside a charger?
Naturally, not all chargers are the same. Depending on the application and power requirement, their internal structure can range from very simple to complex.
However, a typical charger takes in the AC (alternating current) from the wall plug and converts it to a low-voltage DC (direct current) suitable for your device’s battery.
To understand the difference between DC and AC, consider the flow of electrons in a wire. In a DC circuit, electrons move in one direction and keep rotating in the circuit. In an AC circuit, electrons doesn’t circulate and only move back and forth.
The reason for why we use both types of current goes a long way back, to the time when inventors Thomas Edison and Nicola Tesla battled over which type would become the default standard. Today, we are still stuck between both. Electricity is traditionally generated in AC form, but modern appliances and batteries require the DC form. This is why almost every electrical appliance comes with an AC–DC converter.
To do the conversion from AC to DC, a typical charger needs several electrical components such as a transformer, a circuit for doing the actual conversion, filtering elements to enhance the quality of output DC voltage, and control circuitry for regulation and protection.
Chargers have several electrical components to convert the AC current to DC current that the battery can use. PeterRoziSnaps/Shutterstock
Chargers consume power even when not charging
“Vampire power” is real. If you leave it plugged in, a charger will continuously draw a small amount of power. Part of this power is used to keep the control and protection circuits running while the rest is lost as heat.
When we look at an individual small charger, the vampire power – also known as standby power – is negligible. However, if you add up all the chargers in your home for various devices, over time the wasted energy can be significant. Standby power is not exclusive to chargers, either; other electronic devices such as TVs draw a little bit of standby power, too.
Depending on how many things you leave plugged in, over the course of the year it could amount to several kilowatt hours.
That said, modern chargers are designed to minimise standby power consumption. These chargers come with smart power management components that keep them in sleep mode until an external device attempts to draw power.
Having lots of chargers plugged in in your house can add up into a decent trickle of standby power. Kit/Unsplash
There are other risks, too
Chargers wear out over time when electricity flows through them, particularly when the electricity grid voltage temporarily rises above its rated value. The electricity grid is a chaotic environment and various voltage rise events happen from time to time.
Leaving your chargers exposed to these events will shorten their life. This premature ageing shouldn’t be alarming for modern devices, thanks to their improved design and control. But it is particularly concerning for cheap, uncertified chargers. These often lack appropriate levels of protection and can be a fire hazard.
How should I treat my chargers?
Although modern chargers are generally very safe and should be drawing minimal standby power, consider unplugging them anyway – if convenient.
If a charger gets warmer than usual, makes noise, or is damaged in any way, it is time for a replacement. And it definitely shouldn’t be left plugged in.
Glen Farivar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This month, a woman bravely testified in court she was subjected to a “degrading and humiliating experience akin to sexual assault” at the hands of New South Wales Police. The young woman was forced to remove her tampon in front of officers during a strip search, which police later admitted was unlawful.
This experience was heard in the Supreme Court as part of a class action lawsuit that includes 3,000 alleged victims. It’s alleging police unlawfully strip-searched thousands of people at music festivals between 2016 and 2022.
These searches – which disproportionately increased against young girls and women – speak to a underlying issue within policing. Police scholars have long observed an internal culture of misogyny and sexism, both domestically and internationally.
In fact, predatory behaviour from police has been documented across the country, both towards members of the public and towards other police officers.
While there are immediate headlines and promises to improve, they’re often quickly forgotten by police and the community. In not holding them accountable, we allow the harming of women to continue and positive change to remain elusive.
A long history
This has previously been a point of conversation in New South Wales. Last year, there were reports of a female then-officer, Mel Cooper, being sexually harassed and assaulted by male colleagues. Cooper, who joined the force in 1994, argued this culture is “not getting better […] it’s getting worse”.
This reflected experiences from a report by the state’s police watchdog in 2020 reviewing workplace complaints. The report, titled Operation Shorewood, found sexual harassment was among the most common complaints.
Female officers were the most likely to be subjected to harassment, despite the most recent available data indicating they make up only 26.9% of sworn personnel.
New South Wales is not a unique case. In Western Australia, it’s been reported that sexual misconduct complaints are rising. This prompted the police commissioner to admit WA Police had a “boys club culture” issue.
In Queensland, the Richards inquiry in 2022 found evidence of a culture of sexism and misogyny and viewed predatory behaviour as a significant issue. The commission learned of multiple examples of predatory behaviour, sexual harassment and assault against female colleagues (often junior officers).
In some rare cases, rape by male officers was reported.
More recently, a Queensland police sergeant who engaged in a pattern of predatory sexual conduct was reported to still be working with the force. This was despite Queensland’s police watchdog – the Crime and Corruption Commission – recommending in 2022 that dismissal was the “only appropriate sanction”.
Decades of inaction
Victoria also has a long history of this behaviour.
In 1988, a discussion paper criticised the treatment of sexual assault victims who reported or complained to police. The paper’s recommendations were never implemented, with police and government responses dismissing the paper as “pro-victim”.
A decade later, the Victorian ombudsman investigated allegations of sexual impropriety by officers at a rural police station. The allegations, which started in 1988, included rape, sexual assault, stalking, unlawful entry on premises and threatening behaviour towards members of the public.
Victims were dissuaded from giving evidence by police. Male officers came to view sex as an entitlement of their duty, targeting vulnerable and young women. It was ultimately found that police management systems had failed to deal with the behaviour for years.
The failure to address the behaviour has only continued. An audit into sex and gender discrimination and two separate reports from Victoria’s police watchdog in 2015 and 2023 continue to show evidence of sexual impropriety and predatory behaviour.
This came to a head in 2023 when Brett Johnson was convicted of using Victoria’s police database to stalk vulnerable women and initiate sexual relationships.
In response to this, and other reports into systemic issues, Victoria Police has implemented more than 90% of the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission’s recommendations. This includes working towards implementing recommendations regarding predatory behaviour.
Lessons left unlearned
It is impossible to gauge the full extent of this behaviour and its history in every jurisdiction.
There are no mandatory reporting requirements for police complaint data in Australia. The findings we do have often come from an occasional report or inquiry into police.
These incidents are also quickly forgotten. Government inquiries and investigations often fail to acknowledge these issues have been discussed many times before.
States may recognise the need for change. Other times, they will outright dismiss it.
Many identified reforms are never fully put into practice. In the case of systems for holding police accountable, this phenomenon has been seen as “cyclic”.
This is why it’s vital to recall the incidents of our past. When another scandal occurs, we should remind ourselves these are not “bad apples” or isolated events.
They are symbolic of a crisis of reform in policing – an inability to create meaningful change. We must demand better from our police and our state governments to ensure the protection of not just Australian women, but all victims and complainants.
As researcher Janet Chan argued in her internationally recognised work on changing the culture of the police, this will not be achieved through a single reform. This will require a commitment to a range of related changes.
These include changes to education, better leadership and mentoring, more effective whistleblowing processes and reforms to police complaint systems.
A popular proposal has been the creation of an independent police ombudsman to oversee and investigate complaints against police.
However, without a continued public pressure, it is unlikely we can challenge the political power of police. Failure to address these issues will only strengthen a culture that harms all who are victim to it.
The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.
Michael Cain does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Like us humans, many animals rely on social interactions to survive and thrive. As a result, effective communication between individuals is essential.
Highly social animals often have more complex communication systems. Think of a group of chimpanzees gesturing and vocalising at each other, or a family of elephants communicating through touch or low-frequency calls.
Bottlenose dolphins live in complex societies where each animal has a small number of closely connected individuals and a larger number of looser associates (not dissimilar to our own social networks). They rely heavily on interpersonal interactions to maintain a healthy social balance.
Scientists have long known that dolphins use “signature whistles” to identify themselves to others. In our recent study, we present evidence suggesting that these whistles may contain more information than just identity.
Dolphins live in complex societies where communication is important. Ekaterina Ovsyanikova
A unique but variable sound
Dolphins use various sounds, such as burst pulses and whistles, to communicate. There are two broad categories of whistles: signature whistles (distinctive whistle types that are unique to each individual) and non-signature (the rest).
Dolphins use the unique frequency patterns of their signature whistles to broadcast their identity. They develop these signals when they are young and maintain them throughout their lives.
When interacting with others, up to 30% of a dolphin’s whistling may be comprised of its signature whistle. There is often some variation in the whistle versions produced by the individual animals. This led us to analyse the balance between stability and variability of the signature whistles to test if they can contain more information than just the whistler’s identity.
Listening to whistles
In 2017 and 2018, our research team made repeated sound recordings of a group of Indo-Pacific bottlenose dolphins (Tursiops aduncus) at Tangalooma Island Resort near Moreton Island, off the coast of Brisbane in eastern Australia.
We collected many instances of signature whistles produced by the same animals. We also used historical data collected from the same group 15 years earlier.
We found that, while the whistles were exceptionally stable in their frequency patterns, they did vary a certain amount (this variability also remained similar across the years). This suggests that even though frequency patterns of signature whistles encode identity, they are also likely to transmit more information, such as emotional or contextual cues.
An example of the variability in signature whistle renditions produced by a single animal. Dolphins can be individually identified by their dorsal fins. Ekaterina Ovsyanikova
Our study group of animals was too small to draw definitive conclusions, but our findings indicated that males demonstrate more variability in their signature whistles than females. It could be linked to the differences in their social roles and the nature of their interactions with others.
We also identified a whistle much like a signature, but which was shared between several individuals. This supports recent findings that groups of dolphins may have shared distinctive whistles, along with their individual ones.
Faces that you hear
What does all this mean?
First, signature whistles are likely to be more versatile than previously thought. They may carry additional information within their frequency patterns, and possibly other structural elements.
The second lesson is that, while signature whistles are individually learned “labels” that are like human names in many ways, in terms of the information they transmit, a useful analogy may be human faces.
Humans carry identity information in our fixed facial features. At the same time, we transmit a lot of additional information, including emotional and contextual cues, through more transient facial expressions. Like signature whistles, our faces combine stability and variability in their “information package”.
Like human faces, dolphin signature whistles may convey a stable identity alongside other information. Ekaterina Ovsyanikova
Making the whole world blurry
Understanding dolphin communication helps us better understand the challenges these animals face in an increasingly human-affected world.
Take noise pollution in the oceans. It’s a hot topic among marine bioacoustics researchers, but rarely at the front of the general public’s mind.
If we do think of it, it’s probably in human terms. Living in a noisy environment for us might be annoying and stressful, but we could still do most of the things we need to do.
But for dolphins, deafening shipping noise would be the equivalent of the whole world going blurry for us. Imagine what it would be like to navigate through life, make friends, stay away from bad connections, and be socially effective (which is necessary for survival), if you can’t recognise anyone’s face or see their expressions.
Thinking of the dolphins’ key signal, a signature whistle, as informational equivalent of our faces, may help us see (and hear) the world from a dolphin’s perspective.
Ekaterina Ovsyanikova does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Tatebe, Senior Lecturer Curriculum and Pedagogy, Faculty of Arts and Education, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau
Financial literacy will become a core element of the New Zealand social sciences curriculum for Year 1-10 students from 2027. But what is being proposed presents a limited picture of the factors influencing people’s financial wellbeing.
The specifics of the curriculum have yet to be released. However, the government’s announcement emphasised a focus on individual responsibility. Young people will be taught what they need to live within their means and how to accumulate enough wealth for retirement.
We are all consumers, and financial literacy can set young Kiwis up to be savvy consumers – whether it’s knowing how to invest wisely, choose the best loan at a bank, or even identify a scam.
However, as our research shows, focusing only on individual responsibility risks ignoring the economic systems – and inequities – that shape young people’s lives.
Knowing how to manage household accounts is, undeniably, an important skill. But individual skills can’t necessarily overcome the hurdles within the broader economic and social context.
Focus on managing money
Financial literacy – under the term “financial capability” – is only briefly mentioned in the current New Zealand curriculum. The topic is positioned as a potential outcome of learning across different subject areas, rather than taught as its own distinct class.
Teaching resources available for senior economics, for example, explore topics such as income, taxation, product costs and the scarcity of resources.
In senior business studies, references to economic inequality are indirect. For example, the “key concepts” page alludes to ideas such as “supply and demand” and “scarcity” that can loosely be associated with economic inequality. But it is not explicit.
The resources being used in the classroom also exclude any significant discussion of broader economic systems and policies. Much of what is currently available is created in partnership with banks and financial organisations such as ASB’s GetWise and BNZ’s SavY programmes. These focus on budgeting, saving, banking and paying off debt.
Towards collective responsibility
Globally, there has been a growing emphasis on financial literacy education, partly because of the complexity of modern financial products. And, as one study observed, “the risks of, and responsibility for, financial decisions are being increasingly shifted from governments and employers onto individuals”.
As political economist Chris Clarke has noted, there is an “irreconcilable gap” between the aims of financial literacy education and people’s “actual success in securing their security and wellbeing through financial markets”.
Other economists have pointed out how issues of intergenerational wealth and entrenched socioeconomic disadvantage – the “racial wealth gap” – cannot be overlooked when talking about “poor financial choices and decision making”.
But another form of financial literacy education is possible. Young people could be taught to understand and analyse how governments make decisions for the financial wellbeing of their citizens. They could also learn the value of employment rights, labour and workplace safety laws, and the role of unions and other civic initiatives.
Rather than focusing on taxes and balancing household accounts, students could learn about their individual responsibilities within the economic systems they are part of.
Jennifer Tatebe has previously received funding from Universitas 21, The Royal Society Te Apārangi, The New Zealand School Trustees Association and The University of Auckland.
Marta Estellés has previously received funding from The Spencer Foundation, New Zealand National Commission of UNESCO, the Division of Education at The University of Waikato and The University of Cantabria.
Derek Shafer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
I am saddened by the death of one of the most inspirational Pacific women and leaders I have worked with — Motarilavoa Hilda Lini of Vanuatu.
She was one of the strongest, most committed passionate fighter I know for self-determination, decolonisation, independence, indigenous rights, customary systems and a nuclear-free Pacific.
Hilda coordinated the executive committee of the women’s wing of the Vanuatu Liberation Movement prior to independence and became the first woman Member of Parliament in Vanuatu in 1987.
Hilda became director of the Pacific Concerns Resource Centre (PCRC) in Suva in 2000. She took over from another Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) giant Lopeti Senituli, who returned to Tonga to help the late ‘Akilisi Poviha with the pro-democracy movement.
I was editor of the PCRC newsletter Pacific News Bulletin at the time. There was no social media then so the newsletter spread information to activists and groups across the Pacific on issues such as the struggle in West Papua, East Timor’s fight for independence, decolonisation in Tahiti and New Caledonia, demilitarisation, indigenous movements, anti-nuclear issues, and sustainable development.
On all these issues — Hilda Lini was a willing and fearless chief taking on any government, corporation or entity that undermined the rights or interests of Pacific peoples.
Hilda was uncompromising on issues close to her heart. There are very few Pacific leaders like her left today. Leaders who did not hold back from challenging the norm or disrupting the status quo, even if that meant being an outsider.
Banned over activism She was banned from entering French Pacific territories in the 1990s for her activism against their colonial rule and nuclear testing.
She was fierce but also strategic and effective.
“Hilda Lini was a willing and fearless chief taking on any government, corporation or entity that undermined the rights or interests of Pacific peoples.” Image: Stanley Simpson/PCRC
We brought Jose Ramos Horta to speak and lobby in Fiji as East Timor fought for independence from Indonesia, Oscar Temaru before he became President of French Polynesia, West Papua’s Otto Ondawame, and organised Flotilla protests against shipments of Japanese plutonium across the Pacific, among the many other actions to stir awareness and action.
On top of her bold activism, Hilda was also a mother to us. She was kind and caring and always pushed the importance of family and indigenous values.
Our Pacific connections were strong and before our eldest son Mitchell was born in 2002 — she asked me if she could give him a middle name.
She gave him the name Hadye after her brother — Father Walter Hadye Lini who was the first Prime Minister of Vanuatu. Mitchell’s full name is Mitchell Julian Hadye Simpson.
Pushed strongly for ideas We would cross paths several times even after I moved to start the Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG) but she finished from PCRC in 2004 and returned to Vanuatu.
She often pushed ideas on indigenous rights and systems that some found uncomfortable but stood strong on what she believed in.
Hilda had mana, spoke with authority and truly embodied the spirit and heart of a Melanesian and Pacific leader and chief.
Thank you Hilda for being the Pacific champion that you were.
Stanley Simpson is director of Fiji’s Mai Television and general secretary of the Fijian Media Association. Father Walter Hadye Lini wrote the foreword to Asia Pacific Media editor David Robie’s 1986 book Eyes Of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior.
Narcissism has become the armchair diagnosis of the decade. Social media is awash with people flinging the label around. Everyone’s ex seems to be a narcissist, some of our parents are under suspicion, and that office villain? They definitely tick the box, too.
The accuracy of these rampant diagnoses warrants scepticism. But the reality is narcissists do exist. At its extreme, narcissism is a rare mental health diagnosis, known as narcissistic personality disorder. But narcissism also describes a cluster of personality traits, which we all display to varying degrees.
For those of us who have been in close quarters with someone high in narcissistic traits, we rarely walk away unscathed. And we may be left with lingering questions. For example, what made them this way?
In a recent meta-analysis, my colleagues and I pulled together studies examining the link between narcissism and adult attachment styles. Our findings offer an important clue – especially when it comes to the potential roots of vulnerable narcissism.
Grandiose narcissism is what typically comes to mind. It is characterised by an overtly grandiose, aggressive and dominant interpersonal style. In contrast, vulnerable narcissism is marked by introversion, hypersensitivity to criticism, and a defensive, insecure grandiosity that masks fragile self-esteem.
Antagonistic traits such as entitlement, manipulation, and a lack of empathy lie at the core of both narcissism types. This helps to explain the interpersonal difficulties linked to each.
Vulnerable narcissism, in particular, has been linked to a range of harmful behaviours in romantic relationships. Individuals high in this trait are more likely to engage in love bombing, ghosting and breadcrumbing.
Researchers have turned to attachment styles to help explain how individuals high in narcissism behave in romantic relationships.
Attachment theory proposes that early experiences with primary caregivers shape our beliefs about ourselves and others. These beliefs are thought to persist into adulthood and influence how we experience and navigate adult relationships.
