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The government has a new plan for residential aged care. Here’s what’s changing

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole Sutton, Associate Professor of Accounting, University of Technology Sydney

In Green/Shutterstock

After months of negotiations between the major parties, the government has announced it will implement the Aged Care Taskforce recommendations.

The government already signalled back in March that it wouldn’t impose a new tax or aged care levy.

Today’s announcement focuses on how wealthier people will contribute in future to the overall cost of their residential aged care and home care services.

While some people won’t be happy about paying for more, these changes are critical to ensuring the aged care system’s long-term sustainability.

What’s changing for residential care?

In December, the Taskforce made 23 recommendations to support:

an aged care system that is sustainable, fair and facilitates greater innovation in the sector.

In accepting these recommendations, the government committed to maintaining its funding support for the clinical care needs of all residents and providing safety-net funding for residents with low financial means.

The three key proposals relating to residential care are:

1. Means-testing the ‘hotelling supplement’.

Currently, taxpayers subsidise the cost of everyday living for all residents, regardless of their means. Everyday services include catering, cleaning and laundry.

Going forward, people with significant financial means (with more than A$238,000 in assets, more than $95,400 in income or a combination of the two) will no longer receive this subsidy and will need to pay an additional amount to cover these costs.

2. Introducing a deferred rental payment.

This is a rental payment for people who pay for their accommodation using a refundable lump-sum deposit. That payment would be taken from their refund, rather than become an additional charge.

This would help overcome a longstanding problem where many providers have been making a loss on the cost of accommodation.

3. Abolishing the means-tested care fee.

Instead, a new means-tested non-clinical care contribution would be introduced. This will cover non-clinical care costs such as bathing, mobility assistance and provision of lifestyle activities.

What impact will these changes have on older people?

Many people will be unaffected by the changes. Under the “no worse off” principle, people who already live in aged care homes will continue to pay as they do under their current arrangements.

Likewise, people with low financial means, typically full pensioners without major assets, will be unaffected. The government will continue to fully cover the costs of their clinical care, non-clinical care and accommodation, and continue to top up their everyday living costs via the hotelling supplement.

Pensioners will continue using their age pension to pay for their everyday living expenses, capped at 85% of the age pension (equivalent to $445 per week).

Those with low financial means will be unaffected.
mapo_japan/Shutterstock

At the other end of the scale, those with significant means, such as self-funded retirees, will pay an additional means-tested hotelling fee to meet the full cost of their food, laundry, cleaning and utilities. This fee (up to $88 per week, or an extra $4,581 per year), would bring their total contribution to their everyday living services to $533 per week.

Also, while the government will cover self-funded retirees’ clinical care costs, they would be expected to contribute towards the costs of non-care services via a means-tested non-clinical care contribution. This contribution is capped at $101.16 per day (or $708 per week), which a resident would stop paying when either they reach a lifetime limit of $130,000 or four years (whichever is sooner).

Within the new means-testing arrangements there will be no change to the treatment of the family home. The value of the family home included in the means test would remain capped at $206,039 (indexed), even though this arrangement ignores the wealth of people with homes above this limit.

Finally, part-pensioners and self-funded retirees who pay for their accommodation via a refundable lump-sum deposit will pay a new annual deferred rental charge equal to 2% of their deposit per year.

A room priced at $550,000 would attract a rental charge of $212 per week ($11,000 per year), which would be deducted from the $550,000 deposit when it is returned to the resident or their estate at the end of their stay.

For context, if someone wanted to pay for the same room using the daily payment method, it currently costs them $882 per week.

Currently, each resident’s daily payments are fixed at the price when they enter residential care. However, going forward residents’ payments will be indexed twice a year.

The focus is on improving the equity and sustainability

It will take some time to analyse the full implications of today’s announcement, which also included important changes to the Support at Home program and the new Aged Care Act.

Nonetheless, the proposed changes are likely to improve the sustainability and equity of Australia’s residential aged care system.

More than half of all aged care homes are operating at a loss and in the last four years the homes have accumulated losses of $5.6 billion. This is not sustainable, and every home that closes means less chance older people have of getting the residential care and support they need.

The proposed changes, particularly around accommodation, will help ensure providers have sufficient revenue to cover the costs of the services they deliver.

Introducing more means-testing arrangements for everyday living and non-clinical care costs will allow taxpayer funding to better target support to residents with few financial means.

Perhaps most importantly, the increase in contributions from older people who can afford to do so will improve intergenerational equity by taking some of the pressure off income taxpayers who are meeting the rising cost of providing subsidised aged care.

Nicole Sutton is the co-lead of the Business & Strategy Theme at the UTS Ageing Research Collaborative. She contributes to research projects funded by the Department of Health and Aged Care. She is the current Treasurer of Palliative Care NSW.