If we felt safe, loved and supported as children, we are more likely to have a positive view of our self and others. This is the hallmark of secure attachment, which lays the foundation for healthy, stable relationships in adulthood.
But when early relationships are marked by neglect, inconsistency or abuse, they can give rise to insecure attachment styles. Adult attachment models generally identify three types of insecure attachment.
Preoccupied attachment develops from a negative view of the self and a positive view of others. Individuals with this style often feel unworthy of love and seek constant reassurance in relationships, fearing rejection and abandonment.
Dismissive attachment is rooted in a positive view of the self but a negative view of others. These individuals tend to prioritise independence over intimacy. As a result, they often struggle to form deep connections.
Fearful attachment involves negative views of both the self and others. Those with this style typically crave connection while at the same time fearing it, leading to push-pull dynamics in relationships.
An interesting pattern
In our meta-analysis, we combined the results of 33 previous studies comprising more than 10,000 participants to examine how narcissism relates to each of the four adult attachment styles. Overall, narcissism was linked to each of the three insecure attachment styles.
But when we looked at the two types of narcissism separately, an interesting pattern emerged. Vulnerable narcissism was consistently linked to insecure attachment styles – with associations of moderate strength for preoccupied and fearful attachment styles.
In contrast, grandiose narcissism showed no such link.
Does this mean insecure attachment causes vulnerable narcissism? Not necessarily. The studies we reviewed were “correlational”, which means they looked at connections, not causes. So we can’t say attachment styles cause vulnerable narcissism. To answer that, we’d need longitudinal research tracking people over time.
Still, our findings suggest that insecure attachment – particularly preoccupied and fearful attachment styles – may be an important risk factor in the development of vulnerable narcissism.
Of course, not everyone with an insecure attachment style has high levels of vulnerable narcissism. However, for some, vulnerable narcissism may emerge as a defensive coping strategy that arises when early attachments were marked by inconsistency, neglect or abuse.
Supporting parents and caregivers to build secure attachments with the their children could help prevent the development of vulnerable narcissism Halfpoint/Shutterstock
Healing childhood wounds
Attachment styles tend to be fairly consistent throughout a person’s life, however change is possible. Attachment-focused therapies, such as schema therapy and emotionally focussed therapy, can help individuals heal attachment wounds and build more secure relationship patterns. These approaches may be especially helpful for those high in vulnerable narcissism.
At the same time, it is important that families have access to free and timely mental health care, so that children are supported to process and heal from trauma before it shapes their adult relationships, and the way they parent the next generation.
We don’t need to look too far to see the cost of turning a blind eye.
Megan Willis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Anxiety affects one in five Australian men at some point in their lives. But the condition remains highly stigmatised, misunderstood and under-diagnosed.
Men are around half as likely to be diagnosed with an anxiety disorder compared to women. Some feel pressure to be fearless and hide their emotions. Others simply don’t understand or have the language to describe anxiety symptoms.
This has serious consequences. Our latest research shows young men are turning to ambulance services when their symptoms become overwhelming – some even think they’re having a heart attack.
So why do so many men wait until they need to call emergency services, rather than seek support earlier from a GP or psychologist? And what prompts them to call? We reviewed the paramedic notes of 694 men aged 15 to 25 years in Victoria, Australia, to find out.
Young men haven’t seen others asking for help
Boys are raised to value courage, strength and self-assurance, and to suppress vulnerability.
When parents encourage boys to “face their fears”, rather than offering emotional comfort and tenderness, anxiety gets positioned in conflict with masculinity. This leads to a disjuncture between the support young men are met with (and come to expect) from others, and the support they may want or need.
This also means boys grow up believing their male role models – dads, brothers, grandads, coaches – don’t get anxious, deterring boys and men from seeking help. As a result, anxiety goes undiagnosed and opportunities for early intervention are missed.
Recently, we have seen positive shifts challenging restrictive masculine stereotypes. This has improved awareness surrounding men’s depression – opening up conversations, normalising help-seeking and leading to the development of men’s mental health programs and resources.
However, men’s anxiety remains in the shadows. When anxiety is talked about, it’s not with the same weight or concern as depression. This is despite men’s anxiety having harmful health impacts including turning to alcohol and drugs to cope, and increasing the risk of male suicide.
What does anxiety look like?
When men are encouraged to talk about anxiety, they describe various challenges including repetitive worries, feeling out-of-control and intense physical symptoms. This includes a high heart rate, shortness of breath, body pains, tremors and headaches.
Jack Steele, a prominent Australian personality and one half of the Inspired Unemployed, opened up about his anxiety difficulties on The Imperfects Podcast last year saying:
I didn’t know what anxiety was. I thought I was the opposite of anxiety.
The way I explain it, it’s like […] your whole body just shuts down. My throat starts closing up and my whole body just goes numb. […] It feels like you’re just so alone. You feel like no-one can help you.
You genuinely think the world’s ending – like there’s no out.
These physical symptoms are common in men but can be frequently dismissed rather than recognised as anxiety. Our research has found that, when left unaddressed, these symptoms typically worsen and arise in more and more contexts.
Why do anxious men call ambulances?
Our new study investigated the consequences of men’s anxiety going unaddressed.
First, we used data from the National Ambulance Surveillance System to identify and describe the types of anxiety young men experience. We then looked at the characteristics and contexts of young men’s anxiety presentations to ambulance services.
Overwhelmed and lacking support, many young men turn to ambulances in crisis. Anxiety now accounts for 10% of male ambulance attendances for mental health concerns, surpassing depression and psychosis.
While every presentation is different, our study identified three common presentations among young men:
1. Sudden onset of intense bodily symptoms resembling life-threatening physical health conditions such as heart attacks.
Twenty-two-year-old Joshua, for example, whose case files we reviewed as part of our study, was on a tram home from work when he experienced sudden numbness in his hands and feet. A bystander saw he was having muscle spasms in his hands. Joshua was alert but extremely anxious and asked the bystander for help.
2. Severe anxiety triggered or worsened by substance use.
Adam, a 21-year-old man, consumed a substantial amount of diazepam (Valium) while driving home, after having an anxiety attack at work. Adam reached out to paramedics because he was concerned his anxiety symptoms hadn’t dissipated, and was worried he may have taken too much diazepam.
3. Mental health deterioration with self-harm or suicidal thoughts, often tied to situational stressors such as unstable housing, unemployment, financial difficulties and relationship strain.
Leo, aged 25, had been increasingly anxious for the past three days. Leo’s parents called an ambulance after he told them he wanted to kill himself. Leo told paramedics on arrival that he still felt suicidal and had been getting worse over the past three months.
Directing resources where they’re needed
Young men’s anxiety presentations are time- and resource-intensive for paramedics, many of whom feel poorly equipped to respond effectively. After ruling out physical causes, paramedic support is typically limited to reassurance and breathing techniques.
Most young men are then instructed to follow up with GPs, psychologists or other health professionals in the general community.
But taking that next step involves overcoming the stigma associated with help-seeking, the shame of having called an ambulance and deep tensions between anxiety and what it means to be a man.
This means many young men slip through the cracks. And without ongoing mental health support, they face high risks of presenting again to emergency services with increasingly severe mental health symptoms.
To address this, we need to:
ramp up conversations about men’s anxiety and take their experiences seriously
develop an awareness campaign about men’s anxiety. Awareness campaigns have successfully dismantled stigma and shed light on men’s depression and suicide
improve diagnosis of men’s anxiety disorders by up-skilling and training clinicians to detect anxiety and the unique and distinct constellations of symptoms in men
create accessible pathways to early support through digital psychological education resources, focused on improving awareness and literacy surrounding men’s anxiety experiences.
If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.
Krista Fisher received funding from the Men in Mind scholarship through the global men’s health charity, Movember.
Dan Lubman is supported by a NHMRC Leadership Fellowship.
Simon Rice received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.
Zac Seidler has been awarded an NHMRC Investigator Grant. He is also the Global Director of Research with the Movember Institute of Men’s Health. He advises government on men’s health, masculinities, violence prevention and social media policy.
Australia’s largest carbon market player, GreenCollar, has quit the federal government’s voluntary carbon neutral program, Climate Active. More than 100 companies have left the program in the past two years.
Climate Active provides certification to businesses and other organisations to verify that they are carbon neutral. Certification is supposed to mean an organisation has neutralised the impacts its greenhouse gas emissions have on global warming by buying carbon offsets, which represent emission reductions achieved elsewhere.
GreenCollar is among many Australian organisations that develop emissions-reduction projects, such as storing carbon in vegetation. Upon exiting the Climate Active scheme, GreenCollar co-founder James Schultz told The Australian that Climate Active had become too risky, due to criticism from environmentalists the carbon abatement associated with offsets is often not genuine.
Electricity retailer EnergyAustralia has also acknowledged “legitimate public concern” about carbon offsets and programs such as Climate Active that rely on them.
Effective carbon offset projects do exist in Australia. However, research by my colleagues and I, and many other experts, has found integrity issues are widespread in carbon offset schemes – and low integrity projects are all too common, including in Australia.
So how has this situation arisen, and what should companies do to genuinely reduce their climate impact?
What are carbon offsets for?
Every day, companies emit greenhouse gas emissions. This can occur directly from their own operations, or indirectly through electricity they use and products they consume. Some emissions can be cut easily and cheaply, but others are harder and more expensive to reduce.
Carbon credits emerged to fill this gap. Where it is expensive for companies to reduce their own emissions, they can buy carbon credits to offset them. Each credit is supposed to represent one tonne of carbon abatement.
For the credits to be legitimate, they must represent real, additional and permanent abatement. Real refers to whether the emissions abatement has actually occurred. Additional means the abatement would not have occurred without the incentive provided by the crediting scheme. Permanent means the carbon stored in, say, planted trees, will stay there over the long term.
Under the scheme, companies that buy carbon credits to offset their emissions can be certified as “carbon neutral”.
A key problem is that companies can purchase old, super-cheap credits issued under the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism. These credits come from overseas projects such as windfarms and landfill gas projects overseas.
Serious doubts exist over the integrity of these credits. For example, a comprehensive review by European researchers in 2016 found the credits had “fundamental flaws” and most were “not providing real, measurable and additional emission reductions”.
Historically, these cheap credits have accounted for most carbon credits used in the Climate Active scheme.
The remainder have come from the Australian carbon offset scheme, which issues Australian Carbon Credit Units (ACCUs). But this scheme has also been plagued by integrity problems such as:
concerns about the crediting of forest regeneration that does not exist
These problems exist in carbon offset schemes around the world. Last year, an international group of researchers assessed carbon credits covering almost one billion tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent. They found less than 16% constituted real emission reductions.
Where to now?
So what should be done?
The first step is for companies to ensure they are investing in high-integrity projects. In overseas markets, ratings agencies exist to assist with this. In Australia, ratings agencies do not assess domestic projects because the federal government doesn’t publish enough information to make this possible.
The government could help companies invest in genuine emissions reductions by requiring more transparency from carbon offset projects, and ensuring relevant information is publicly accessible.
Rather than purchasing carbon abatement, companies may be better off directly cutting their own emissions as much as possible, by changing the way they operate. This might mean investing in new low-emissions equipment, reducing air travel by employees, or switching to green electricity.
Companies can also make direct investments in quality projects which help mitigate climate change and support biodiversity conservation.
And the federal government should clamp down on the significant number of low integrity offset projects in Australia’s offset scheme.
In response to issues raised in this article, a spokesperson from the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water, which oversees Climate Active, said:
The Australian Government is actively considering the future direction of the Climate Active program. We recognise that Climate Active needs reform and that work is under way as a priority that will involve proper consultation.
The Climate Active program continues to operate, certifying entities that have met the program requirements.
The Australian Government continues to work to ensure the integrity of the ACCU Scheme, following recent reviews by the Climate Change Authority (CCA), independent experts and the Australian National Audit Office. These reviews have found the ACCU Scheme is well designed, well administered, and contributing to Australia’s transition to net zero by 2050.
Andrew Macintosh is a non-executive director of Paraway Pastoral Company, which owns and operates a number of carbon offset projects registered under the ACCU scheme.
As educational psychology researchers, we are very interested in how students deal with setbacks and challenges in their schooling.
Research has found resilient students tend to have more positive academic outcomes. These include making greater effort with their work, having better study skills and enjoying school more than students who are less resilient.
We measure this resilience through something called “academic buoyancy”. This is a personal attribute that helps students overcome common setbacks at school, such as a heavy workload, poor test results or competing assignment deadlines.
In the past two decades of research into resilience or academic buoyancy, there has been a concerning trend suggesting girls report lower levels of academic buoyancy than boys.
To better understand this, we analysed all existing studies to conclusively work out if this gender gap exists, and if so, to what extent.
A meta-analysis is a research technique aimed at identifying the average effect of a phenomenon across a large number of studies. In the case of gender and academic buoyancy, meta-analysis can be used to calculate the average difference between girls and boys in academic buoyancy.
Meta-analysis produces an “effect size” that can be categorised as small, medium or large. In our case, the bigger the effect size, the greater the difference between girls and boys in academic buoyancy.
We searched for all published academic buoyancy studies across major databases. We also contacted leading researchers in the field for any studies into academic buoyancy they had conducted, but had not published.
Following this process, our meta-analysis included 53 studies published between 2008 and 2024 reporting on the link between gender and academic buoyancy. It involved 173,665 students from primary school through to high school and university. Study locations included Australia, the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Jamaica, Finland, China, Singapore and the Philippines.
We found the average effect of gender on academic buoyancy was statistically significant and small-to-medium in size. This means there was a reliable and noticeable difference between girls and boys and their reported levels of academic buoyancy.
In other words, girls are less resilient to everyday academic challenges (such as a poor mark or negative interaction with a teacher) than their male peers.
While we did not set out to study why this is the case, previous research suggests this could be because girls experience higher levels of academic anxiety than boys and these higher levels of anxiety may make it more difficult for them to navigate academic adversity. Now these meta-analysis findings are known, there is a need for research to more closely examine the reasons for the gender difference.
Our results, of course, are average findings. This does not mean all girls report lower academic buoyancy and not all boys are buoyant.
So efforts should therefore be aimed at boosting the buoyancy of those who struggle with academic adversity and sustaining it among those who are managing well.
Previous research suggests there are two broad approaches educators, along with parents, can take.
The direct approach
Teachers, counsellors and parents can work to directly boost students’ academic buoyancy through the following steps:
– teaching students to recognise academic adversity early, before that adversity becomes more difficult to manage. For example, when it is starting to take them longer to do homework than other students.
– explaining to students how to adjust their thoughts, behaviour, and/or emotions in the face of this adversity. For thought, they might have to start thinking about what possible resources they can draw on. For behaviour, they might seek help from a teacher as one source of support, when normally they may not do so. For emotion, they may need to minimise fear they may have about asking that teacher for help.
– encouraging students to take heart from small improvements. For example, if asking the teacher for help works, they should see this as a “win” (“I can overcome problems”).
– encouraging students to keep noticing and adjusting their thoughts, behaviours and/or emotion in response to adversity. So this becomes part of their everyday habits.
Students can learn to seek help for challenges early if they are struggling. arrowsmith2/ Shutterstock
The 6 Cs of an ‘underpinning’ approach
Another approach involves targeting the factors that underpin academic resilience. Our previous research has identified six factors or points where educators and parents can help students.
1. Confidence: boosting students’ self belief in their ability to succeed.
2. Coordination: helping students with academic planning and task management.
3. Commitment: building students’ persistence; for example, through goal-setting and goal-striving.
4. Control: directing students’ attention to things they control, such as their effort.
5. Composure: reducing students’ anxiety; for example, through addressing fearful thoughts and adopting relaxation strategies that work for them.
6. Community: building strong interpersonal relationships with peers and teachers, so they feel supported.
As these strategies are being considered, educators also need to accommodate other pressures in students’ lives that may be contributing to or exacerbating a student’s difficulties, such as social difficulties or issues at home. They also need to consider any clinical issues such as attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).
Taken together, with the support of educators and parents, there are practical changes students can make to boost their response to academic adversity, and in turn, help close the gender gap around academic buoyancy.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The cost-of-living crisis is hitting the arts hard. Artists struggle to survive on poverty wages and audiences are getting priced out.
This challenge is not unprecedented. In the 1980s, another cost-of-living crisis sparked a bold and imaginative model for embedding artists into the everyday rhythms of working life.
Art for the working class
It was 1982. The country was in the grip of stagflation: low growth, high inflation and rising unemployment. The Australia Council for the Arts was reconciling a 20% funding cut. Seeking to offset its cut funds, the council sought out an unexpected partner to launch a community arts program: the Australian Council of Trade Unions.
The “Art and Working Life” initiative sought to celebrate, encourage and support working class art and culture. By embedding artists in workplaces across the country, it enabled workers to practice and develop their artistic skills and expression.
It also addressed two key issues: employment for artists, and increasing the public’s access to the arts.
Unions would sponsor projects and act as employers for the artists involved throughout the project’s duration. This arrangement placed artists in diverse settings such as factory floors, hospital wards, offices and construction sites, where they collaborated with workers to create art that reflected the realities of their working lives.
In 1982, 57% of Australian workers were unionised. This meant unions had the infrastructure to match the government’s funding through the Australia Council, and to employ artists on a project basis.
With union membership mandatory in many industries, this generated a guaranteed resource base capable of funding an arts program for the broader community. For artists, the unions’ reach into various industries provided significant potential audiences.
Unions offered more than resources; they brought a philosophy and a plan. Art was a cultural right. In workplaces, it could lift morale, disrupt the grind and add meaning to labour.
It also had practical benefits: strengthening workplace culture, engaging members and helping artists organise within their own industry.
Art and Working Life projects varied widely. Dancers in garment factories devised movement routines aimed at reducing repetitive strain injury. In rail yards, theatre artists wrote plays in collaboration with engineers and mechanics about gender, race, and labour. Musicians headed underground – literally – to record original songs written by miners about the threat of job losses.
By 1986, Australia Council chair Donald Horne lauded the program as “a good example of value for money”.
In four years, it reached over three million workers and their families – nearly 20% of the population – at a cost of just A$2.8 million (around $9 million today).
By the end of the decade, it had employed more than 2,000 artists, with union support matching federal funding.
A slow decline
But the program depended on two fragile pillars: a strong labour movement and sustained government support.
At the same time, a major shift occurred in arts funding. In 1994, Paul Keating released Australia’s first national cultural policy Creative Nation, reframing the arts as an economic driver, emphasising export-ready, profitable outcomes. Arts funding increasingly favoured media, tourism and “creative industries”.
For the Australia Council, this shift meant a retreat from community arts programs like Art and Working Life, and the program was quietly shelved in 1995.
It marked more than the loss of a funding stream: it signalled the decline of a cultural policy vision grounded in social equity and everyday life.
Would it work in 2025?
Today, with union density hovering around historic lows of 13.1%, the infrastructure that once supported a national workplace arts program is largely gone. But the need is as urgent as ever.
In the face of today’s cost-of-living crisis, we need bold, integrated policy frameworks with a strong social foundation. Australia’s current cultural policy, Revive, was released in 2023. The document signals a rhetorical shift away from economic metrics and towards access and inclusion. But what structures bring this vision to life?
Today’s cost-of-living crisis could be used to inspire a new wave of cultural investment that supports employment, fosters participation and embeds creativity in everyday life.
Looking at the history of Art and Working Life offers more than nostalgia: it provides a practical model for anchoring arts policy in the material conditions of working people’s lives, where the arts are not apart from daily experience, but central to it.
Izabella Nantsou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Eighty years after the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki to end the Second World War, the threat of nuclear fallout remains.
The council warned that the release could pose major environmental and human rights risks.
A protest against the release of Fukushima treated radioactive water in Tokyo, Japan, in mid-May 2023. Image: TAM News/Getty.
Te Ao Māori News spoke with Mari Inoue, a NYC-based lawyer originally from Japan and co-founder of the volunteer-led group The Manhattan Project for a Nuclear-Free World.
Recently, at the UN, they called for global awareness, not only about atomic bomb victims but also of the Fukushima wastewater release, and nuclear energy’s links to environmental destruction and human rights abuses.
Formed a year after the Fukushima nuclear disaster, the group takes its name from the original Manhattan Project — the secret Second World War US military programme that raced to develop the first atomic bomb before Nazi Germany.
A pivotal moment in that project was the Trinity Test on July 16, 1945, in New Mexico — the first successful detonation of an atomic bomb. One month later, nuclear weapons were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, killing an estimated 110,000 to 210,000 people.
Seeking recognition and justice Although 80 years have passed, victims of these events continue to seek recognition and justice. The disarmament group hopes for stronger global unity around the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and more support for victims of nuclear exposure.
Mari Inoue attended the UN as a representative of the Manhattan Project for a Nuclear-Free World as an interpreter for an atomic bomb survivor. Image: TAM News/UN WebTV.
The anti-nuclear activists supported the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which seeks to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Their advocacy took place during the third and final preparatory committee for the 2026 NPT review conference, where a consensus report with recommendations from past sessions will be presented.
Inoue’s group called on the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to declare Japan’s dumping policy unsafe, and believes Japan and its G7 and EU allies should be condemned for supporting it.
Hanford Site is a decommissioned nuclear production complex established in 1943 as part of the Manhattan Project . . . The contaminated site once belonged to several Native American tribes. Image: TAM News/Jeff T. Green/Getty
Nuclear energy for the green transition? Amid calls to move away from fossil fuels, some argue that nuclear power could supply the zero-emission energy needed to combat climate change.
Inoue rejects this, saying that despite not emitting greenhouse gases like fossil fuels, nuclear energy still harms the environment.
She said there was environmental harm at all processes in the nuclear supply chain.
Protests at TEPCO, Tokyo Electric Power Company, in Tokyo in August 2023. Image: bDavid Mareuil/Anadolu Agency
“Nuclear energy is not peaceful and it‘s not a solution to the climate crisis,” Inoue stressed. “Nuclear energy cannot function without exploiting peoples, their lands, and their resources.”
She also pointed out thermal pollution, where water heated during the nuclear plant cooling process is discharged into waterways, contributing to rising ocean temperatures.
Inoue added, “During the regular operation, [nuclear power plants] release radioactive isotopes into the environment — for example tritium.”
Increased tensions and world forum uniting global voices When asked about the AUKUS security pact, Inoue expressed concern that it would worsen tensions in the Pacific. She criticised the use of a loophole that allowed nuclear-powered submarines in a nuclear-weapon-free zone, even though the nuclear fuel could still be repurposed for weapons.
In October, Inoue will co-organise the World Nuclear Victims Forum in Hiroshima, with 2024 Nobel Peace Prize winner Nihon Hidankyo as one of the promoting organisations.
The forum will feature people from Indigenous communities impacted by nuclear testing in the US and the Marshall Islands, uranium mining in Africa, and fisheries affected by nuclear pollution.
Republished from Te Ao Māori News with permission.
Fiji cannot compete with Australia and New Zealand to retain its teachers, the man in charge of the country’s finances says.
The Fijian education system is facing major challenges as the Sitiveni Rabuka-led coalition struggles to address a teacher shortage.
While the education sector receives a significant chunk of the budget (about NZ$587 million), it has not been sufficient, as global demand for skilled teachers is pulling qualified Fijian educators toward greener pastures.
Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Biman Prasad said that the government was training more teachers.
“The government has put in measures, we are training enough teachers, but we are also losing teachers to Australia and New Zealand,” he told RNZ Pacific Waves on the sidelines of the University of the South Pacific Council meeting in Auckland last week.
“We are happy that Australia and New Zealand gain those skills, particularly in the area of maths and science, where you have a shortage. And obviously, Fiji cannot match the salaries that teachers get in Australia and New Zealand.
USP vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia, Fiji’s Finance Minister Professor Biman Prasad and Education Minister Aseri Radrodro at the opening of the 99th USP Council Meeting at Auckland University last week. Image: RNZ Pacific/Lydia Lewis
According to the Education Ministry’s Strategic Development Plan (2023-2026), the shortage of teachers is one of the key challenges, alongside limited resources and inadequate infrastructure, particularly for primary schools.
Hundreds of vacancies Reports in local media in August last year said there were hundreds of teacher vacancies that needed to be filled.
However, Professor Prasad said there were a lot of teachers who were staying in Fiji as the government was taking steps to keep teachers in the country.
“We are training more teachers. We are putting additional funding, in terms of making sure that we provide the right environment, right support to our teachers,” he said.
“In the last two years, we have increased the salaries of the civil service right across the board, and those salaries and wages range from between 10 to 20 percent.
“We are again going to look at how we can rationalise some of the positions within the Education Ministry, right from preschool up to high school.”
Meanwhile, the Fiji government is currently undertaking a review of the Education Act 1966.
Education Minister Aseri Radrodro said in Parliament last month that a draft bill was expected to be submitted to Cabinet in July.
“The Education Act 1966, the foundational law for pre-tertiary education in Fiji, has only been amended a few times since its promulgation, and has not undergone a comprehensive review,” he said.
“It is imperative that this legislation be updated to reflect modern standards and address current issues within the education system.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Some 2.1 million Gazans are facing critical hunger levels, with many at risk of famine following Israel’s 11-week blockade on aid intended to pressure Hamas.
However, Israel is controversially planning to transfer responsibility for distributing aid in Gaza through a new system that would sideline the UN and other aid agencies that have been working there for decades.
In a joint statement, two dozen countries, including the UK, many European Union member states, Australia, Canada and Japan, have supported the UN’s position on the new model. The signatories said it won’t deliver aid effectively at the scale required, and would link aid to political and military objectives.
The UK, Canada and France have further threatened to take “concrete actions” to pressure Israel to cease its military offence and lift restrictions on aid.
And in another blow to the credibility of the new system, the head of the newly established Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which will oversee the distribution of aid, resigned on Monday. He cited concerns over a lack of adherence to “humanitarian principles”.
So, how will would this new aid delivery system work, and why is it so problematic?
A military-led system with deep flaws
Israel has relied on unsubstantiated claims of large-scale aid diversion by Hamas to justify taking control over aid delivery in Gaza. The UN and its humanitarian partners continue to refute such claims, publicly sharing details of their end-to-end monitoring systems.
Several reportshave revealed the plan would establish four secure distribution sites for aid under Israeli military control in southern and central Gaza.
Security would be provided by private military contractors, such as Safe Reach Solutions, run by a former CIA officer, while the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation would oversee the distribution of food.
There is little clarity beyond this on who is behind the new system and who is funding it.
The initiative has provoked strong reactions from the UN and the wider humanitarian aid system.
Senior aid officials have underlined the fact the international aid system cannot support a military-led initiative that would breach international law and be incompatible with humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence.
There are also concerns the four distribution hubs would require individuals to travel long distances to collect and carry heavy packages. This could leave female-headed households, people with disabilities, those who are ill and the elderly at greater risk of exclusion and exploitation.
In addition, a leaked UN memo reportedly expressed concern over UN involvement in the initiative, saying the organisation could be “implicated in delivering a system that falls short of Israel’s legal responsibilities as an occupying power”.
There are further concerns the UN could be implicated in atrocity crimes, including a risk of genocide through its participation in the system, setting a dangerous precedent for future crises.
Tom Fletcher, the UN relief chief, has called the plan “a deliberate distraction” and “a fig leaf for further violence and displacement”.
And famine expert Alex de Waal claims Israel has “taken a page from the colonial war handbooks” in weaponising food aid in pursuit of military victory.
He argues the planned quantities of food aid will be insufficient and lack the specialised feeding necessary for malnourished children, in addition to clean water and electricity.
What has not been stated but can be implied from the strong resistance to the new system lacking humanitarian expertise: the lack of good faith on Israel’s part. The Israeli government continues to pursue an elusive military victory at the expense of the rules and norms intended to preserve humanity in war.
Wider pattern of behaviour
The UN’s rebuke of the plan should be interpreted through a wider pattern of Israeli government behaviour undermining the international aid system and its role in upholding respect for humanitarian principles.
These fundamental principles include respect for humanity, neutrality, impartiality and operational independence. As the joint statement by 24 nations on aid to Gaza this month said:
Humanitarian principles matter for every conflict around the world and should be applied consistently in every war zone.
International humanitarian law requires member states to respect – and ensure respect – for the rules of war. This includes taking all feasible measures to influence the parties engaged in a conflict to respect humanitarian law.
As Fletcher, the UN relief chief, reminded the UN Security Council earlier this month, this hasn’t been done in past cases of large-scale violations of international human rights, such as in Srebrenica (in the former Yugoslavia) and Rwanda.
He said reviews of the UN’s conduct in cases like these
[…] pointed to our collective failure to speak to the scale of violations while they were committed.
While humanitarians are best placed to deliver aid, greater collective political action is what’s needed. Pressure now falls on all UN member states use their levers of influence to protect civilians and prevent the further weaponisation of aid at this critical time.
Amra Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Asia Pacific Report editor David Robie was honoured with Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit (MNZM) at the weekend by the Governor-General, Dame Cindy Kiro, in an investiture ceremony at Government House Tāmaki Makaurau.
He was one of eight recipients for various honours, which included Joycelyn Armstrong, who was presented with Companion of the King’s Service Order (KSO) for services to interfaith communities.
Dr Robie’s award, which came in the King’s Birthday Honours in 2024 but was presented on Saturday, was for “services to journalism and Asia-Pacific media education”.
Dr David Robie has contributed to journalism in New Zealand and the Asia-Pacific region for more than 50 years.
Dr Robie began his career with The Dominion in 1965 and worked as an international journalist and correspondent for agencies from Johannesburg to Paris. He has won several journalism awards, including the 1985 Media Peace Prize for his coverage of the Rainbow Warrior bombing.
He was Head of Journalism at the University of Papua New Guinea from 1993 to 1997 and the University of the South Pacific in Suva from 1998 to 2002. He founded the Pacific Media Centre in 2007 while professor of journalism and communications at Auckland University of Technology.
He developed four award-winning community publications as student training outlets. He pioneered special internships for Pacific students in partnership with media and the University of the South Pacific. He has organised scholarships with the Asia New Zealand Foundation for student journalists to China, Indonesia and the Philippines.
He was founding editor of Pacific Journalism Review journal in 1994 and in 1996 he established the Pacific Media Watch, working as convenor with students to campaign for media freedom in the Pacific.
He has authored 10 books on Asia-Pacific media and politics. Dr Robie co-founded and is deputy chair of the Asia Pacific Media Network/Te Koakoa NGO.
The investiture ceremony on 24 May 2025. Video: Office of the Governor-General
In an interview with Global Voices last year, Dr Robie praised the support from colleagues and students and said:
“There should be more international reporting about the “hidden stories” of the Pacific such as the unresolved decolonisation issues — Kanaky New Caledonia, “French” Polynesia (Mā’ohi Nui), both from France; and West Papua from Indonesia.
“West Papua, in particular, is virtually ignored by Western media in spite of the ongoing serious human rights violations. This is unconscionable.”
A 5-month-old diagnosed with malnutrition being treated at Nasser Hospital in Khan Yunis in Gaza, May 2025.Anadolu/Getty
Last week, the United Nations warned more than 14,000 babies would die of malnutrition in 48 hours if Israel continued to block aid from entering Gaza.
After the figure was widelyreported, that timeline has been walked back, with a UN spokesperson clarifying the projection is for the next 11 months.
Between April 2025 and March 2026, there will be 71,000 cases of acute malnutrition among children under five, including 14,100 severe cases.
An estimated 17,000 breastfeeding and pregnant women will also require treatment for acute malnutrition during this time.
Starvation and malnutrition are harmful for anyone. But for infants the impact can be profound and lasting.
What is malnutrition?
In infants and young children, malnutrition means they have a height, weight and head circumference that don’t match standard charts, due to a lack of proper nutrition.
Nutritional deficiencies are especially common among young children and pregnant women.
The human body needs 17 essential minerals. Deficiencies in zinc, iron and iodine are the most dangerous, linked to a higher risk of infants dying or developing brain damage.
When malnutrition is acute to severe, infants and young children will lose weight because they’re not getting enough food, and because they’re more susceptible to illness and diarrhoea.
A child experiencing wasting has lost significant weight or fails to gain weight, resulting in a dangerously low weight-for-height ratio.
A persistent lack of adequate food leads to chronic malnutrition, or stunting, where growth and development is impaired.
Risk of infections and mortality
Malnourished infants have weakened immune systems. This makes them more vulnerable to developing infections, due to smaller organs and deficits in lean mass. Lean mass is the body’s weight excluding fat and is crucial for supporting healthy growth, strength and overall development.
When children are starving, they are much more likely to die from common illnesses such as diarrhoea and pneumonia.
The human brain develops extraordinarily rapidly during the first 1,000 days of life (from conception to age two). During this time, adequate nutrition is essential.
Children’s developing brains are more likely to be affected by nutritional deficiencies than adults.
When prolonged, malnutrition may lead to structural brain changes, including a smaller brain and less myelin – the protective membrane that wraps around nerve cells and helps the brain send messages.
Chronic malnutrition can affect brain functions and processes such as thinking, language, attention, memory and decision-making.
However, some effects are reversible. Early, intensive interventions – such as access to nutrient-rich food and medicines to treat hypoglycaemia (low blood sugar) and fight infections – can help children catch-up on growth and brain development.
For example, one review of studies involving undernourished preschool children found their cognitive abilities, such as concentration, reasoning and emotional regulation improved somewhat when they were given iron supplements and multivitamins.
However malnutrition during the crucial window under two years old increases the risk of lifelong disabilities.
It’s also important to note recovery is more likely in an environment where nutritious food is available and children’s emotional needs are taken care of.
In Gaza, Israel’s military operations have destroyed 94% of hospital infrastructure and humanitarian aid remains severely restricted. The conditions necessary for children’s recovery are out of reach.
Pregnant and breastfeeding mothers
Severe maternal malnutrition can increase the mother and child’s risk of dying or experiencing complications during pregnancy.
When a breastfeeding mother is malnourished, she will produce less breastmilk and it will be lower quality. Deficiencies in iron, iodine, and vitamins A, D and zinc will compromise the mother’s health reduce the nutritional value of breast milk. This can contribute to poor infant growth and development.
Starved mothers may experience fatigue, poor health and psychological distress, making it challenging to maintain breastfeeding.
Other organ impacts
Data from those born during the Dutch famine of 1944-45 have helped us understand the lifelong health impacts on children conceived and born while their mothers were starving.
Among this group, malnutrition affected the development and function of many of the children’s organs, including the heart, lung and kidneys.
This group also had higher rates of schizophrenia, depression and anxiety, and lower performance in cognitive testing.
They also had a higher risk of developing chronic degenerative diseases (such as cardiovascular disease and kidney failure) and dying prematurely.
Is the damage irreversible?
Recovery is possible. But it depends on how severely malnourished the child is, and when and what kind of support they receive.
Evidence shows children remain vulnerable and have a higher risk of dying even after being treated for complications from severe acute malnutrition.
nutritional rehabilitation (giving the child nutrient-rich foods, specialised feeding, and addressing underlying deficiencies)
breastfeeding support for mothers
providing rehabilitation and health care in the community (so families and children can return to everyday routines).
This seems difficult if not impossible in Gaza, where Israel’s blockade on aid and ongoing military operations mean safety and infrastructure are severely compromised.
Repeated or prolonged episodes of malnutrition increase the risk of lasting developmental harm.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Indra Mckie, Postdoctoral Researcher in Collaborative Human-AI Interaction Culture, University of Technology Sydney
Have you heard of the “male technologist” mindset? It may sound familiar, and you may even know such people personally.
Design researchers Turkka Keinonen and Nils Ehrenberg
have defined the male technologist as someone who is obsessed with concerns about energy, efficiency and reducing labour.
This archetype became apparent in my PhD research when I interviewed 12 families about their use of early domestic robots and smart home devices Amazon Alexa and Google Home. One father over-engineered his smart home so much, his kids struggled to turn the lights on and off.
The male technologist often complicates and overcompensates with technology, raising the question: are these real problems tech can solve, or just quick fixes masking deeper issues?