Michael Woods is Professor of Health Economics at the UTS Centre for Health Economics Research and Evaluation. He is Policy Advisor to the UTS Ageing Research Collaborative (UARC) and Chairs the Editorial Board of Australia’s Aged Care Sector. He is a Member of IHACP’s Aged Care Advisory Committee and undertakes policy research for the Commonwealth Government and the aged care sector. Michael was a former Deputy Chair of the Productivity Commission. He has no funding or other conflicts of interest related to this article.

ref. The government has a new plan for residential aged care. Here’s what’s changing – https://theconversation.com/the-government-has-a-new-plan-for-residential-aged-care-heres-whats-changing-238765

Sneesby’s resignation from Nine points to host of problems besetting commercial TV networks

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne

Mike Sneesby’s resignation as chief executive of the Nine Entertainment Company completes a cleanout at the top of an organisation besieged by the consequences of cultural toxicity.

These consequences began coming to light in March, when News Corporation newspapers and Nine’s own mastheads published allegations that Darren Wick, who was Nine’s head of news and current affairs for more than a decade, groped three women in public view of their colleagues.

Wick denied the allegations but left Nine that same month following a formal complaint against him and the establishment of a related investigation.

Nine also commissioned an external firm to conduct a review into “broader cultural issues”.

At the time, Sneesby said:

I believe we have taken positive steps in recent years at Nine to improve our culture […] but the recent reports that detail alleged serious failings of leadership in television news clearly tells me more work needs to be done to ensure we have a safe and inclusive workplace throughout Nine.

Serious failings of leadership: Sneesby might have been writing his own corporate obituary.

The company’s, and his own, responses to the unfolding scandal were always reactive and invited the question: if reporters at a rival news organisation and in his own newspapers’ newsrooms could find out what was going on, why couldn’t the boss?

He confessed he had not directly received any information about the alleged behaviour of Wicks. He then added: “I would encourage those individuals, or anyone else with information, to provide it […] so it can be independently investigated.”

It is fair to assume that if those individuals had any faith at all in the corporate culture, they would have complained years ago.

Sneesby also observed that a concentration of power at the organisation had “damaged the trust and fairness within our television newsrooms”. This raises further questions, such as: how did he allow that to happen and what did he do about it?

These unanswered questions fuelled relentless media interest in the story, which reached its climax on a June afternoon at Canberra airport when Peter Costello, a former federal treasurer and then chair of Nine, was accosted by a News Corp reporter.

The reporter wanted to know whether Costello had known about the allegations against Wick. Did Costello support the way Sneesby was handling the issue?

Costello moved in on the reporter, there was a jostling motion on the reporter’s camera and the reporter fell to the floor. Costello denied having assaulted him, but resigned as chair within the week.

On his way out the door, Costello said Sneesby “always had my full support”.

It now falls to the new chair, Catherine West, and a stand-in chief executive, Matt Stanton, to try to clean up the mess. Stanton is the company’s chief finance and strategy officer.

The company promised in May to establish an external formal complaint line for people to provide information independent of management, and a helpline for “emotional or psychological support”.

The extent to which this works and the external cultural review produces any real change will be important benchmarks against which the performance of the new leadership will be assessed.

The free-to-air television industry is under the same severe commercial strain as newspapers, as streaming services and other internet platforms challenge their traditional supremacy in electronic news and entertainment.

Commercial television newsrooms have never been a place for shrinking violets. But their blokey whatever-it-takes management style seems ill-adapted to cope with the acute stresses created by the digital revolution. They are also increasingly out of step with modern workplace culture and social mores.

This is evident not just at Nine but at Australia’s other two commercial television networks as well.

In April, James Warburton, chief executive of Seven West Media, which operates the Seven Network, resigned during a torrid period for the organisation. Allegations had been made during a defamation trial that Seven’s current affairs program Spotlight had reimbursed Bruce Lehrmann for money spent on cocaine and sex workers while duchessing him for an interview.

Although Seven denied these allegations, in the aftermath Spotlight’s executive producer Mark Llewellyn left the network.

The evidence in court, given by a former Spotlight producer Taylor Auerbach, revealed a ruthless newsroom culture and a determination to secure what was regarded as a prize interview with Lehrmann, who was subsequently found by the court, on the balance of probabilities, to have raped Brittany Higgins in Parliament House in March 2019.

Lehrmann has always denied the charge, and his criminal prosecution was aborted because of juror misconduct.

Channel Ten’s journalism came in for close scrutiny in the same proceedings. It had been sued for defamation by Lehrmann over an interview with Higgins on The Project in which she said she had been raped. Lehrmann was not named in the broadcast, but was able to satisfy the court that he was the person referred to as having allegedly raped Higgins.

While finding that Ten succeeded with its defence of truth, Justice Michael Lee was critical of what he said was Ten’s failure to test “inconsistencies and implausibilities” in Higgins’s story. He said Ten had ignored “flashing warning lights” and had shown a “lack of curiosity” over certain aspects of the matter to avoid “unnecessary doubt” about the story.

These examples of newsroom culture, whether they concern sexual predation, abandonment of journalistic ethics or poor editorial judgement, clearly have a tendency to undermine public trust in the media as a whole, which is bad for commerce and for democracy.

Ten’s future became uncertain as its parent company, Paramount, faced severe financial pressures. It recently merged with Skydance Media in the United States, but whether this stabilises Ten’s ownership position is unclear.

These developments, plus the management shakeups at Nine and Seven, show the pressure on Australia’s commercial television networks is likely to continue for some time yet.

The Conversation

Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Sneesby’s resignation from Nine points to host of problems besetting commercial TV networks – https://theconversation.com/sneesbys-resignation-from-nine-points-to-host-of-problems-besetting-commercial-tv-networks-238876

Farm fences trouble turtles in search of water. Here’s how to help

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eric Nordberg, Senior Lecturer (Applied Ecology and Landscape Management), University of New England

Eric Nordberg

Freshwater turtles live in farm dams, creeks and wetlands across Australia. They often travel over land when these wetlands or farm dams dry up, or during breeding season.

But when a turtle encounters a fence, they can get stuck on one side, become entangled, overheat or even die.

We wanted to test how different fence types influence turtle movement patterns. In our latest research, we attached GPS tracking devices to 20 adult eastern long-neck turtles in Armidale, New South Wales. Each week, we located the turtles and recorded how far they had moved, what habitat they were in, and how many fences they had encountered.

We found turtles often encountered fences. Sometimes they had to walk long distances, for days, before finding a suitable place to cross. Here we recommend some simple, cheap ways to make fences more turtle-friendly – and help other wildlife too.

An eastern long-neck turtle bumps up against a wire fence covered with chicken wire on an agricultural property.
Chicken wire fencing should be avoided because the mesh diameter is too small to allow turtles and other wildlife to pass through.
Eric Nordberg

Active in agricultural lands

The eastern long-neck turtle is one of Australia’s most widespread turtle species, but populations may be in decline. As a result, their conservation status could soon be upgraded to “vulnerable”.

Its range includes the Murray-Darling, Australia’s longest river system and most intensive agricultural area.

Long-neck turtles are also among the most active turtles on land, often travelling kilometres to find water. So they frequently encounter fences.

We found all sorts of farm fences in our 1,000 hectare study area, stretching over 95km in total. Fencing materials included:

  • plain or barbed wire
  • hinge joint” wire (grid pattern)
  • single-strand electric wire
  • chicken wire
  • corrugated iron.

We classified the different types of fences as turtle-friendly, or not. In turtle-friendly fences, the mesh or wire spacing is greater than the body size of the turtle. Unfriendly fences, in contrast, have mesh or wire spacing smaller than turtle, barring their passage.

Aerial image of the study area, overlaid with mapped fences labelled yellow = turtle-friendly, pink = turtle-unfriendly and movement paths of turtles in blue.
Fences surveyed during the study: yellow = turtle-friendly, pink = turtle-unfriendly. Blue = movement paths of turtles.
James Dowling

Our turtles encountered fences 120 times in the ten months of the study, from November 2022 to September 2023. Most of the time they managed to get through. But in some cases, turtles had to walk up to four times further before finding a suitable gap or fault in the fence.

Some fences at our study site were damaged. Broken wire, gaps or holes from fallen trees or burrowing wildlife actually turned an unfriendly fence into a turtle-friendly fence. So turtles were able to walk along the fence and locate a suitable gap or fault that allowed them to cross.

However, this meant turtles had to walk up to four times further along unfriendly fences before finding suitable passage. Turtles were walking an additional 1,000 metres over the course of nine days in some cases.

The search for a gap or hole potentially exposed turtles to predators, excessive heat and dehydration.

In Armidale, adult eastern long-neck turtles are smaller than in other parts of its range. This means they fit through fences more easily than larger eastern long-necks from other regions, or other larger turtle species.

So, while turtle-friendly fences were abundant in our study, many of these would have been unfriendly fences for larger turtles living elsewhere.

How to make farm fences more wildlife-friendly

Replacing millions of kilometres of farm fencing around the world is not feasible, so we recommend a range of targeted and realistic tactics.

Species-specific wildlife gates allow wildlife such as bettongs and wombats to travel in and out of fenced areas. These gates can be installed in places where wildlife are most likely to encounter fences, such as wildlife corridors, rather than randomly throughout a property.

Other strategies are more simple and cost effective, such as clipping one vertical bar of hinge joint fencing to make the mesh gap twice as large. This creates a “turtle gate” that allows larger turtle species to move through the fence.