Long-standing patriarchal systems shape the gendered division of domestic labour. Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels
It’s not about making men feel guilty
The term “male technologist” isn’t about making men feel guilty for using technology to innovate. Anyone can adopt this mindset. It can even apply to institutions that prioritise innovation and efficiency over emotional insight, lived experience or community-based ways of creating change.
Mental load is the invisible, ongoing effort of planning, organising and managing daily life that often goes unnoticed but is essential to keeping things running.
Take one of my research participants, Hugo (name changed for privacy). A father of two, Hugo embodies this male technologist mindset by creating “business scenarios” to solve his family’s problems with smart home automation.
Indra Mckie/The Conversation
Treating family life like a system to optimise, Hugo noticed his wife looking stressed while cooking. So, he installed a smart clock with Alexa in the kitchen to help her manage multiple timers.
Hugo saw it as an empathetic solution, tailored to the way she liked to cook. But instead of sharing the load of this domestic task, he “engineered” around it, offloading responsibility to smart devices.
Smart home tech promises to save time, but it hasn’t solved who does what at home. Instead, it hands more power to those with digital know-how, letting them automate tasks they may never have done or fully understood in the first place.
Typically, these tend to be men. A recent survey by Kaspersky showed 72% of men are the ones who set up their families’ smart devices, compared to 47% of women.
Unfortunately, a recent Australian survey found women still do more unpaid domestic work than men. Even in households where women have full-time jobs, they spend almost four hours more on household chores per week than men do.
Who really benefits in a smart home
Amazon first released Alexa back in 2014, with Apple and Google quickly following with their own smart home speakers. In the past decade, some people have adopted the hype of the “smart home” to make life easier by controlling technology without needing to get off the couch.
But smart technology can also affect access to shared spaces, create new forms of control over things and people in the home, and constrain human interactions. And it can be set up to reinforce the existing hierarchy within the household.
Indra Mckie/The Conversation
By his own admission, Hugo has over-engineered the home to the point where his children struggle to turn the lights on and off, having disabled the physical switches in favour of voice commands.
My research looked at how automation is changing care giving and acts of service in the home. With “compassionate automation”, someone could use smart technology to support loved ones in thoughtful ways, such as setting up smart home routines or reminders to make daily life easier.
But even when it comes from a place of care, tech-based help is not the same as human care. It may not always feel meaningful to the person receiving or providing it. As another participant in my research put it:
I think there are still human interactions [..] that you probably don’t want AI to mediate for you.
When we recognise this, we can imagine ways of designing and using tech in ways that emphasise care and relationships. Instead of setting up a smart timer in the kitchen, the technologist could ask his wife what she’s cooking and join her, using the voice assistant together to follow a recipe step by step.
The ultimate fantasy of the male technologist is more toys to solve domestic labour problems at home. Gordenkoff/Shutterstock
But if men are now taking on more of the digital load, will the mental load finally shift too? Or will they continue to automate the easy, visible tasks while the emotional and cognitive labour still goes unseen and unshared?
Elon Musk has declared plans to launch several thousand Optimus robots – Tesla’s bid into the humanoid robot race.
He expects the explosion of a new market of personal humanoid robots, generating US$10 trillion in revenue long-term and potentially becoming the most valuable part of Tesla’s business.
But as homes get “smarter,” we have to ask: how is this reshaping family dynamics, relationships and domestic responsibility?
It’s important to consider if outsourcing chores to technology really is about easing the load, or just engineering our way around it without addressing the deeper mental and relational work of household labour.
Indra Mckie received the UTS Research Excellence Scholarship to complete her PhD research at the University of Technology Sydney.
As debate rages about the federal government’s plan to lift the tax on earnings on superannuation balances over A$3 million, it’s worth revisiting why we offer super tax breaks in the first place, and why they need to be reformed.
Tax breaks on super contributions mean less tax is paid on super savings than other forms of income. These tax breaks cost the federal budget nearly $50 billion in lost revenue each year.
These tax breaks boost the retirement savings of super fund members. They also ensure workers don’t pay punitively high long-term tax rates on their super, since the impact of even low tax rates on savings compounds over time.
Two thirds of the value of super tax breaks benefit the top 20% of income earners, who are already saving enough for their retirement.
Few retirees draw down on their retirement savings as intended, and many are net savers – their super balance continues to grow for decades after they retire.
By 2060, Treasury expects one-third of all withdrawals from super will be via bequests – up from one-fifth today.
Superannuation in Australia was intended to help fund retirements. Instead, it has become a taxpayer-subsidised inheritance scheme.
The tax breaks aren’t just inequitable; they are economically unsound. Generous tax breaks for super savers mean other taxes (such as income and company taxes) must be higher to make up the forgone revenue. That means the burden falls disproportionately on younger taxpayers.
The government should go further
The government’s plan to increase the tax rate on superannuation earnings for balances exceeding $3 million from 15% to 30% is one modest step towards fixing these problems. The tax would only apply to the amount over $3 million, not the entire balance.
Rather than being the biggest losers from the lack of indexation, younger Australians are the biggest beneficiaries. It means more older, wealthier Australians will shoulder some of the burden of budget repair and an ageing population. Otherwise, younger generations would bear this burden alone.
The facts speak for themselves: a mere 0.5% of Australians have more than $3 million in their super, and 85% of those are aged over 60.
Even in the unlikely scenario where the threshold remains fixed until 2055 – or for ten consecutive parliamentary terms – it would still only affect the top 10% of retiring Australians. Treasurer Jim Chalmers has rightly pointed out that it is unlikely the threshold will never be lifted.
Far from abandoning the proposed $3 million threshold, the government should go further and drop the threshold to $2 million, and only then index it to inflation, saving the budget a further $1 billion a year.
There is no rationale for offering such generous earnings tax breaks on super balances between $2 million and $3 million.
At the very least, if the $3 million threshold is maintained, it should not be indexed until inflation naturally reduces its real value to $2 million, which is estimated to occur around 2040.
Sure, it’s complicated
Levying a higher tax rate on the earnings of large super balances is complicated by the fact existing super earnings taxes are levied at the fund level, not on individual member accounts.
And it’s true that levying a 15% surcharge on the implied earnings of the account over the year (the change in account balance, net of contributions and withdrawals) will impose a tax on unrealised capital gains, or paper profits.
Taxing capital gains as they build up removes incentives to “lock in” investments to hold onto untaxed capital gains, as the Henry Tax Review recognised. But it can create cash flow problems for some self-managed super fund members who hold assets such as business premises or a farm in their fund.
Yet there are seldom easy answers when it comes to tax changes.
Most people with such substantial super balances are retirees who already maintain enough liquid assets to meet the minimum drawdown requirements.
Indeed, self-managed super funds are legally obligated to have investment strategies that ensure liquidity and the ability to meet liabilities.
In any case, the tax does not have to be paid from super. Australians with large super balances typically earn as much income from investments outside super. And the wealthiest 10% of retirees today rely more on income from outside super than income from super.
Good public policy, like politics, always requires some level of compromise.
Super tax breaks should exist only where they support a policy aim. And on balance, trimming unneeded super tax breaks for the wealthiest 0.5% of Australians would make our super system fairer and our budget stronger.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Claire Walker, Associate Professor, School of Historical and Classical Studies, University of Adelaide
La Religieuse Tenant La Sainte Croix (The Nun Holds the Cross), Jacques Callot, French,1621–35.The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Is loneliness a modern epidemic as we are so often told? Did people in the past suffer similar feelings of isolation?
The word “loneliness” was not common before the 19th century. Cultural historian Fay Bound Alberti argues it was rarely used before 1800.
This does not mean people didn’t feel alone. They just had different names for it – and they didn’t always think it was bad. Modern people living hectic lives in bustling cities often yearn for peace and tranquillity; so did our forebears.
From the hermits of the early Christian church escaping society for lives of solitary prayer, to medieval anchorites in secluded cells, isolation was a prerequisite for spiritual success.
But were isolated monks, nuns and hermits also lonely, as we would understand the word today? And do early modern nuns offer solutions for our own loneliness epidemic?
Searching for solitude
Early Christian religious thinkers and medieval churchmen viewed voluntary loneliness positively, with successful practitioners becoming saints. But religious solitude was not without its problems.
Holy recluses, far from escaping society, were pursued for spiritual advice. Some, like Simeon Stylites (390–459), went to extraordinary measures, living atop a pillar near Aleppo for 30-odd years to achieve solitude.
Monasticism provided an alternative. Monastic rules, like that of Benedict of Nursia (480–547), institutionalised isolation. In Benedictine monasteries, solitude was created through seclusion from society, strict silence, and prohibition of close friendships.
Yet, like hermits, monks and nuns couldn’t escape the world completely. Monasteries constituted vital spiritual resources, providing multiple services and conducting business for wider society.
Nuns at Work, Follower of Alessandro Magnasco (Italian, Milanese, first half 18th century). The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Over the centuries, reforming bishops believed there was too much interaction between monasteries and the wider community. This led to repeated church reforms from the 10th century onwards to secure separation.
Male members of the clergy were particularly worried about nuns who were considered “less capable” of maintaining holy solitude. As a result, women had to observe strict enclosure behind convent walls, limiting their economic and spiritual capacity. Reforms in the 16th century upheld nuns’ incarceration.
Many women resisted, but others embraced isolation as spiritually liberating.
Isolation in exile
Early modern English convents, exiled in Europe after Henry VIII’s dissolution of the monasteries, shed light on nuns’ experiences of loneliness.
The convents were subject to traditional rules of enclosure and silence. To become nuns, women left their homeland, family and friends. They joined English houses, so they were not alone among strangers, but they had to remain emotionally distant from one another, despite living in a community where they did everything together.
Women wanting spiritual fulfilment often sought additional solitude.
Benedictine mystic Gertrude More (1606–33) praised prescribed periods of silence because in them she might hear her Lord’s whispers.
Carmelite prioress Teresa of Jesus Maria Worsley (1601–42) took time from her busy administrative role and hid from the other nuns to pray in solitude.
The Nun in Count Burckhardt, from the periodical Once a Week. After James McNeill Whistler, American. Associated with Dalziel Brothers, British. September 27 1862. The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Not all women found seclusion and silence so fulfilling, however, with some experiencing bouts of spiritual doubt and poor mental health. Many missed their family and homeland.
This was particularly common among young sisters and those in convent schools. In the 1660s, Catherine Aston returned to England to recover after suffering poor health and depression.
Alone in a crowd
Nuns’ diverse experiences of monastic solitude reflect modern urban loneliness.
In 1812 Lord Byron expressed the contradictory nature of loneliness in the poem Childe Harold, juxtaposing the positive solitary contemplation of nature with its negative counterpart – aloneness “midst the crowd”.
In the present day many people feel alone in cities, even domestic households, as Olivia Laing and Keith Snell have shown.
How might this be countered? Do early modern nuns offer solutions?
A study of 21st century Spanish monks and nuns found monastic training, prayer and silence create feelings of spiritual satisfaction and purpose which lessens loneliness.
Prayer is not the answer for everyone because modern isolation is caused by multiple factors in a largely secular society. There are alternative paths to meditation, however, through yoga or mindfulness which can provide feelings akin to monks’ and nuns’ “spiritual satisfaction”.
Similarly, the nuns’ sense of “purpose” might be achieved through nostalgia. Nostalgia is the longing for an idealised and unobtainable past – a time when life was better. Research by psychologists suggests nostalgia can be beneficial in counteracting loneliness, even enabling forward-looking and proactive behaviours.
This was certainly true for the nuns exiled in Europe following Henry VIII’s abolition of monasticism in England. They dreamt of a future when their convents would return to England, family and friends. All nuns prayed both communally and in private for this outcome.
Some went further, engaging in missionary work and political intrigue to achieve their goal.
We cannot know whether this stifled loneliness, but by combining the benefits of meditation and activism it likely fostered a shared sense of purpose.
Just as Gertrude More and Teresa of Jesus Maria Worsley found solitude essential for spiritual satisfaction, activist nuns believed they might reverse the English reformation from their exiled convents. Solitude, prayer and political engagement gave them a sense of purpose.
Everyone’s situation is unique. There is no single solution for resolving isolation in the contemporary world. But the knowledge that it can be positive is perhaps a step towards countering the modern epidemic.
Claire Walker has received funding from the Australian Research Council.
This means machetes will be added to the list of things – such as swords, crossbows, slingshots, pepper spray and about 40 other items – that are essentially banned.
Possession of a prohibited item can result in penalties of two years imprisonment or a fine of more than $47,000.
Victoria is the first state in Australia to outright ban machetes. In other jurisdictions, machetes (like knives) may be used for lawful purposes, and are “controlled” or “restricted” – meaning you need a reasonable excuse or valid reason for possessing one.
Most jurisdictions (except Tasmania and the Northern Territory) prohibit sales to minors.
Will there be exemptions?
Allan said the sales ban will have no exceptions, meaning nobody will be able to purchase a machete.
However, machetes are a useful tool, particularly for agricultural purposes, and outdoor uses such as camping.
When the new laws come into effect in September, people will be able to apply for a special “commissioner’s approval” to possess a machete. The exact details of who may be granted an exemption, and under what circumstances, are not yet clear.
Nor is it clear whether people will have to, for example, pay for a permit to own a machete, or what measures people may have to take to prevent unauthorised access or theft.
How much of a problem is knife crime in Australia?
Despite alarming headlines and political rhetoric about a knife crime epidemic, it is hard to say exactly how much of a problem knife crime is.
Statistics about weapon use and unlawful possession are not always disaggregated by type of weapon.
Crime statistics are notoriously slippery, and what looks like a “crisis” can often be the result of changes in policing practices. For instance, when police run an intensive operation searching for knives in public places, they are more likely to find knives in public places. This does not necessarily mean there are more people out there carrying knives.
The one crime where statistics are fairly clear is homicide: knives or other sharp instruments have long been the most common weapon used in Australia.
The actual number of homicides involving knives or sharp instruments has stayed relatively stable over time. When you take into account the increase in how many people live in Australia, the rate per head of population has fallen.
It is tempting to think a machete ban would reduce these figures even more. Unfortunately, violence prevention is not that simple.
Homicides that involve people using their hands and feet have declined markedly over time. Why has this “method”, which is available to anybody, fallen so much? The answer is: nobody really knows.
This tells us we need to look beyond types of weapons.
Will the ban achieve anything?
Violence is complex and simple “solutions” may make people feel safe (at least temporarily) but seldom deliver real results over the longer term.
It’s easy for governments to ban things, which is why they do it so often. But we should pay close attention to what Victorian Police Minister Anthony Carbine said in March:
This is Australia’s first machete ban, and we agree with police that it must be done once and done right. It took the UK (United Kingdom) 18 months – we can do it in six.
Lawmaking should never be a race. Nor should politicians be mere mouthpieces doing what police tell them.
Police are the ones we turn to for protection when violence breaks out, but this does not mean they are the only ones we should go to when we are looking for the most effective ways to deal with problems.
Tackling violence takes serious commitment to complex and intensive programs that focus on the root causes, particularly among at-risk families and disadvantaged, marginalised youth.
This is hard work that takes a long time, includes many different stakeholders, and seldom sways votes. Focusing on the choice of weapon is simply a distraction.
There is no question the sight of machete-wielding youths storming through a busy shopping centre is terrifying. People should be able to go about their business without fearing they will be attacked.
But reducing violence takes a lot more than banning one particular weapon, as Victoria will likely find out.
Dr Samara McPhedran does not does not work for, consult to, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that might benefit from this article.
Australia in 2025 is living up to Dorothy McKellar’s poetic vision of a country stricken by “drought and flooding rains”.
The clean up is underway from the deadly floods in the Hunter and mid-north coast regions of New South Wales. At the same time, large swathes of Victoria, South Australia and Tasmania are severely drought affected due to some of the lowest rainfall on record.
Do we have the right support arrangements in place to help farmers and communities survive the current dry period?
Or is there a better way to help primary producers through the tough times, which are predicted to become more frequent and severe under climate change?
The decision was made for several reasons, including the high level of expenditure on drought relief in Queensland. The federal finance minister at the time, Peter Walsh, suggested the Queensland government was using the arrangements as a “sort of National Party slush fund to be distributed to National Party toadies and apparatchiks”.
The more considered reason was that our scientific understanding of the drivers of Australia’s climate, such as El Niño, suggested drought was a normal part of our environment. Since then, climate modelling points to droughts becoming an even more familiar sight in Australia as a result of global warming.
So the focus of drought relief shifted from disaster response to risk management.
Building resilience
The National Drought Policy announced in 1992 stated drought should be managed like any other business risk.
Since then, the language of resilience has been added to the mix and the government lists three objectives for drought policy:
to build the drought resilience of farming businesses by enabling preparedness, risk management and financial self-reliance
to ensure an appropriate safety net is always available to those experiencing hardship
to encourage stakeholders to work together to address the challenges of drought.
Since 1992, various governments have introduced, and tweaked, different programs aimed at supporting drought-affected farmers.
The most successful program is the Farm Management Deposits Scheme. This has accumulated a whisker under A$6 billion in farmer savings, which are available to be drawn down during drought to support farm businesses.
In 2025, the federal government is using the Future Drought Fund to invest $100 million per year to promote resilience. It also offers support through the Farm Household Allowance and concessional loans for farms and related small businesses.
Apart from the Farm Management Deposit Scheme and the Farm Household Allowance, these programs do not offer immediate financial assistance to the increasing number of farmers across southern Australia being impacted by drought. If the drought worsens, it is likely there will be increasing calls for greater support.
This provides the government with a dilemma: it is already investing significantly in the risk and resilience approach to drought, but politically, it is hard to resist cries for help from farmers who are a highly valued group in our community.
A better way?
There is a solution available to government to improve support. It can be done through the provision of “revenue contingent loans” for drought-affected farmers. Financial support would be available to farmers when they need it, consistent with the risk management principles underpinning the national drought policy.
Our detailed modelling, extending now over 25 years, shows compellingly that revenue-based loans would mean taxpayers spending less on drought arrangements. But the assistance compared with other forms of public sector help would be greater.
Capacity to repay would be the defining feature of the scheme. A revenue contingent loan is only paid down in periods when the farm is experiencing healthy cash flow. If a farm’s annual financial situation is difficult, no repayments are required.