Similarly, ensuring the bottom of the fence is at least 50mm above the ground can help facilitate movement by small animals.

Where possible, chicken wire style fencing should be avoided because the mesh diameter is too small to allow turtles and many other wildlife species to pass through.

For more tips on building your own turtle-friendly fence and information on other turtle projects, check out our downloadable fencing brochure.

Photo of hinge joint (grid pattern) wire fencing marked up with arrows pointing to a 'vertical bar to be clipped', creating a wider space for a turtle or other animal to pass through.
Here’s how to install ‘turtle gate’, for ease of movement through exclusion fencing.
Eric Nordberg

Reducing the harm of fences

Although fences are useful for managing livestock, protecting crops and keeping out predators, they can have unintentional and harmful effects on other species such as turtles.

Fence design, location and upkeep should be more carefully considered, with wildlife in mind.

Eco-friendly fence designs (for turtles, mammals, or any other wildlife) should be used whenever possible, to help wildlife travel through their now-fragmented habitat.

Side view of an eastern long-neck turtle with neck outstretched gazing up at a wire fence covered with chicken wire and long grass.
Eastern long-neck turtles frequently encounter farm fences.
Eric Nordberg

The Conversation

Eric Nordberg is affiliated with the University of New England and receives external grant funding through NSW, SA, and QLD governments.

Deborah Bower works for the University of New England. She receives funding from the Australian Research Council, NSW, SA, QLD and Commonwealth Governments.

James Dowling is affiliated with The University of New England and The Ohio State University. He receives no external funding directly.

ref. Farm fences trouble turtles in search of water. Here’s how to help – https://theconversation.com/farm-fences-trouble-turtles-in-search-of-water-heres-how-to-help-236939

Kids under 13 use social media. How can parents help keep them safe online?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karley Beckman, Senior Lecturer in Digital Technologies for Learning, University of Wollongong

Luiza Kamalova/Shutterstock , CC BY

Earlier this week, the federal government announced it is going to introduce a social media ban for children.

It hasn’t nominated a minimum age yet, but the focus of political and media debates has been on teenagers. What about younger users of social media?

According to a 2022 Australian report, 22% of children aged eight to ten and 46% of children aged 11–13 visit social media sites. This suggests parents are involved in setting up and supporting children’s access.

We also know schools use social media, such as Facebook and Instagram, to share activities that involve children and young people.

In our as yet unpublished research on Australian parents’ approaches to social media, parents said they saw social media as part of the world we live in. The study spoke to 44 parents of school-aged children across three states, who said their children need to learn to engage with it in healthy ways – as well as be protected by governments and schools.

There are several things parents of younger children can do to protect their kids on social media and prepare them to participate safely.




Read more:
Should parents be worried about social media? We asked 5 experts


1. Be aware of what social media your children are using

Much of the focus by government and media is on social media sites used by teens such as TikTok, Instagram or Snapchat.

But social media also includes apps such as Messenger, Messenger Kids and YouTube. Even if younger children do not have their own accounts, they may be using a family member’s account.

Children’s use of social media can be positive – it can be a way for them to connect with others, learn and access information. But for younger children, as with any new activity, it should always be under the watchful guidance of a parent or caregiver who can support them to build independence.

When you use technology together, you can have conversations with your child to help them learn and create a habit of open communication. For example, point out persuasive design features (such as features that encourage them to click or keep scrolling), or talk about privacy.

Parents can also negotiate shared rules with their children, such as not using devices in bedrooms.

Two young girls look at smartphone together.
Younger kids may still be using social media even if they don’t have their own account.
Natalia Lebedinskaia/ Shutterstock, CC BY

2. Model healthy social media use

Be mindful about your own use of social media and the ways you manage and balance this. What you do is visible to your children and sends a powerful message. For example, do you have breaks and keep your device away from you when you’re talking to people or eating?

Do your posts feature information about your children, or images and videos of them? Conversations about consent and respectful use of others’ images can start at a young age.

As parents, we can also advocate for others to respect children in their social media use, such as schools, sports clubs and community groups. You can ask that your child’s image and personal information is not shared on social media.

3. Learn about social media

Understanding the risks and harms associated with social media is an important step in helping children and young people to be informed and critical in their use (or future use) of these platforms.

These harms and risks include privacy and safety settings, “recommender systems” that dictate what kind of content is directed to your feed, data privacy and profiling, and the limitations of social media content moderation and reporting systems.

Parents can find helpful resources and sign up to a newsletter from the eSafety Commissioner. Ironically, following the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child on social media can be a convenient way to stay up to date. This is a government-funded research centre that provides evidence-informed resources for parents, educators and policy-makers.

4. Demand improvements to social media design

In addition to current government plans, we need to ensure technology companies redesign their platforms with stronger privacy for children by default.