These loans would also remove foreclosure risk associated with an inability to repay when times are tough. Loan defaults simply can’t happen, a feature which also takes away the psychological trauma associated with the fear of losing the property due to unforeseen financial difficulties.
Good policy
These benefits would address governments’ main motivation with drought policy, which is risk management. That is because repayment concerns and default prospects would be eliminated. With farming, in which there is great uncertainty, these are very significant pluses for policy.
Revenue contingent loans are a proper risk management financial instrument that requires low or no subsidies from government. They would complement the Farm Management Deposit Scheme and be an effective replacement for the concessional loans currently on offer.
A win-win for farmer and taxpayer, alike.
Linda Botterill has in the past received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Grains Research and Development Corporation, and Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (now Agrifutures).
Bruce Chapman has received funding from the Australian Research Council in various years, and was a consultant to the Federal Government’s Department of Education University Accord Enquiry in 2023/24.
You’ve probably heard the terms “abs” and “core” used in social media videos, Pilates classes, or even by physiotherapists.
Given they seem to refer to the same general area of your body, you might have wondered what the difference is.
When people talk about “abs”, they’re often referring to the abdominal muscles you can see. Conversely, the term “core” is used to describe a broader group of muscles in the context of function, rather than aesthetics.
While abs and core are often spoken about separately, there’s a lot of overlap between them.
What are abs?
The term “abs” is short for abdominal muscles. These are the muscles that run along the front and side of your stomach.
When someone talks about getting a six-pack, they’re usually referring to toning the rectus abdominis, the long muscle that goes from the bottom of your ribs to the top of your pelvis.
Your abdominals also include your obliques, which sit on the side of your body, and your transverse abdominis, which sits underneath your other abdominal muscles and wraps around your waist like a belt.
The term “abs” has been around for a long time, and is perhaps most often used when discussing aesthetics.
For example, it’s common to see health and wellness publications offering advice on how to achieve “flat” or “six-pack” abs.
The long muscle that goes from the bottom of your ribs to the top of your pelvis is called the rectus abdominis. phoenix creation/Shutterstock
What about the core?
When people talk about the “core”, they are often referring to your abdominals, but also the muscles in your back (your spinal erectors), hips, glutes, pelvic floor, and your diaphragm.
These are the muscles that can stabilise your spine against movement, and aid in the transfer of force between the upper and lower limbs.
The term “core” wasn’t commonly used until the early 2000s, when it became synonymous with core training.
While the exact reason for its surge in popularity isn’t clear, it most likely followed a study published in 1998 that suggested people with lower back pain might have impaired function of their deep abdominal muscles.
From there, the concept of “core training” entered the mainstream, where it was proposed to reduce lower back pain and improve athletic performance.
Other research suggests there aren’t any differences in how people with and without lower back pain recruit and use their core muscles.
In a separate study, improvements in core strength and stability after a nine-week core stability training program were not significantly associated with improvements in pain and function, further questioning this relationship.
The link between core strength and athletic performance is also unclear.
A 2016 review found some very small associations between measures of core muscle strength and measures of whole body strength, power and balance. However, because of the design of the studies reviewed, we don’t know whether people who have better strength, power and balance simply have stronger core muscles, or whether stronger core muscles increase strength, power and balance.
An earlier review summarised the effect of core stability training on measures of athletic performance, including jumping, sprinting and throwing. It concluded this type of training is unlikely to provide substantial benefits to measures of general athletic performance such as jumping and sprinting.
However, this review also suggested that, given the important role of the abs in torso rotation, strengthening these muscles might have merit in improving performance in sports that involve swinging a bat or throwing a ball.
This is likely to apply to other sports that involve rapid torso movement as well, such as mixed martial arts and kayaking.
Stronger abdominal muscles could offer an advantage in sports that involve rotation. Lino Khim Medrina/Pexels
How can you exercise your abs and core?
There’s good evidence that simply getting stronger by lifting weights can help prevent injuries. Training your core to get stronger should have a similar impact, as long as it’s part of a broader training program.
We also know having weaker muscles makes you more likely to experience functional limitations and disability in older age. So alongside any other potential benefits, improving core strength with the rest of your body could help keep you fit and healthy as you get older.
There are plenty of exercises you can do to train your core and abs.
If you’re new to core training, you might want to start off with some lower-level isolation exercises that don’t involve any movement of the core. These include things like planks, bird dogs, and pallof presses. These are unlikely to cause too much muscle soreness, but will train your core muscles.
Once you feel like these are going well, you can start moving into some more dynamic exercises such as sit ups, Russian twists and leg raises, where you train your abdominals using a full range of motion.
Hunter Bennett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 26, 2025.
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With the ACT Party’s Regulatory Standards Bill now before the Finance and Expenditure Committee, having passed its first reading in parliament last week, parallels with the now abandoned Treaty Principles Bill have already been drawn.
Lawyer Tania Waikato, who led an urgent Waitangi Tribunal claim before the bill was introduced, has dubbed it “the Treaty Principles Bill 2.0”. The tribunal itself recommended the government “immediately halt [its] advancement”.
The reasons for the concern lie in the bill’s constitutional implications – which in turn would affect the place of te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi in the nation’s legislative framework.
Legal experts have warned of the consequences of the bill’s broad reach, one arguing it aims to create a “regulatory constitution”. Others have suggested the regulatory criteria set out in the bill are highly selective, reflecting a libertarian ideology rather than universally accepted standards of good lawmaking.
Perhaps most strikingly, the Ministry for Regulation – itself an ACT Party initiative under the coalition agreement – views the bill as unnecessary because there are more efficient and effective ways of improving the quality of lawmaking.
The primary impact of the bill would be to make it harder to enact laws that do not conform with its prescribed criteria. While not binding, in practice those criteria are intended to act as a legislative filter. The fact te Tiriti or its principles are missing from those criteria explains the Waitangi Tribunal’s alarm.
Missing rights
This is the fourth time since 2006 a similar law has been proposed by the ACT party during different governments. Each version has failed to progress once before parliament.
This time, however, a commitment in the coalition agreement between ACT, National and NZ First suggests the bill could eventually become law – although NZ First leader Winston Peters has signalled his party wants changes to what he calls a “work in progress”.
The bill in its current form sets out criteria for assessing legislation under the following categories: the rule of law; liberties; taxes, fees and levies; role of the courts; and good lawmaking.
All government bills would include a statement of consistency with the prescribed criteria, with reasons given for any inconsistencies. Government agencies would need to undertake regular reviews for consistency of the legislation they administer.
A regulatory standards board would be established to inquire into the consistency of existing legislation and legislation before parliament.
The criteria themselves prioritise some rights while overlooking others completely. As well as te Tiriti o Waitangi being conspicuously absent, so are rights recognised in the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990.
Currently, both the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi and the Bill of Rights Act feature prominently in the existing legislative design guidelines administered by parliament’s Legislation Design and Advisory Committee. Those guidelines also cover most of the other criteria selected for the Regulatory Standards Bill.
But the bill’s emphasis on the protection of property rights has been criticised for potentially circumventing those existing guidelines. For example, Greenpeace has argued this could interfere with implementing effective environmental protections.
Inherently relevant to Māori
Some of these issues were raised in the urgently convened Waitangi Tribunal hearing on May 14. Claimants were concerned about the lack of consultation with Māori and that the bill’s criteria would be used to override te Tiriti rights and block measures designed to promote equity.
The tribunal’s interim report on May 16 found the Crown had breached the Treaty principles of partnership and active protection of Māori in its development of the bill. Proceeding without meaningful consultation with Māori would be a further breach of those principles, according to the tribunal.
However, a full draft of the bill was not available at the time of the hearing. The tribunal noted, in the absence of a draft bill, that it was unable to determine the precise prejudice Māori would suffer if the bill became law.
The tribunal also saw the bill as constitutionally significant. While the bill’s effects may be uncertain, the tribunal found, they “will undoubtedly be felt in the law-making and policy space, are constitutional in nature, and inherently relevant to Māori”.
According to the tribunal, the Crown had an obligation to engage in targeted consultation with Māori, but it did not do so. That obligation was heightened by the “reasonable concerns” raised by Māori about how the bill might affect the Crown’s ability to uphold its Treaty obligations.
These concerns also featured heavily in submissions responding to the initial discussion document during the consultation process – although questions remain about how many submissions were actually read and assessed.
Despite the tribunal’s recommendation that the bill’s progress be stopped to allow for meaningful engagement with Māori, Cabinet approved it on May 19, it was introduced to parliament the same day and debated under urgency on May 23.
Submissions to the select committee close on June 23, and many of these concerns will inevitably be aired again. But depending on the committee’s recommendations, and if NZ First supports a revised draft, ACT’s regulatory wishes may finally come true.
Carwyn Jones provided expert evidence for claimants in the Waitangi Tribunal’s urgent inquiry into the Regulatory Standards Bill. He was not a claimant in that inquiry.
Lini passed away at the Port Vila General Hospital on Sunday, according to local news media.
Lini was the first woman to be elected to the Vanuatu Parliament in 1987 as a member of the National United Party.
Motarilavoa Hilda Lini in 1989 . . . She received the Nuclear-Free Future Award in 2005. Image: Wikipedia
She went on to become the country’s first female minister in 1991 after being appointed as the Minister for Health and Rural Water Supplies. She held several ministerial portfolios until the late 1990s, serving three terms in Parliament.
She was the sister of the late Father Walter Lini, who is regarded as the country’s founding father.
Chief of the Turaga nation She was a chief of the Turaga nation of Pentecost Island in Vanuatu.
“On behalf of the government, we wish to extend our deepest condolences to the Lini family for the passing of late Motarilavoa Hilda Lini — one of the first to break through our male-dominated Parliament during those hey days,” the Vanuatu Ministry for the Prime Minister said in a statement today.
“She later championed many causes, including a Nuclear-Free Pacific. Rest in Peace soldier, for you have fought a great fight.
In a condolence message posted on Facebook, Vanuatu’s Speaker Stephen Dorrick Felix Ma Au Malfes said Lini was “a trailblazer who paved the way for women in leadership and politics in Vanuatu”.
“Her courage, dedication, and vision inspired many and have left an indelible mark on the history of our nation.
“As Vanuatu continues to grow and celebrate its independence, her story and contributions will forever be remembered and honoured. She has left behind a legacy filled with wisdom, strength, and cherished memories that we will carry with us always.”
A Vanuatu human rights women’s rights advocate, Anne Pakoa, said Lini was a “Pacific hero”.
‘Wise and humble leader’ “She was a woman of integrity, a prestigious, wise and yet very humble woman leader,” Pakoa wrote in a Facebook post.
Port Vila MP Marie Louise Milne, the third woman to represent the capital in Parliament after the late Lini and the late Maria Crowby, said “Lini was more than a leader”.
“She was a pioneer . . . serving our country with strength, dignity, and an unshakable commitment to justice and peace. She carried her chiefly title with pride, wisdom, and purpose, always serving with the voice of a true daughter of the land,” Milne said.
“I remember her powerful presence at the Independence Day flag-raising ceremonies, calling me ‘Marie Louise’ in her firm, commanding tone — a voice that resonated with leadership and care.”
“Though I am not in Port Vila to pay my last respects in person, I carry her memory with me in my heart, in my work, and in my prayers. My thoughts are with the Lini family and all who mourn this national loss.”
She said Lini’s legacy lives on in every woman who rises to serve, in every ni-Vanuatu who believes in justice and unity.
“She will forever remain a symbol of strength for Vanuatu and for all Melanesian women.”
Motarilavoa Hilda Lini will be buried in North Pentecost tomorrow.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Fiji lawyer Nazhat Shameem Khan has been elevated to the top prosecutorial position at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague.
The Office of the Prosecutor at ICC has announced that deputy prosecutors Nazhat Shameem Khan and Mame Mandiaye Niang have taken over leadership following chief prosecutor Karim AA Khan KC’s temporary leave of absence.
The ICC states the deputy prosecutors will continue to rely on the support and collaboration of the Rome Statute community, and all partners, in carrying the office’s mandate forward.
In 2014, Nazhat Khan was appointed Fiji’s ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva and Vienna, and to Switzerland and took up the ICC post in 2021.
Pacific Media Watch notes that Chief Prosecutor Karim Khan had issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes in Gaza, and also against three Hamas leaders who have been killed in the war on Gaza. In contrast to most of the world’s condemnation and a majority of UN members, Fiji supports Israel and its main backer, United States, in the war. Republished from The Fiji Times with permission.
People who’ve lived through natural disasters, such as floods or cyclones, often re-assess their priorities. But for Australians who’ve lived through a severe cyclone, this can affect them in a way that’s received little attention.
Our research shows they’re more likely to take out private health insurance.
What’s so striking is a severe cyclone has a bigger impact on uptake of private health insurance than somegovernment initiatives designed to boost cover.
What we did
Many people try to protect themselves from the financial impact of natural disasters by taking out some type of insurance. But most research so far has focused on how disasters prompt people to buy home or property insurance. So we looked at the impact of cyclones on private health insurance.
We used more than 20 years of data from the nationally representative Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey. The annual survey, which began in 2001, has followed the lives of more than 17,000 people.
We then matched the survey data with historical records of more than 100 cyclones crossing Australia during the same period.
We compared the same person’s health insurance status before and after a cyclone.
As we had good information about other aspects of people’s lives from the HILDA survey, we could be confident it was the cyclone (and not some other factor) that influenced their decision to take up private health insurance.
What did we find?
Only the most severe cyclones – category 5 cyclones with wind speeds over 200 kilometres per hour – had a clear effect on people’s decisions to buy private health insurance.
For example, Cyclone Debbie (a category 4 cyclone in 2017) did not lead to any noticeable change. But the effects were different after Cyclone Yasi – a powerful category 5 cyclone that hit northern Queensland in 2011. People in areas affected by this more severe cyclone were significantly more likely than people living in unaffected areas to take out health insurance, both immediately and in the following year.
The increase in private health insurance uptake was especially strong for younger people, higher earners, and people living in coastal or cyclone-prone areas.
The closer someone lived to the cyclone’s eye, the stronger the effect. People 100-200km away were about 3 percentage points more likely to get health insurance than those unaffected. But for those within 40km, the increase jumped to more than 5 percentage points.
How significant is this?
To put this in context, the largest observed effect of a major cyclone on private health insurance uptake can be stronger than national policies aimed at encouraging people to sign up.
One example is the Medicare Levy Surcharge, which people on higher incomes can avoid if they have private health insurance. This surcharge raised uptake of private health insurance by 2.4 percentage points among single high-income earners.
Another is the Lifetime Health Cover loading. If people buy private health insurance earlier in life and keep it, they can avoid this extra loading. This policy increased coverage by about 1-4 percentage points.
This stress may lead people to take protective steps, such as getting private health insurance.
We also found cyclones harm people’s psychological wellbeing, regardless of whether their home is damaged, making them feel less safe and healthy. This can also influence insurance decisions.
Taken together, our findings suggest it is the emotional and practical disruptions – especially home damage and psychological stress – that prompt people to reassess their vulnerability and seek protection.
People may also take out private health insurance to feel protected against future health costs in the next big cyclone, much like buying home insurance.
What can we learn from this?
Our findings have policy implications. After a severe cyclone, people may turn to private health insurance to cope with the stress and uncertainty. Understanding this can help shape better disaster response policies.
We also found people with a higher income were more likely to take up private health insurance after a cyclone. So targeted policies – such as private health insurance subsidies or improved access to health care after disasters – could help ensure vulnerable populations are not left behind.
This research was partly funded by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course (#CE200100025).
Francis Mitrou receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Medical Research Future Fund, and the Stan Perron Charitable Foundation.
By 2050, almost 70% of the world’s population will live in cities – 20% more than today. As cities expand, the natural world around them contracts. Species decline faster in and around cities than almost anywhere else. But what if cities could become part of the solution — places to actively restore biodiversity rather than just areas of loss?
Our new research explores whether reintroducing native animals to cities can restore ecosystems and reconnect people with nature.
To date, the rewilding movement has largely focused on reintroducing animals to “wilder”, more remote areas. Our review of more than 2,800 rewilding papers found only 17 in urban environments.
While these numbers are low, their successes show rewilding cities can and does work. Beavers now swim in a wetland in London for the first time in 400 years, platypuses are once again breeding in Sydney’s Royal National Park and hornbills fly amid Singaporean skyscrapers.
Returning nature to cities is popular – but animals aren’t usually included. Pictured: New York’s High Line park. rblfmr/Shutterstock
Most nature restoration in cities forgets about the animals
Many cities are working to bringing back nature through tree planting, wetland restoration and expanding green spaces. These projects offer real benefits: cooler streets, cleaner air and healthier places for people to live.
But when it comes to wildlife, most urban nature restoration stops at plants, birds, bees and beetles. Less mobile animals such as reptiles and mammals are often left out.
For years, urban restoration has been done on the assumption that if you build it, they will come. That works for birds, bats and insects, who can fly in from outside a city. But reptiles and mammals are usually unable to return on their own in fragmented cityscapes – even if enough large and suitable habitat has been restored.
As a result, many restored parks look lush but are often ecologically incomplete or overrun with invasive species, such as highly adaptable rats, cats and foxes.
Bringing back small mammals and reptiles has to be done actively. Once back, these animals can take up vital ecological roles such as digging, scavenging and predation, which boost the health of soils, cycle nutrients and keep pests under control.
The quenda, or southwestern brown bandicoot, has been successfully reintroduced to parks around Perth in Western Australia. Their prolific digging has been crucial for soil aeration, seed dispersal, and the spread of fungi that benefits plant growth. Ken Browning
What does it look like to reintroduce animals to cities?
The red squirrel (Sciurus vulgaris) was once common across Portugal but died out in the 16th century. In the early 1990s, Portuguese authorities successfully reintroduced the red squirrel to urban parks in two cities.
For decades, conservationists have worked to bring back urban forests in Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. In 2015, they successfully brought back the brown howler monkey (Alouatta guariba) and the red-rumped agouti (Dasyprocta leporina) to these forests.
By the end of the 16th century, beavers had been hunted to extinction across the United Kingdom. But in 2023, rewilding efforts in the countryside expanded to cities. A family of beavers now swim in wetlands in Ealing, 20 kilometres outside London’s centre.
The city-state of Singapore has successfully added a great deal of greenery to urban areas, from parks to green buildings. Creating this habitat enticed back the adaptable oriental pied hornbill (Anthracoceros albirostris) which is now breeding amid skyscrapers. Conservationists helped by building nesting boxes.
In 2023, platypuses (Ornithorhynchus anatinus) were reintroduced to the Royal National Park on Sydney’s urban fringe for the first time in more than 50 years. Recent monitoring confirms they are breeding.
This figure shows successful urban rewilding projects around the world. Patrick Finnerty, CC BY-NC-ND
What makes urban rewilding successful?
Understanding why a species disappeared in the first place is just as important as bringing it back. It’s no good just bringing back native animals only to watch them be devoured by foxes or cats, or run over by cars. The original threats need to be addressed.
Of the successful projects we found, there were common themes, such as artificial nest boxes, supplementary feeding, predator control and community engagement. Good projects chose their species well and planned for the long term.
Selecting the best species for rewilding can be tricky, but our recent research outlines a simple framework to identify those most likely to succeed. A good first step is to start with regionally common but locally missing species. This helps keep common species common.
If cities want to bring wildlife back, rewilding must be ecologically smart, socially inclusive, and built to last.
In countries with colonial histories, working with Traditional Owners and embedding Indigenous knowledge should be central to urban rewilding, not just for cultural inclusion but to ground projects in Country and ensure they endure.
Why rewilding cities matters for people, too
More and more, humans are disconnecting from nature. As more people live in cities, daily encounters with wildlife have become rare. This fuels what’s been dubbed nature deficit disorder.
In the United States, for instance, children can recognise over 1,000 corporate logos, yet struggle to name even a handful of native plants and animals. Australians, too, are interacting with nature less. If we don’t experience nature, we’re less likely to support conservation efforts to protect it.
Urban rewilding offers a way to change this. By bringing native animals back into city parks and reserves, we can create everyday opportunities for people to see, hear and connect with wildlife.
Where to next?
Urban rewilding is still in its early days. But the method shows promise, and can build on existing work to green cities.
Actively bringing wildlife back will mean pairing habitat restoration with targeted species returns, supported by tools like predator control, artifical habitat and movement corridors.
We also need better research – long-term studies to track which rewilding efforts actually work and new tools to help cities choose the right species, balance ecological goals with public support, and plan for the long haul.
If we want greener, wilder and more resilient cities, we can’t stop at plants. It’s time to bring the animals back too.
Patrick Finnerty is the current director for early career ecology at the Ecological Society of Australia, the Early Career Coordinator at the Australasian Wildlife Management Society, and a council member for the Royal Zoological Society of NSW. He receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Thomas Newsome receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is immediate past-president of the Australasian Wildlife Management Society and President of the Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bjorn Nansen, Associate Professor, School of Computing and Information Systems, The University of Melbourne
Imagine you are planning the funeral music for a loved one who has died. You can’t remember their favourite song, so you try to login to their Spotify account. Then you realise the account login is inaccessible, and with it has gone their personal history of Spotify playlists, annual “wrapped” analytics, and liked songs curated to reflect their taste, memories, and identity.
We tend to think about inheritance in physical terms: money, property, personal belongings. But the vast volume of digital stuff we accumulate in life and leave behind in death is now just as important – and this “digital legacy” is probably more meaningful.
Digital legacies are increasingly complex and evolving. They include now-familiar items such as social media and banking accounts, along with our stored photos, videos and messages. But they also encompass virtual currencies, behavioural tracking data, and even AI-generated avatars.
This digital data is not only fundamental to our online identities in life, but to our inheritance in death. So how can we properly plan for what happens to it?
Digital assets include items with economic value. For example, domain names, financial accounts, monetised social media, online businesses, virtual currencies, digital goods, and personal digital IP. Access to these is spread across platforms, hidden behind passwords or restricted by privacy laws.
Digital presence includes content with no monetary value. However, it may have great personal significance. For example, our photos and videos, social media profiles, email or chat threads, and other content archived in cloud or platform services.
There is also data that might not seem like content. It may not even seem to belong to us. This includes analytics data such as health and wellness app tracking data. It also includes behavioural data such as location, search or viewing history collected from platforms such as Google, Netflix and Spotify.
This data reveals patterns in our preferences, passions, and daily life that can hold intimate meaning. For example, knowing the music a loved one listened to on the day they died.
All of this raises both practical and ethical questions about identity, privacy, and corporate power over our digital afterlives. Who has the right to access, delete, or transform this data?
Our music streaming data can show meaningful patterns in our preferences, passions, and daily life. Kaspars Grinvalds/Shutterstock
Planning for your digital remains
Just as we prepare wills for physical possessions, we need to plan for our digital remains. Without clear instructions, important digital data may be lost and inaccessible to our loved ones.
creating an inventory of accounts and assets, recording usernames and login information, and if possible, downloading personal content for local storage
specifying preferences in writing, noting wishes about what content should be preserved, deleted, or shared – and with whom
using password managers to securely store and share access to information and legacy preferences
designating a digital executor who has legal authority to carry out your digital legacy wishes and preferences, ideally with legal advice
These steps may sound uncontroversial. But digital wills remain uncommon. And without them, managing someone’s digital legacy can be fraught with legal and technical barriers.
Platform terms of service and privacy rules often prevent access by anyone other than the account holder. They can also require official documentation such as a death certificate before granting limited access to download or close an account.
In such instances, gaining access will probably only be possible through imperfect workarounds, such as searching online for traces of someone’s digital life, attempting to use account recovery tools, or scouring personal documents for login information.
The need for better standards
Current platform policies have clear limitations for handling digital legacies. For example, policies are inconsistent. They are also typically limited to memorialising or deleting accounts.
With no unified framework, service providers often prioritise data privacy over family access. Current tools prioritise visible content such as profiles or posts.
However, they exclude less visible yet equally valuable (and often more meaningful) behavioural data such as listening habits.
Problems can also arise when data is removed from its original platform. For example, photos from Facebook can lose their social and relational meaning without their associated comment threads, reactions, or interactivity.
Meanwhile, emerging uses of posthumous data, especially AI-generated avatars, raise urgent issues about digital personhood, ownership, and possible harms. These “digital remains” may be stored indefinitely on commercial servers without standard protocols for curation or user rights.
The result is a growing tension between personal ownership and corporate control. This makes digital legacy not only a matter of individual concern but one of digital governance.
Managing our digital legacies demands more than practical foresight. It compels critical reflection on the infrastructures and values that shape our online afterlives.
Bjorn Nansen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elise Stephenson, Deputy Director, Global Institute for Women’s Leadership, Australian National University
The Albanese government has achieved a striking gender equality milestone following its election for a second term.
For the first time in Australian history, there will be more women than men in federal cabinet.This comes more than 120 years after women were first allowed to stand for federal parliament, and decades after Labor established its gender quota strategy.
Taking into account the full caucus, women will comprise 56% of the Labor party room, a clear record.
Percentage of ALP women in House of Representatives and Senate
Across all parties and the crossbench, women now make up a record smashing 49.1% of parliament. As recently as 2021, the Inter-Parliamentary Union ranked Australia a lowly 73rd out of 193 countries for women in ministerial positions in national parliaments. The influx of women at this election should see us rise to equal seventh place.
Looking beyond gender, the 48th parliament is shaping up to be more diverse than ever before, driven in large part by the scale of Labor’s win at the election.
Women’s place
Labor women now easily outnumber the men in both chambers: 54% in the House of Representatives and a likely 63% in the Senate, once results are finalised.
Anthony Albanese’s new cabinet – the very top of the decision making process – is made up of 12 women and 11 men.
By contrast, Liberal prime minister Tony Abbott could find space for only one woman – Julie Bishop – in his cabinet in 2013.
The numbers improved under his successors Malcolm Turnbull and Scott Morrison, whose first cabinet comprised 26% women.
Despite the historic number of current women cabinet ministers, the key positions of leader, deputy leader and treasurer are all still men.
Problem solved?
Albanese’s new cabinet is certainly a win for women’s representation. But have we achieved equality? Can we go home now? In short, no.
That’s because the other side of the chamber has a very different record.
Women are critically underrepresented in the parliamentary Liberal and National parties. They make up just 28.5% of the former coalition across both chambers – a slight increase on the previous parliament.
However, women comprise just 21% of Liberal and National MPs in the lower house, a decline of three percentage points. This has sparked renewed calls from some conservative quarters to introduce quotas.
Sussan Ley has made history as the Liberal Party’s first female leader. However, there are already indications she has inherited a “glass cliff” position, given she was elevated after a catastrophic failure at the ballot box.
Further, having more women in parliament does not guarantee substantive representative or inclusive policy-making. While some research shows women tend to advocate on female issues, a higher number of women politicians does not automatically mean more feminist policy.
Full ministry
Taking into account other characteristics, Albanese’s first ministry was the most diverse in Australia to date. But he hasn’t made advances with his second frontbench.
The demotion from cabinet of Ed Husic — the first Muslim elected to federal parliament — and Mark Dreyfus, who is Jewish, reduces the cultural and linguistic diversity of ministers.
Penny Wong is still the lone “out” LGBTQIA+ minister and there are currently no openly disabled people in the ministry.
The average age of frontbenchers is 51. Only two ministers are under 40 – Communications Minister Anika Wells and newcomer Sam Rae.
Of the 42 frontbenchers who make up the full ministry, 23 are men and 19 are women.
Across the parliament
Beyond gender, almost one quarter of Labor members in the lower house identify as culturally and linguistically diverse, 1% as LGBTQIA+, 2% with a disability and 2% as First Nations. In the Senate, almost one in seven identify as culturally and linguistically diverse, 6% as LGBTQIA+, 6% as First Nations and none with a disability.
This is the first election where Gen Z and Millennial voters made up a larger share of the electorate than Baby Boomers. Yet only three Labor parliamentarians are younger than 35.
Charlotte Walker is expected to win the third ALP senate spot in South Australia. This would make Walker, who turned 21 on election night, the first federal politician born in the new millennium.
More work to do
Despite the progress, it’s clear from a deeper analysis that parliament as a whole still doesn’t mirror the people it represents.
Roughly one quarter of Australians are born overseas, yet we’re not seeing this same diversity filter through to parliament.
Eight First Nations MPs and senators will sit in parliament, down from 11 in the previous parliament.
People with disability are underrepresented. They comprise over 20% of the population but are not yet elected to parliament in similar numbers.
Pinning all our hopes and dreams for better disability policy on the one or two people with disabilities in politics is unfair.
Diverse candidates
The Global Institute for Women’s Leadership assessed the number of candidates from diverse backgrounds – women, self identifying LGBTQIA+, CALD, disability and First Nations – who were preselected by the main parties for the election.
The results were:
Greens 30%
Labor 26%
Coalition 24%
Others (independents and minor parties) 12%
Parliament falls a long way short of reflecting the diversity of the electorate because not enough diverse candidates are being chosen to run for seats.
But for future elections, inspiration can be taken from Labor’s strong gains achieving, and surpassing, gender parity.
Elise Stephenson receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Australian government. She is a steering committee member of Women in International Security Australia (WIIS-A).
Blair Williams does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Samoan-Kiwi filmmaker Tuki Laumea checks in with indigenous communities in 10 Pacific nations for a new Al Jazeera documentary series, reports RNZ Saturday Morning.
As the Pacific region becomes a battleground for global power-play, many island nations are still fighting for basic sovereignty and autonomy, says Pacific filmmaker Tuki Laumea.
Pacific leaders are smart, well-educated and perfectly capable of making their own decisions, the Fight for the Pacific filmmaker told RNZ Saturday Morning, so they should be allowed to do that.
“Pacific nations all want to be able to say what it is they need without other countries coming in and trying to manipulate them for their resources, their people, and their positioning.”
Fight for the Pacific: Episode 1 – The Battlefield. Video: Al Jazeera
Laumea knew the Pacific was a “poor place” but filming Fight for the Pacific, he was shocked by the extreme poverty of New Caledonia’s indigenous Kanak population.
While indigenous people generally have what they need in countries like Samoa and Tonga, it is a different story in Kanaky New Caledonia, Laumea says.
Laumea and fellow journalist Cleo Fraser — who produced the series — discovered that the country was home to two divided worlds.
In the prosperous French south, people sip coffee and smoke cigarettes and seem to be “basically swimming in money”.
Pacific filmmaker Tuki Laumea . . .Kanaky New Caledonia home to two divided worlds. Image: RNZ/Nine Island Media
Living in extreme poverty But just over the hill to the north, the Kanak people — who are 172 years into a fight for independence from French colonisers – live in extreme poverty, he says.
“People don’t have enough, and they don’t have access to the things that they really needed.”
Kanak community leader Jean Baptiste . . . how New Caledonia has been caught up in the geopolitical dynamics between the United States, China and France. Image: AJ screenshot APR
“They’re so close to us, it’s crazy. But because they’re French, no-one really speaks English much.”
The “biggest disconnect” he saw between life there and life in NZ was internet prices.
“Internet was so, so expensive. We paid probably 100 euros [around NZ$190] for 8 to 10 gig of data.
“These guys can’t afford a 50-cent baguette so we’re not going to get lots and lots of videos coming out of Kanaky New Caledonia of what their struggle looks like. We just don’t get to hear what they’ve got to say.”
Over the years, the French government has reneged on promises made to the Kanak people, Laumea says, who just want what all of us want — “a bit of a say”.
Struggling for decades “They’ve been struggling for decades for independence, for autonomy, and it’s been getting harder. I think it’s really important that we listen now.”
With a higher rate of homelessness than any US state, the majority of dispossessed people on Hawai’i are indigenous. Image: RNZ/Nine Island Media/Grassroot Institute of Hawai’i
With a higher rate of homelessness than any US state, the majority of dispossessed people are indigenous, he says.
“You leave Waikiki — which probably not a lot of people do — and the beaches are just lined with hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of homeless people, and they’re all sick, and they’re all not eating well.”
Indigenous Hawai’ians never ceded national sovereignty, Laumea says. During World War II, the land was “just taken” by the American military who still reign supreme.
“The military personnel, they all live on subsidised housing, subsidised petrol, subsidised education. All of the costs are really low for them, but that drives up the price of housing and food for everyone else.
“It’s actually devastating, and we all need to maybe have a little look at that when we’re going to places like that and how we contribute to it.”
Half of the Marshall Islands’ 50,000-strong population live in the capital city of Majuro. Image: Public domain/RNZ
Treated poorly over nuclear tests Laumea and Fraser also visited the Marshall Islands for Fight for the Pacific, where they spoke to locals about the effects of nuclear testing carried out in the Micronesian nation between 1946 and 1958.
The incredibly resilient indigenous Marshall Islanders have been treated very poorly over the years, and are suffering widespread poverty as well as intergenerational trauma and the genetic effects of radiation, Laumea says.
“They had needles stuck in them full of radiation . . . They were used as human guinea pigs and the US has never, ever, ever apologised.”
Laumea and Fraser — who are also partners in life — found that getting a series made about the Pacific experience wasn’t easy because Al Jazeera’s huge international audience does not have much interest in the region, Laumea says.
“On the global stage, we’re very much voiceless. They don’t really care about us that much. We’re not that important. Even though we know we are, the rest of the world doesn’t think that.”
Journalist Cleo Fraser and filmmaker Tuki Laumea at work. Image: Matt Klitscher/Nine Island Media/RNZ
To ensure Fight for the Pacific (a four-part series) had “story sovereignty”, Laumea ensured the only voices heard are real Pacific residents sharing their own perspectives.
Sovereign storytellers “We have the skills, we’re smart enough to do it, and the only thing that people should really be acknowledging are sovereign storytellers, because they’re going to get the most authentic representation of it.”
Being Pasifika himself, the enormous responsibility of making a documentary series that traverses the experiences of 10 individual Pacific cultures loomed large for Laumea.
Editing hundreds of hours of footage was often very overwhelming, he says, yet the drive to honour and share the precious stories he had gathered was also his fuel.
“That was the thing that I found the most difficult about making Fight for the Pacific but also probably the most rewarding in the end.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
A public health expert is urging anyone travelling to places in the Pacific with a current dengue fever outbreak to be vigilant and take sensible precautions — but stresses the chances of contracting the disease are low.
On Friday, the Cook Islands declared an outbreak of the viral infection, which is spread by mosquitoes, in Rarotonga. Outbreaks have also been declared in Samoa, Fiji and Tonga.
Across the Tasman, this year has also seen a cluster of cases in Townsville and Cairns in Queensland.
Last month a 12-year-old boy died in Auckland after being medically evacuated from Samoa, with severe dengue fever.
Dr Marc Shaw, a medical director at Worldwise Travellers Health Care and a professor in public health and tropical diseases at James Cook University in Townsville, said New Zealanders travelling to places with dengue fever outbreaks should take precautions to protect themselves against mosquito bites but it was important to be pragmatic.
“Yes, people are getting dengue fever, but considering the number of people that are travelling to these regions, we have to be pragmatic and think about our own circumstances,” he said.
“[Just] because you’re travelling to the region, it does not mean that you’re going to get the disease.
‘Maintain vigilance’ “We should just maintain vigilance and look to protect ourselves in the best ways we can, and having a holiday in these regions should not be avoided.”
Shaw said light-coloured clothes were best as mosquitoes were attracted to dark colours.
“They also tend to be more attracted to perfumes and scents.
“Two hours on either side of dusk and dawn is the time most mosquito bites occur. Mosquitoes also tend to be attracted a lot more to ankles and wrists.”
But the best form of protection was a high-strength mosquito repellent containing the active ingredient Diethyl-meta-toluamide or DEET, he said.
“The dengue fever mosquito is quite a vicious mosquito and tends to be around at this particular time of the year. It’s good to apply a repellent of around about 40 percent [strength] and that will give about eight to 10 hours of protection.”
Dengue fever was “probably the worst fever anyone could get”, he added.
‘Breakbone fever’ “Unfortunately, it tends to cause a temperature, sweats, fevers, rashes, and it has a condition which is called breakbone fever, where you get the most painful and credibly painful joints around the elbows. In its most sinister form, it can cause bleeding.”
Most people recovered from dengue fever, but those who caught the disease again were much more vulnerable to it, he added.