Many of the risks and harms we are talking about are associated with the design of social media that prioritises profit over user safety. Australian researchers have been calling for a “Children’s Code” or Age-Appropriate Design Code, which have improved platforms in the United Kingdom. The federal government’s plan announced on Thursday to require technology companies to redesign their services to better protect children, is a step in the right direction.

Importantly, we can all start talking about the type of digital environments we want for our children and share these ideas with politicians and policy-makers. This includes the concept of a “Children’s Internet” – a set of principles to reimagine the web as a safer and more appropriate digital environment for our children.

The Conversation

Karley Beckman is an Associate Investigator with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.

Claire Rogerson is a Research Fellow with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.

Tiffani Apps is an Associate Investigator with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child

ref. Kids under 13 use social media. How can parents help keep them safe online? – https://theconversation.com/kids-under-13-use-social-media-how-can-parents-help-keep-them-safe-online-238795

Aged care reform: self-funded retirees and part-pensioners to pay more as government aims to shore up the system

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Self-funded retirees and many part pensioners will pay more for their aged care under the government’s reform package, endorsed by the opposition and announced on Thursday.

The changes involve a $930 million extra spend over four years, and $12.6 billion savings over 11 years.

The package, which the government says is the biggest reform in 30 years, will shift the system further towards home care, so people can stay at home as long as possible.

A “no worse off” principle will protect those presently receiving aged care from the higher imposts. The treatment of the family home won’t change.

There will be a $4.3 billion investment for Support at Home, starting on July 1 next year.

Under the new arrangements, the government will pay 100% of clinical care services, with recipients contributing to services such as help with showering and taking medications, as well as to everyday living costs such as shopping and meal preparation.

How much a person contributes will be based on the age pension means test and their personal circumstances, including their level of need and their income and assets.

A lifetime contribution cap will apply across the aged care system. This will mean no one will contribute more than $130,000 to their non-clinical care costs, regardless of their means or the length of their care. This exceeds the current cap of about $78,000.

For every dollar full pensioners contribute, the government will contribute on average $12.90. For part pensioners the government will contribute on average $6.10 for every dollar.

For self-funded retirees the government will contribute $1.60 on average for those with a Commonwealth Seniors Health Card and $1.20 on average for those without the card.



New entrants to residential care will also pay larger means-tested contributions

There will be a higher maximum room price that will be indexed.

Providers will be able to retain a portion of the refundable accommodation deposit (2% a year for each of five years), rather than paying it all back when the resident dies or leaves.

Under the new consumer contributions, half of new residents won’t contribute more, including all “fully funded” residents. These are defined as full pensioners with limited assets.

Seven in ten full pensioners and one in ten part pensioners will not contribute more.

The government introduced legislation for the new scheme on Thursday.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Aged care reform: self-funded retirees and part-pensioners to pay more as government aims to shore up the system – https://theconversation.com/aged-care-reform-self-funded-retirees-and-part-pensioners-to-pay-more-as-government-aims-to-shore-up-the-system-238879

Instead of banning kids from online spaces, here’s what we should offer them instead

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amanda Third, Co-Director, Young and Resilient Research Centre/Professorial Research Fellow, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University

Banning children under 16 from social media sounds like a seductive idea. For overwhelmed parents navigating their kids’ lives in a digital age, this move from the Australian government may seem like welcome relief.

But evidence shows it’s highly unlikely bans will positively impact the youth mental health crisis in this country. Indeed, bans may make our children even more vulnerable online.

Children and young people go online primarily to socialise with their peers. Online spaces are one of the few avenues our overscheduled children have to interact freely with each other, which is crucial for their wellbeing.

A social media ban will close down this avenue and force children into lower-quality online environments. Children already say adults don’t understand what they do online and are underequipped to support them.

A blanket ban affirms parents “don’t get it”. Kids will find ways to get around the ban. And if their interactions turn sour on social media, the fact they were not supposed to be there will make it more difficult to reach out to adults for help.

Crucially, demands for blanket bans – challenging to implement – also force tech platforms into “compliance mode”. They divert company resources away from designing better online environments for children and into litigation.

What should we do instead of a ban?

Our children’s online safety is a collective responsibility. There are constructive steps we can take, but they need more cooperation between governments, industry, the community sector, parents, caregivers, educators, researchers, and children and young people themselves.

All children learn by taking risks and making mistakes. The focus needs to be on eliminating online harms, and equipping children and their caregivers to deal confidently with the digital world.

Tighter regulation is part of the solution. But making the internet a better place for children – not just banning them – is the very best protection we can provide.

So, what would that look like?

One way is to implement safety-by-design principles. Popularised internationally by the Australian eSafety Commissioner, safety by design is what it sounds like – baking safety features into the DNA of technological products and platforms.