“Under those circumstances, it is worthwhile discussing with a travel health physician as it is perhaps appropriate that they have a dengue fever vaccine, which is just out.”
Shaw said the virus would start to wane in the affected regions from now on as the Pacific region and Queensland head into the drier winter months.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Western capitals are still coordinating with Israel and the US on their “criticisms” of the genocide — just as they earlier coordinated on their support for the slaughter
ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Cook
After 19 months of being presented with dissembling accounts of Gaza from their governments, Western publics are now being served up a different — but equally deceitful — narrative.
With the finishing line in sight for Israel’s programme of genocidal ethnic cleansing, the West’s Gaza script is being hastily rewritten. But make no mistake: it is the same web of self-serving lies.
As if under the direction of a hidden conductor, Britain, France and Canada — key US allies — erupted last week into a chorus of condemnation of Israel.
They called Israel’s plans to level the last fragments of Gaza still standing “disproportionate”, while Israel’s intensification of its months-long starvation of more than two million Palestinian civilians was “intolerable”.
The change of tone was preceded, as I noted in these pages earlier this month, by new, harsher language against Israel from the Western press corps.
The establishment media’s narrative had to shift first, so that the sudden outpouring of moral and political concern at Gaza’s suffering from British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney — after more than a year and a half of indifference — did not appear too abrupt, or too strange.
They are acting as if some corner has been turned in Israel’s genocide. But genocides don’t have corners. They just progress relentlessly until stopped.
Managing any cognitive dissonance The media and politicians are carefully managing any cognitive dissonance for their publics.
But the deeper reality is that Western capitals are still coordinating with Israel and the US on their “criticisms” of Israel’s genocide in Gaza — just as they earlier coordinated their support for it.
As much was conceded by a senior Israeli official to Israel’s Ha’aretz newspaper. Referring to the sudden change of tone, he said: “The past 24 hours were all part of a planned ambush we knew about. This was a coordinated sequence of moves ahead of the EU meeting in Brussels, and thanks to joint efforts by our ambassadors and the foreign minister, we managed to moderate the outcome.”
The handwringing is just another bit of stagecraft, little different from the earlier mix of silence and talk about Israel’s “right to defend itself”. And it is to the same purpose: to buy Israel time to “finish the job” — that is, to complete its genocide and ethnic cleansing of Gaza.
Why the wall of silence on the Gaza genocide is finally starting to crack.
The West is still promoting phoney “debates”, entirely confected by Israel, about whether Hamas is stealing aid, what constitutes sufficient aid, and how that aid should be delivered.
It is all meant as noise, to distract us from the only pertinent issue: that Israel is committing genocide by slaughtering and starving Gaza’s population, as the West has aided and abetted that genocide.
With stocks of food completely exhausted by Israel’s blockade, UN humanitarian chief Tom Fletcher told the BBC last Tuesday that some 14,000 babies could die in Gaza within 48 hours without immediate aid reaching them.
The longer-term prognosis is bleaker still.
A trickle of aid Last Monday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu decided to let in a trickle of aid, releasing five trucks, some containing baby formula, from the thousands of vehicles Israel has held up at entry points for nearly three months. That was less than one percent of the number of trucks experts say must enter daily just to keep deadly starvation at bay.
Last Tuesday, as the clamour grew, the number of aid trucks allowed to enter Gaza reportedly climbed to nearly 100 — or less than a fifth of the bare minimum. None of the aid was reported to have reached the enclave’s population by the time of writing.
Netanyahu was clear to the Israeli public — most of whom appear enthusiastic for the engineered starvation to continue — that he was not doing this out of any humanitarian impulse.
This was purely a public relations exercise to hold Western capitals in check, he said. The goal was to ease the demands on these leaders from their own publics to penalise Israel and stop the continuing slaughter of Gaza’s population.
Or as Netanyahu put it: “Our best friends worldwide, the most pro-Israel senators [in the US] . . . they tell us they’re providing all the aid, weapons, support and protection in the UN Security Council, but they can’t support images of mass hunger.”
Israel’s Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, was even clearer: “On our way to destroying Hamas, we are destroying everything that’s left of the [Gaza] Strip.” He also spoke of “cleansing” the enclave.
Western publics have been watching this destruction unfold for the past 19 months — or at least they’ve seen partial snapshots, when the West’s establishment media has bothered to report on the slaughter.
Systematically eradicated everything Israel has systematically eradicated everything necessary for the survival of Gaza’s people: their homes, hospitals, schools, universities, bakeries, water systems and community kitchens.
Israel has finally implemented what it had been threatening for 20 years to do to the Palestinian people if they refused to be ethnically cleansed from their homeland. It has sent them “back to the Stone Age”.
A survey of the world’s leading genocide scholars published last week by the Dutch newspaper NRC found that all conclusively agreed Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. Most think the genocide has reached its final stages.
This week, Yair Golan, leader of Israel’s main centrist party and a former deputy head of the Israeli military, expressed the same sentiments in more graphic form. He accused the government of “killing babies as a hobby”. Predictably, Netanyahu accused Golan of “antisemitism”.
The joint statement from Starmer, Macron and Carney was far tamer, of course — and was greeted by Netanyahu with a relatively muted response that the three leaders were giving Hamas a “huge prize”.
Their statement noted: “The level of human suffering in Gaza is intolerable.” Presumably, until now, they have viewed the hellscape endured by Gaza’s Palestinians for a year and a half as “tolerable”.
David Lammy, Britain’s Foreign Secretary who in the midst of the genocide was happy to be photographed shaking hands with Netanyahu, opined in Parliament last week that Gaza was facing a “dark new phase”.
British Foreign Secretary David Lammy shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is wanted on an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court for war crimes . . . says Gaza is facing a “dark new phase”. Image: www.jonathan-cook.net
Convenient interpretation That’s a convenient interpretation for him. In truth, it’s been midnight in Gaza for a very long time.
A senior European diplomatic source involved in the discussions between the three leaders told the BBC that their new tone reflected a “real sense of growing political anger at the humanitarian situation, of a line being crossed, and of this Israeli government appearing to act with impunity”.
This should serve as a reminder that until now, Western capitals were fine with all the other lines crossed by Israel, including its destruction of most of Gaza’s homes; its eradication of Gaza’s hospitals and other essential humanitarian infrastructure; its herding of Palestinian civilians into “safe” zones, only to bomb them there; its slaughter and maiming of many tens of thousands of children; and its active starvation of a population of more than two million.
The three Western leaders are now threatening to take “further concrete actions” against Israel, including what they term “targeted sanctions”.
If that sounds positive, think again. The European Union and Britain have dithered for decades about whether and how to label goods imported from Israel’s illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank. The existence of these ever-expanding settlements, built on stolen Palestinian territory and blocking the creation of a Palestinian state, is a war crime; no country should be aiding them.
In 2019, the European Court of Justice ruled that it must be made clear to European consumers which products come from Israel and which from the settlements.
In all that time, European officials never considered a ban on products from the settlements, let alone “targeted sanctions” on Israel, even though the illegality of the settlements is unambiguous. In fact, officials have readily smeared those calling for boycotts and sanctions against Israel as “Jew haters” and “antisemites”.
Playing us for fools The truth is that Western leaders and establishment media are playing us for fools once again, just as they have been for the past 19 months.
“Further concrete actions” suggest that there are already concrete actions imposed on Israel. That’s the same Israel that recently finished second in the Eurovision Song Contest. Protesters who call for Israel to be excluded from the competition — as Russia has been for invading Ukraine — are smeared and denounced.
When Western leaders can’t even impose a meaningful symbolic penalty on Israel, why should we believe they are capable of taking substantive action against it?
Last Tuesday, it became clearer what the UK meant by “concrete actions”. The Israeli ambassador was called in for what we were told was a dressing down. She must be quaking.
And Britain suspended — that is, delayed — negotiations on a new free trade agreement, a proposed expansion of Britain’s already extensive trading ties with Israel. Those talks can doubtless wait a few months.
Meanwhile, 17 European Union members out of 27 voted to review the legal basis of the EU–Israel Association Agreement — providing Israel with special trading status — though a very unlikely consensus would be needed to actually revoke it.
Such a review to see if Israel is showing “respect for human rights and democratic principles” is simple time-wasting. Investigations last year showed it was committing widespread atrocities and crimes against humanity.
Speaking to the British Parliament, Lammy said: “The Netanyahu government’s actions have made this necessary.”
More serious “concrete actions” There are plenty of far more serious “concrete actions” that Britain and other western capitals could take, and could have taken many months ago.
A flavour was provided by Britain and the EU on Tuesday when they announced sweeping additional sanctions on Russia — not for committing a genocide, but for hesitating over a ceasefire with Ukraine.
Ultimately, the West wants to punish Moscow for refusing to return the territories in Ukraine that it occupies — something Western powers have never meaningfully required of Israel, even though Israel has been occupying the Palestinian territories for decades.
The new sanctions on Russia target entities supporting its military efforts and energy exports — on top of existing severe economic sanctions and an oil embargo. Nothing even vaguely comparable is being proposed for Israel.
The UK and Europe could have stopped providing Israel with the weapons to butcher Palestinian children in Gaza. Back in September, Starmer promised to cut arms sales to Israel by around eight percent — but his government actually sent more weapons to arm Israel’s genocide in the three months that followed than the Tories did in the entire period between 2020 and 2023.
Britain could also stop transporting other countries’ weapons and carrying out surveillance flights over Gaza on Israel’s behalf. Flight tracking information showed that on one night this week, the UK sent a military transport plane, which can carry weapons and soldiers, from a Royal Air Force base on Cyprus to Tel Aviv, and then dispatched a spy plane over Gaza to collect intelligence to assist Israel in its slaughter.
Britain could, of course, take the “concrete action” of recognising the state of Palestine, as Ireland and Spain have already done — and it could do so at a moment’s notice.
Turning Israel into a pariah state The UK could impose sanctions on Israeli government ministers. It could declare its readiness to enforce Netanyahu’s arrest for war crimes, in line with the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant, if he visits Britain. And it could deny Israel access to sporting events, turning it into a pariah state, as was done to Russia.
It could announce that any Britons returning from military service in Gaza risk arrest and prosecution for war crimes.
And of course, the UK could impose sweeping economic sanctions on Israel, again as was done to Russia.
All of these “concrete actions”, and more, could be easily implemented. The truth is there is no political will to do it. There is simply a desire for better public relations, for putting a better gloss on Britain’s complicity in a genocide that can no longer be hidden.
The problem for the West is that Israel now stands stripped of the lamb’s clothing in which it has been adorned by Western capitals for decades.
Israel is all too evidently a predatory wolf. Its brutal, colonial behaviours towards the Palestinian people are fully on show. There is no hiding place.
This is why Netanyahu and Western leaders are now engaged in an increasingly difficult tango. The colonial, apartheid, genocidal project of Israel — the West’s militarised client-bully in the oil-rich Middle East — needs to be protected.
Endless, mindless recitations Until now, that had involved Western leaders like Starmer deflecting criticism of Israel’s crimes, as well as British complicity. It involved endlessly and mindlessly reciting Israel’s “right to defend itself”, and the need to “eliminate Hamas”.
But the endgame of Israel’s genocide involves starving two million people to death — or forcing them out of Gaza, whichever comes first. Neither is compatible with the goals Western politicians have been selling us.
So the new narrative must accentuate Netanyahu’s personal responsibility for the carnage — as though the genocide is not the logical endpoint of everything Israel has been doing to the Palestinian people for many decades.
Most Israelis are on board, too, with the genocide. The only meaningful voices of dissent are from the families of the Israeli hostages — and then chiefly because of the danger posed to their loved ones by Israel’s assault.
The aim of Starmer, Macron and Carney is to craft a new narrative, in which they claim to have only belatedly realised that Netanyahu has “gone too far” and that he needs to be reined in. They can then gradually up the noise against the Israeli prime minister, lobby Israel to change tack, and, when it resists or demurs, be seen to press Washington for “concrete action”.
The new narrative, unlike the worn-thin old one, can be spun out for yet more weeks or months — which may be just long enough to get the genocidal ethnic cleansing of Gaza either over the finish line, or near enough as to make no difference.
That is the hope – yes, hope – in Western capitals.
New make-believe narrative Starmer, Macron and Carney’s new make-believe narrative has several advantages. It washes Gaza’s blood from their hands. They were deceived. They were too charitable. Vital domestic struggles against antisemitism distracted them.
It lays the blame squarely at the feet of one man: Netanyahu.
Without him, a violent, highly militarised, apartheid state of Israel can continue as before, as though the genocide was an unfortunate misstep in Israel’s otherwise unblemished record.
New supposed “terror” threats — from Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iran — can be hyped to draw us back into cheerleading narratives about a plucky Western outpost of civilisation defending us from barbarians in the East.
The new narrative does not even require that Netanyahu face justice.
As news emerges of the true extent of the atrocities and death toll, a faux-remorseful Netanyahu can placate the West with revived talk of a two-state solution — a solution whose realisation has been avoided for decades and can continue to be avoided for decades more.
We will be subjected to yet more years of the Israel-Palestine “conflict” finally being about to turn a corner.
Other supremacist, genocidal monsters Even were a chastened Netanyahu forced to step down, he would pass the baton to one of the other Jewish supremacist, genocidal monsters waiting in the wings.
After Gaza’s destruction, the crushing of Palestinian life in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem will simply have to return to an earlier, slower pace — one that has allowed it to be kept off the Western public’s radar for 58 years.
Will it really work out like this? Only in the imaginations of Western elites. In truth, burying nearly two years of a genocide all too visible to large swathes of Western publics will be a far trickier task.
Too many people in Europe and the US have had their eyes opened over the past 19 months. They cannot unsee what has been live-streamed to them, or ignore what it says about their own political and media classes.
Starmer and co will continue vigorously distancing themselves from the genocide in Gaza, but there will be no escape. Whatever they say or do, the trail of blood leads straight back to their door.
Jonathan Cook is an award-winning British journalist. He was based in Nazareth, Israel, for 20 years and returned to the UK in 2021. He is the author of three books on the Israel-Palestine conflict, including Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (2008). In 2011, Cook was awarded the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism for his work on Palestine and Israel. This article was first published in Middle East Eye and is republished with the author’s permission.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 24, 2025.
Daylight can boost the immune system’s ability to fight infections – new study Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Hall, Associate Professor of Immunology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau Getty Images Ever found yourself out of sync with normal sleep patterns after late nights or working a night shift? It could be you’re experiencing what scientists call social jet lag. The term describes the
View from The Hill: Coalition is being glued together again after crisis week Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The Coalition is being glued together again, after a Liberal Party meeting on Friday gave the go ahead for Liberal leader Sussan Ley to negotiate with Nationals leader David Littleproud on the fine print of a settlement on policy. The
The TGA has approved donanemab for Alzheimer’s disease. How does this drug work and who will be able to access it? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steve Macfarlane, Head of Clinical Services, Dementia Support Australia, & Associate Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock This week, Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) approved a drug called donanemab for people in the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease. Donanemab has previously been approved in a number
The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘difficult and complicated grief’ of losing an estranged parent Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Breen, Professor of Psychology, Curtin University Grieving the death of a parent is often considered a natural part of life. But there are added layers of complexity when you had a difficult or estranged relationship. This week former tennis star Jelena Dokic confirmed the death of
Antarctica has its own ‘shield’ against warm water – but this could now be under threat Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ellie Ong, Research Fellow, ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather, Monash University The Australian ice-breaker RSV Nuyina, cruising around Antarctica. Pete Harmsen/Australian Antarctic Division A little-known ocean current surrounds Antarctica, shielding it from warm water further north. But our new research shows Antarctica’s melting ice
‘Starving’ masked Palestine protesters condemn Luxon’s Gaza ‘appeasement’ Asia Pacific Report Protesting New Zealanders donned symbolic masks modelled on a Palestinian artist’s handiwork in Auckland’s Takutai Square today to condemn Israel’s starvation as war weapon against Gaza and the NZ prime minister’s weak response. Coming a day after the tabling of Budget 2025 in Parliament, peaceful demonstrators wore hand-painted masks inspired by Gaza-based
The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘complex and difficult grief’ of losing an estranged parent Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Breen, Professor of Psychology, Curtin University Grieving the death of a parent is often considered a natural part of life. But there are added layers of complexity when you had a difficult or estranged relationship. This week former tennis star Jelena Dokic confirmed the death of
Disaster or digital spectacle? The dangers of using floods to create social media content Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samuel Cornell, PhD Candidate in Public Health & Community Medicine, School of Population Health, UNSW Sydney Almost 700 rescues had been carried out in New South Wales by Friday morning as record-breaking rainfall pounds the state. Tragically, four people have died in floodwaters. Amid the chaos, videos
Ever found yourself out of sync with normal sleep patterns after late nights or working a night shift? It could be you’re experiencing what scientists call social jet lag.
The term describes the misalignment between our internal body clock (circadian rhythm) and our social schedule.
Social jet lag associated with irregular sleep patterns and inconsistent exposure to daylight is increasingly common, and has been linked with a weakened immune system.
Disruption of our circadian rhythms through shift work, for example, has been shown to have a negative impact on our ability to fight infections.
These observations reinforce the idea that maintaining a robust circadian rhythm through regular exposure to daylight supports a healthy immune system.
But how does the immune system know when it’s daytime? That is precisely what our research, published today in Science Immunology, has uncovered. Our findings could eventually deliver benefits for the treatment of inflammatory conditions.
First responders to infection
Circadian rhythms are a fundamental feature of all life on Earth. Believed to have evolved some 2.5 billion years ago, they enable organisms to adapt to challenges associated with the 24-hour solar day.
At the molecular level, these circadian rhythms are orchestrated through a genetically encoded multi-component time keeper called a circadian clock. Almost all cells are known to have the components for a circadian clock. But how they function within different cell types to regulate their behaviour is very poorly understood.
In the laboratory, we use zebrafish – small freshwater fish commonly sold in pet stores – as a model organism to understand our immune response to bacterial infection.
We use larval zebrafish because their genetic makeup and immune system are similar to ours. Also, they have transparent bodies, making it easy to observe biological processes under the microscope.
We focus on an immune cell called a “neutrophil”, a type of white blood cell. We’re interested in these cells because they specialise in killing bacteria, are first responders to infection, and are the most abundant immune cell in our bodies.
Because they are very short-lived cells, neutrophils isolated from human blood are notoriously difficult to work with experimentally. However, with transparent larval zebrafish, we can film them to directly observe how these cells function, within a completely intact animal.
This time-lapse shows red fluorescent immune cells (neutrophils) moving through larval zebrafish to eat green fluorescent bacteria that have been microinjected.
Cells can tell if it’s daytime
Our initial studies showed the strength of immune response to bacterial infection peaked during the day, when the animals are active.
We think this represents an evolutionary response that provides both humans and zebrafish a survival advantage. Because diurnal animals such as humans and zebrafish are most active during daylight hours, they are more likely to encounter bacterial infections.
This work made us curious to know how this enhanced immune response was being synchronised with daylight. By making movies of neutrophils killing bacteria at different times of the day, we discovered they killed bacteria more efficiently during the daytime than at night.
We then genetically edited neutrophils to turn off their circadian clocks by carefully removing specific clock components. This is an approach similar to removing important cogs from an analogue clock so it doesn’t tick anymore.
This led to the discovery that these important immune cells possess an internal light-regulated circadian clock that alerts the cells to daytime (similar to an alarm clock). This boosts their ability to kill bacteria.
Our next challenge is to understand exactly how light is detected by neutrophils, and whether human neutrophils also rely on this internal timing mechanism to regulate their antibacterial activity.
We’re also curious to see if this killing mechanism is restricted to certain types of bacteria, such as those we’re more likely to encounter during the day. Or is it a more general response to all infectious threats (including viral infections)?
This research unlocks the potential for developing drugs that target the neutrophil circadian clock to regulate the cells’ activity. Given neutrophils are the first and most abundant immune cells to be recruited to sites of inflammation, the discovery has very broad implications for many inflammatory conditions.
The research described here was led by PhD candidates Lucia Du and Pramuk Keerthisinghe, and was a collaboration between the Hall laboratory and the Chronobiology Research Group, led by Guy Warman and James Cheeseman, at the University of Auckland’s Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences.
Chris Hall receives funding from the Marsden Fund.
The Coalition is being glued together again, after a Liberal Party meeting on Friday gave the go ahead for Liberal leader Sussan Ley to negotiate with Nationals leader David Littleproud on the fine print of a settlement on policy.
The Liberal party room agreed to accept broadly the Nationals’ four policy demands, with the two leaders to deal with the details.
A new agreement between the parties is expected within days.
The rapprochement followed days of chaos after the Nationals on Tuesday walked out of the Coalition.
The turmoil has done significant damage to Littleproud, who has received widespread criticism of his handling of the relationship, including from within his own party. The crisis has raised questions about whether he will survive in his position in the longer term.
The Liberal meeting had before it four policies that the Nationals insisted should be kept, and not be caught up in the Liberals’ planned review of all policies.
The four were:
removing the moratorium on nuclear energy, with a review of the remaining elements of the nuclear policy
a $20 billion Regional Australia Future Fund, including a $1 billion annual budget allocation until the fund matured
court-ordered divestiture powers in relation to major supermarkets and “big box” retailers
and Universal Service Obligation reforms to boost mobile phone and internet services for regional Australians.
The Nationals’ demand on nuclear drops the core of the policy the opposition took to the election, which was for the government to fund a string of nuclear power plants.
The Liberals are divided over nuclear energy, with some wanting any policy on it scrapped.
Probably the most difficult of the Nationals’ policy points for the Liberals is the divestiture power, which was controversial within the Liberals when it was adopted last term as opposition policy.
A number of Liberals are particularly opposed to extending it to “big box” retailers.
There was also some concern among Liberals about the fiscal arrangements around the regional fund – whether it should be off budget or on budget.
While Liberals resent the Nationals’ behaviour, they were also aware of the political problems presented by a Coalition split and were anxious to get the two parties together again.
In a provocative tweet the Nationals Matt Canavan said: “Well done David Littleproud! Liberals back down on all requests.”
“Great win for the Nationals.”
Canavan ran against Littleproud for the leadership after the election.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steve Macfarlane, Head of Clinical Services, Dementia Support Australia, & Associate Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University
This week, Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) approved a drug called donanemab for people in the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease.
Donanemab has previously been approved in a number of other countries, including the United States.
So what is donanemab, and who will be able to access it in Australia?
How does donanemab work?
There are more than 100 different causes of dementia, but Alzheimer’s disease alone accounts for about 70% of these, making it the most common form of dementia.
The disease is believed to be caused by the accumulation in the brain of two abnormal proteins, amyloid and tau. The first is thought to be particularly important, and the “amyloid hypothesis” – which suggests amyloid is the key cause of Alzheimer’s disease – has driven research for many years.
Donanemab is a “monoclonal antibody” treatment. Antibodies are proteins the immune system produces that bind to harmful foreign “invaders” in the body, or targets. A monoclonal antibody has one specific target. In the case of donanemab it’s the amyloid protein. Donanemab binds to amyloid protein deposits (plaques) in the brain and allows our bodies to remove them.
Donanemab is given monthly, via intravenous infusion.
What does the evidence say?
Australia’s approval of donanemab comes as a result of a clinical trial involving 1,736 people published in 2023.
This trial showed donanemab resulted in a significant slowing of disease progression in a group of patients who had either early Alzheimer’s disease, or mild cognitive impairment with signs of Alzheimer’s pathology. Before entering the trial, all patients had the presence of amyloid protein detected via PET scanning.
Participants were randomised, and half received donanemab, while the other half received a placebo, over 18 months.
The accumulation of amyloid plaques in brain tissue is a hallmark of Alzheimer’s disease. Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock
For those who received the active drug, their Alzheimer’s disease progressed 35% more slowly over 18 months compared to those who were given the placebo. The researchers ascertained this using the Integrated Alzheimer’s Disease Rating Scale, which measures cognition and function.
Those who received donanemab also demonstrated large reductions in the levels of amyloid in the brain (as measured by PET scans). The majority, by the end of the trial, were considered to be below the threshold that would normally indicate the presence of Alzheimer’s disease.
These results certainly seem to vindicate the amyloid hypothesis, which had been called into question by the results of multiple failed previous studies. They represent a major advance in our understanding of the disease.
That said, patients in the study did not improve in terms of cognition or function. They continued to decline, albeit at a significantly slower rate than those who were not treated.
The actual clinical significance has been a topic of debate. Some experts have questioned whether the meaningfulness of this result to the patient is worth the potential risks.
Is the drug safe?
Some 24% of trial participants receiving the drug experienced brain swelling. The rates rose to 40.6% in those possessing two copies of a gene called ApoE4.
Although three-quarters of people who developed brain swelling experienced no symptoms from this, there were three deaths in the treatment group during the study related to donanemab, likely a result of brain swelling.
Some 26.8% of those who received donanemab also experienced small bleeds into the brain (microhaemorrhages) compared to 12.5% of those taking the placebo.
Cost is a barrier
Reports indicate donanemab could cost anywhere between A$40,000 and $80,000 each year in Australia. This puts it beyond the reach of many who might benefit from it.
Eli Lilly, the manufacturer of donanemab, has made an application for the drug to be listed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, with a decision pending perhaps within a couple of months. While this would make the drug substantially more affordable for patients, it will represent a large cost to taxpayers.
The cost of the drug is in addition to costs associated with the monitoring required to ensure its safety and efficacy (such as doctor visits, MRIs and PET scans).
Donanemab won’t be accessible to all patients with Alzheimer’s disease. pikselstock/Shutterstock
Who will be able to access it?
This drug is only of benefit for people with early Alzheimer’s-type dementia, so not everybody with Alzheimer’s disease will get access to it.
Almost 80% of people who were screened to participate in the trial were found unsuitable to proceed.
The terms of the TGA approval specify potential patients will first need to be found to have specific levels of amyloid protein in their brains. This would be ascertained either by PET scanning or by lumbar puncture sampling of spinal fluid.
Also, patients with two copies of the ApoE4 gene have been ruled unsuitable to receive the drug. The TGA has judged the risk/benefit profile for this group to be unfavourable. This genetic profile accounts for only 2% of the general population, but 15% of people with Alzheimer’s disease.
Improving diagnosis and tempering expectations
It’s estimated more than 400,000 Australians have dementia. But only 13% of people with dementia currently receive a diagnosis within a year of developing symptoms.
Given those with very early disease stand to benefit most from this treatment, we need to expand our dementia diagnostic services significantly.
Finally, expectations need to be tempered about what this drug can reasonably achieve. It’s important to be mindful this is not a cure.
Steve Macfarlane was an investigator on the donanemab trial, but received no direct compensation from Eli Lily for being so. Separately, has done consultancy work for Eli Lilly, for which he’s received payments.
Grieving the death of a parent is often considered a natural part of life. But there are added layers of complexity when you had a difficult or estranged relationship.
This week former tennis star Jelena Dokic confirmed the death of her father and former coach Damir, whose verbal, physical and emotional abuse she revealed in 2009 and further detailed in her 2017 autobiography. They had been estranged for a decade.
In a social media post on Thursday, Dokic wrote about her “conflicting and complex emotions and feelings” around his death:
no matter how how hard, difficult and in the last 10 years even non existent [sic] our relationship and communication was, it is never easy losing a parent […] The loss of an estranged parent comes with a difficult and complicated grief.
Dokic’s news is a reminder that, when a parent dies, not all of us get to grieve a stable, warm and comforting relationship.
As in her case, a strained relationship might even be marked by maltreatment or abuse. Relinquishing contact can sometimes be the best, albeit difficult, choice.
When the parent dies, the loss can feel surprisingly complex. We may be grieving both the literal death of the parent and the figurative death, of what should have been – what we wished for and desired.
Death can spark more than sadness
Grief is not a single emotion. Usually, it involves a combination of many. Common feelings can include sadness, guilt, anger and even relief.
In sharing her social media post, Dokic has said among conflicting emotions she’s chosen to “focus on a good memory”.
For example, when grieving, someone might receive a lot of social support from family, friends and colleagues. But for others, the support they’d like might not be forthcoming. The lack of support is yet another loss and is linked to worse physical and mental health.
Family members may also react in different ways. It might be jarring or alienating if your sibling responds differently, for example by sharing fond memories of a parent you found harsh and distant.
A death can also affect your financial standing. A grieving person may be burdened with outstanding bills and funeral payments. Or the impact can be positive, via windfalls from insurance and inheritance.
With grief, it’s OK to feel how you feel. You might think you’re grieving the “wrong” way, but it can be helpful to remember there are no strict rules about how to grieve “right”.
Be gentle on yourself. And give other family members, who may have had a different relationship with the parent and therefore grieve differently, the same courtesy.
It’s also OK to feel conflicted about going to the funeral.
In this case, take the time to think through the pros and cons of attending. It might be helpful in processing your grief and in receiving support. Or you might feel that attending would be too difficult or emotionally unsafe for you.
If you choose to attend, it can help to go with someone who can support you through it.
In an estranged relationship, the adult child might not even find out about the death of the parent for many weeks or months afterwards. This means there is no option of attending the funeral or other mourning rituals. Consider making your own rituals to help process the loss and grief.
What if I do feel sad – but still hurt?
It can be really confusing to feel sad about the death of a parent with whom we had a difficult, strained or violent relationship.
Identifying where these conflicting thoughts and feelings come from can help.
You might need to acknowledge and grieve the loss of your parent, the loss of the parent-child relationship you deserved, and even the loss of hoped-for apologies and reconnections.
In many cases, it is a combination of these losses that can make the grief more challenging.
It may also be difficult to get the social support you need from family, friends and colleagues.
These potential helpers might be unaware of the difficulties you experienced in the relationship, or incorrectly believe troubled relationships are easier to grieve.
It can feel like a taboo to speak ill of the dead, but it might be helpful to be clear about the relationship and your needs so that people can support you better.
In fact, grieving the death of people with whom we have challenging, conflicting or even abusive relationships can lead to more grief than the death of those with whom we shared a warm, loving and more straightforward relationship.
If the loss is particularly difficult and your grief doesn’t change and subside over time, seek support from your general practitioner. They might be able to recommend a psychologist or counsellor with expertise in grief.
Alternatively, you can find certified bereavement practitioners who have specialised training in grief support online or seek telephone support from Griefline on 1300 845 745.
Lauren Breen receives funding from Healthway and has previously received funding from Wellcome Trust, Australian Research Council, Department of Health (Western Australia), Silver Chain, iCare Dust Diseases Board (New South Wales), and Cancer Council (Western Australia). She is on the board of Lionheart Camp for Kids, is a member of Grief Australia, and a Fellow of the Australian Psychological Society.
The Australian ice-breaker RSV Nuyina, cruising around Antarctica.Pete Harmsen/Australian Antarctic Division
A little-known ocean current surrounds Antarctica, shielding it from warm water further north. But our new research shows Antarctica’s melting ice is disrupting this current, putting the continent’s last line of defence at risk.
We found meltwater from Antarctica is speeding up the current, known as the Antarctic Slope Current. And it’s set to become even faster by mid-century.
A faster current could be more unstable. This means eddies of warm water could eat away at Antarctica’s ice, posing a major concern for the stability of the Earth’s climate system.
Faster ice-melt means faster sea-level rise. Humanity must act now to preserve this natural phenomena that helps Antarctica’s ice shelves remain intact.
The Antarctic Slope Current moves ocean water westward over the continental slope, close to the coast. Ellie Ong
Previous research has shown meltwater is also slowing the global network of deep ocean currents. These currents transport water, heat and nutrients around the planet, so a global slow-down has huge ramifications.
It’s therefore crucial to reduce further loss of Antarctic ice, to stabilise our global climate system.
The Antarctic Slope Current moves ocean water westward over the continental slope, close to the coast. It acts as a barrier, preventing warm waters from further north from reaching the ice.
In this way, the current provides an important line of defence keeping warmer water at bay. It doesn’t stop Antarctica from melting, because warming air temperatures still cause this. But it slows the process.
However, our research shows this defence is under threat.
Ships cruising around Antarctica often encounter the Antarctic Slope Current. Pete Harmsen/Australian Antarctic Division
What we did
We wanted to find out how the Antarctic Slope Current will respond to changes in wind, heat, and meltwater as the climate changes. We did this using high-resolution ocean-sea ice models.
The meltwater makes the ocean around Antarctica less salty. This makes the waters closer to the coast less dense, changing the structure of the Antarctic Slope Current and speeding it up.
The models predicted a 14% increase in the speed of the current over the past 25 years and a 49% increase over the next 25 years.
But meltwater from Antarctic ice has another effect too. We found the added water also slows down the movement of dense, salty coastal water in “waterfalls” running off the Antarctic coast that feeds into the global overturning current network.
When these waterfalls of dense water slow down, warmer waters are able to flow closer to the Antarctic continent.
Together, these changes compound and cause the Antarctic Slope Current to speed up even more.
A complex story
It might be assumed the changes we modelled would be a good thing for Antarctica. That’s because the stronger the Antarctic Slope Current, the stronger the barrier between Antarctica and the warm waters to the north.
But there’s more to the story. When ocean currents flow faster, they become more turbulent –generating vigorous eddies or whirlpools.
You can see this effect if you rapidly run your hand through a bathtub of water. Watch for the dynamic, circular whirlpools in your hand’s wake.
Around Antarctica, whirlpools or eddies can move large amounts of warm water towards the poles. This can make melting worse.
So although a stronger current might be expected to act as a better shield for Antarctica, the extra eddies in its wake can have the opposing effect. These eddies can amplify the transport of heat towards Antarctica, increasing melting.
Eddies/whirlpools in the Southern Ocean around Antarctica.
Why this matters
No matter how uncertain Antarctica’s future may be, one thing is clear: this frozen frontier is crucial to the stability of our global climate.
The Antarctic Slope Current was once a steadfast guardian of the icy continent. But now the current is being transformed by the very ice it protects.
Humanity must act fast to preserve the current, by cutting carbon emissions. When it comes to Antarctica, this action isn’t optional — it’s the only way to hold the line.
Ellie Ong receives funding from the Australian Research Council and an Australian Government Research and Training Program Scholarship.
Edward Doddridge receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Matthew England receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Navid Constantinou receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Protesting New Zealanders donned symbolic masks modelled on a Palestinian artist’s handiwork in Auckland’s Takutai Square today to condemn Israel’s starvation as war weapon against Gaza and the NZ prime minister’s weak response.
Coming a day after the tabling of Budget 2025 in Parliament, peaceful demonstrators wore hand-painted masks inspired by Gaza-based Palestinian artist Reem Arkan, who is fighting for her life alongside hundreds of thousands of the displaced Gazans.
The protest coincided with Prime Minister Christopher Luxon addressing the Trans-Tasman Business Circle in Auckland.
The demonstrators said they chose this moment and location to “highlight the alarmingly tepid response” by the New Zealand government to what global human rights organisations — such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch — have branded as war crimes and acts of collective punishment amounting to genocide.
“This week, we heard yet another call for Israel to abide by international law. This is not leadership. It’s appeasement,” said a spokesperson, Olivia Coote.
“The time for statements has long passed. What we are witnessing in Gaza is a humanitarian catastrophe, and New Zealand must impose meaningful sanctions.
“Israel’s actions, including the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure, forced displacement, and obstruction of humanitarian aid, constitute grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of which we are signatories.”
A self-portrait by Palestinian artist Reem Arkan who depicts the suffering of Gaza – and the beauty – in spite of the savagery of the Israel attacks. Image: Insta/@artist_reemarkan
“This is an action that does nothing to protect the more than two million Palestinians in Gaza who face daily bombardment, siege, and starvation,” Coote said.
The protesters are calling on the New Zealand government to act immediately by:
Imposing sanctions on Israel; and
Suspending all diplomatic and trade relations with Israel until there is an end to hostilities and full compliance with international humanitarian law.
“This government must not be complicit in atrocities through silence and inaction,” Coote said. “The people of Aotearoa New Zealand demand leadership as the world watches a genocide unfold in real time.”
A street theatre protester demonstrates today against starvation as a weapon of war as deployed by Israel in its brutal war on Gaza. Image: APR