Here, we should take the lead from children themselves. They are urging platforms and governments to do several things:

  • give minors privacy by default
  • provide standardised, easily accessible and well-explained reporting processes across diverse platforms
  • use AI to detect bad actors attempting to interact with children.

Children also want to know what data is collected from them, how it is used, by whom, and for what purposes.

They’re also calling for safety-by-design features that eliminate sexual, violent and other age-inappropriate content from their feeds.

All of these steps would help to strengthen the things they already do to take care of themselves and others online – like being cautious when interacting with people they don’t know, and not sharing personal information or images online.

Two kids outdoors in bright clothing taking a photo with a smartphone.
Designing optimal online spaces for children in various age groups is more constructive than a ban.
Tim Gouw/Unsplash

Not just safe, but optimal

Safety by design is not the whole solution. Building on the efforts to develop industry codes, industry and government should come together to develop a wider range of standards that deliver not just safe, but optimal digital environments for children.

How? High-quality, child-centred evidence can help major platforms develop industry-wide standards that define what kinds of content are appropriate for children of different ages.

We also need targeted education for children that builds their digital capabilities and prepares them to deal with and grow through their engagement online.

For example, rather than education that focuses on extreme harms, children are calling for online safety education in schools and elsewhere that supports them to manage the low-level, everyday risks of harm they encounter online: disagreements with friends, inappropriate content or feeling excluded.

Heed the evidence

Some authoritative, evidence-based guidance already exists. It tells us how to ensure children can mitigate potential harms and maximise the benefits of the digital environment.

Where the evidence doesn’t yet exist, we need to invest in child-centred research. It’s the best method for gaining nuanced accounts of children’s digital practices, and can guide a coherent and strategic long-term approach to policy and practice.

Drawing on lessons from the COVID pandemic, we also need to better align evidence with decision-making processes. This means speeding up high-quality, robust research processes or finding ways for research to better anticipate and generate evidence around emerging challenges. This way, governments can weigh up the benefits and drawbacks of particular policy actions.

Technology is not beyond our control. Rather, we need to decide, together, what role we want technology to play in childhood.

We need to move beyond a protectionist focus and work with children themselves to build the very best digital environments we can imagine. Nothing short of the future is at stake in doing so.

The Conversation

Amanda Third currently receives funding from Tech Coalition Safe Online Research Fund; UNICEF Australia; ChildFund, World Vision, Save the Children. She is a member of the Australian eSafety Commissioner’s Online Safety Advisory; Google Kids and Families Global Advisory Board; and Snapchat’s Online Safety Advisory.

ref. Instead of banning kids from online spaces, here’s what we should offer them instead – https://theconversation.com/instead-of-banning-kids-from-online-spaces-heres-what-we-should-offer-them-instead-238798

Age care changes will hit self-funded retirees and many part pensioners to sustain the system long term

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Self-funded retirees and many part pensioners will pay more for their aged care under the government’s reform package, endorsed by the opposition and announced on Thursday.

The changes involve a $930 million extra spend over four years, and $12.6 billion savings over 11 years.

The package, which the government says is biggest reform in 30 years, will shift the system further towards home care, so people can stay at home as long as possible.

A “no worse off” principle will protect those presently receiving aged care from the higher imposts. The treatment of the family home won’t change.

There will be a $4.3 billion investment for Support at Home, starting on July 1 next year.

Under the new arrangements, the government will pay 100% of clinical care services, with recipients contributing to services such as help with showering and taking medications, as well as to every day living costs such as shopping and meal preparation.

How much a person contributes will be based on the age pension means test and their personal circumstances, including their level of need and their income and assets.

A lifetime contribution cap will apply across the aged care system. This will mean no one will contribute more than $130,000 to their non-clinical care costs, regardless of their means or the length of their care. This exceeds the current cap of about $78,000.

For every dollar full pensioners contribute, the government will contribute on average $12.90. For part pensioners the government will contribute on average $6.10 for every dollar.

For self-funded retirees the government will contribute $1.60 on average for those with a Commonwealth Seniors Health Card and $1.20 on average for those without the card.



New entrants to residential care will also pay larger means-tested contributions

There will be a higher maximum room price that will be indexed.

Providers will be able to retain a portion of the refundable accommodation deposit (2% a year for each of five years), rather than paying it all back when the resident dies or leaves.

Under the new consumer contributions, half of new residents won’t contribute more, including all “fully funded” residents. These are defined as full pensioners with limited assets.

Seven in ten full pensioners and one in ten part pensioners will not contribute more.

The government introduced legislation for the new scheme on Thursday.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Age care changes will hit self-funded retirees and many part pensioners to sustain the system long term – https://theconversation.com/age-care-changes-will-hit-self-funded-retirees-and-many-part-pensioners-to-sustain-the-system-long-term-238879

New polling: half of Australians want gambling ads banned entirely; LNP has big Queensland lead

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

A national Resolve poll for Nine newspapers, conducted September 3–7 from a sample of 1,614 people, gave Labor a 51–49% lead using 2022 election preference flows. However, respondent-allocated preferences favoured the Coalition by 51–49%.

Primary votes were 37% Coalition (steady since the August Resolve poll), 28% Labor (down one), 13% Greens (steady), 6% One Nation (steady), 1% UAP (down one), 12% independents (up two) and 3% others (down one).

For both the Resolve and Wolf + Smith polls below, support for independents is higher than they would achieve at an election, as not every seat has a strong independent candidate.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s net approval dropped one point to -18, with 53% giving him a poor rating and 35% a good rating. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s net approval dropped four points to -1.

After trailing Dutton by one point as preferred PM in each of the last three months, Albanese led by 35–34% in this poll.

The Liberals led Labor as best on economic management by 37–26%, but this lead was reduced from 40–23% in August. The Liberals’ lead over Labor on keeping the cost of living low was also reduced to 32–25% from 34–23%.

Asked who had the greatest responsibility for keeping inflation down, 51% said the federal government and treasurer, while 27% chose the Reserve Bank of Australia.

Asked about gambling ads on TV, 51% wanted them banned entirely, 32% favoured limiting them to two per hour during live sport, and 7% backed allowing unrestricted gambling ads.

Asked whether government should prioritise tackling sports betting or pokies, 47% said both, 12% said sports betting, 11% said pokies and 17% wanted gambling left alone.

Queensland polls indicate big LNP win

The Queensland state election is on October 26. A Resolve poll for The Brisbane Times, conducted over four months from June to September from a sample of 939 people, gave the Liberal National Party (LNP) 44% of the primary vote (up one since February to May), Labor 23% (down three), the Greens 12% (down one), One Nation 8% (steady), independents 9% (up one) and others 4% (up two).

Resolve doesn’t usually give a two-party figure, but The Poll Bludger estimated a 58–42% LNP lead from these primary votes.

LNP leader David Crisafulli’s net likeability improved four points to +18, while Labor Premier Steven Miles’ net likeability improved only slightly to -13. Crisafulli led as preferred premier by 40–27%.

A Redbridge Queensland poll, conducted in two waves between May 15 and August 27 from a sample of 829 people, gave the LNP a 54.5–45.5% lead, a 2.5-point gain for Labor since a February to May poll.

Primary votes were 42% LNP (down five), 29% Labor (up one), 11% Greens (down one) and 18% for all Others (up five). The Redbridge poll is Labor’s best Queensland poll since March, but it would still be a thumping, and the other two polls are worse for Labor.

Wolf + Smith federal and state polls

A national poll by the Sydney-based agency Wolf + Smith gave federal Labor a 51–49% lead over the Coalition, from primary votes of 36% Coalition, 29% Labor, 13% Greens, 6% One Nation, 11% independents and 4% others. This poll was conducted August 6–29 by online methods from a very large sample of 10,239 people.

Living costs were rated the top issue by 41% of respondents and one of the top three issues by 62%. By contrast, climate change was rated the top issue by only 5%, while immigration was rated top by just 2%.

Wolf + Smith also conducted polls in all states. In New South Wales, there was a 50–50% tie between Labor and the Coalition, from primary votes of 38% Coalition, 32% Labor, 12% Greens, 14% independents and 4% others.

In Victoria, the Coalition led by 52–48%, from primary votes of 40% Coalition, 28% Labor, 14% Greens, 15% independents and 3% others.

In Queensland, the LNP led Labor by 57–43%, from primary votes of 42% LNP, 24% Labor, 12% Greens, 8% One Nation, 9% independents and 4% others.

In Western Australia, Labor led by 55–45%, from primary votes of 37% Labor, 32% Liberals and Nationals, 12% Greens, 4% One Nation, 8% independents and 8% others. The WA election is in March 2025.

In South Australia, Labor led by 60–40%, from primary votes of 41% Labor, 28% Liberals, 11% Greens, 5% One Nation, 10% independents and 5% others.

In Tasmania, which uses a proportional system for its elections, vote shares were 32% Liberal, 23% Labor, 14% Greens, 11% Jacqui Lambie Network, 15% independents and 4% others. This poll was mostly taken before the August 24 JLN bust-up.

The Wolf + Smith polls had similar results in NSW, Victoria and Queensland as other recent polls. The SA poll is the first in the state by any pollster since Labor won the 2022 state election.

Federal Essential and Morgan polls

A national Essential poll, conducted September 4–7 from a sample of 1,132 people, had a 48–48% tie between Labor and the Coalition, including undecided voters (Labor had a 48–46% lead in late August). Primary votes were 35% Coalition (up two), 30% Labor (up one), 13% Greens (steady), 8% One Nation (up one), 1% UAP (steady), 8% for all Others (down three) and 5% undecided (down one).

On the international student cap, 53% thought it was about right, 37% too high and 10% too low.

For the 2026 Census, 42% said there should be questions on both gender and sexual orientation, 25% no such questions, 23% questions on gender but not sexual orientation, and 10% questions on sexual orientation but not gender.

A national Morgan poll, conducted September 2–8 from a sample of 1,703 people, gave Labor a 51–49% lead over the Coalition, a 0.5-point gain for Labor since the August 26 to September 1 Morgan poll.

Primary votes were 36.5% Coalition (up 0.5), 30% Labor (down 0.5), 14.5% Greens (up 1.5), 6% One Nation (steady), 9.5% independents (steady) and 3.5% others (down 1.5).

The headline figure uses respondent preferences. By 2022 election preferences, Labor led by an unchanged 52–48%.

Final NSW federal redistribution

I wrote about the final federal redistributions of Victoria and Western Australia on Monday, which only had minor changes from the draft redistributions. The final New South Wales redistribution were released today.

Consistent with the draft redistribution, the North Sydney electorate has been abolished. ABC election analyst Antony Green said he does not believe “any of the final changes have much impact on marginal seats”. I covered the draft redistributions in June.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New polling: half of Australians want gambling ads banned entirely; LNP has big Queensland lead – https://theconversation.com/new-polling-half-of-australians-want-gambling-ads-banned-entirely-lnp-has-big-queensland-lead-238525

Facebook has scraped public data from Australian users without an opt out. What can we do?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heather Ford, Associate Professor, University of Technology Sydney

vectorfusionart/Shutterstock

Facebook acknowledged in a Senate inquiry yesterday that it is scraping the public photos of Australian users to train its artificial intelligence (AI) models.

Facebook’s parent company Meta claims this excludes data from users who have marked their posts as “private”, as well as photos or data from users under the age of 18.

Since companies such as Meta aren’t required to tell us what data they use or how they use it, we will have to take their word for it. Even so, users will likely be concerned that Meta is using their data for a purpose they didn’t expressly consent to.

But there are some steps users can take to improve the privacy of their personal data.

Data hungry models

AI models are data hungry. They require vast amounts of new data to train on. And the internet provides ready access to data that’s relatively easy to ingest in a process that doesn’t distinguish between copyrighted works or personal data.

Many people are concerned about the possible consequences of this wide-scale, obscure ingestion of our information and creativity.

Media companies have taken AI companies such as OpenAI to court for training models on their news stories. Artists who use social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram to advertise their work are also concerned their work is being used without permission, compensation or credit.

Others are worried about the chance AI could present them in ways that are inaccurate and misleading. A local mayor in Victoria considered legal action against ChatGPT after the program falsely claimed he was a guilty party in a foreign bribery scandal.

Generative AI models have no capacity to ascertain the truth of the statements or images they produce, and we still don’t know what harms will come from our growing reliance on AI tools.

People in other countries are better protected

In some countries, legislation supports ordinary users from having their data ingested by AI companies.

Meta was recently ordered to stop training its large language model on data from European users and has given those users an opt-out option.

Facebook users in the European Union can opt-out of having their data scraped by the tech giant.
QubixStudio/Shutterstock

In the European Union, personal data is protected under the General Data Protection Regulation. This law prohibits the use of personal data for undefined “artificial intelligence technology” without opt-in consent.

Australians don’t have the same option under existing privacy laws. The recent inquiry has strengthened calls to update them to better protect users. A major privacy act reform was also announced today that’s been several years in the making.

Three key actions

There are three key actions Australians can take to better protect their personal data from companies such as Facebook in the absence of targeted legislation.

First, Facebook users can ensure their data is marked as “private”. This would prevent any future scraping (although it won’t account for the scraping that has already occurred or any scraping we may not know about.)

Second, we can experiment with new approaches to consent in the age of AI. For example, tech startup Spawning is experimenting with new methods for consent to “benefit both AI development and the people it is trained on”. Their latest project, Source.Plus, is intended to curate “non-infringing” media for training AI models from public domain images and images under a Creative Commons CC0 “no rights reserved” license.

Third, we can lobby our government to pressure AI companies to ask for consent when they scrape our data and ensure that researchers and public agencies can audit AI companies for compliance.

We need a broader conversation about what rights the public should have to resist technology corporations using our data. This conversation also needs to include an alternative approach to building AI – one that is grounded in obtaining consent and respecting peoples’ privacy.

I previously worked as a volunteer for Creative Commons and Executive Director of iCommons.

Suneel Jethani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Facebook has scraped public data from Australian users without an opt out. What can we do? – https://theconversation.com/facebook-has-scraped-public-data-from-australian-users-without-an-opt-out-what-can-we-do-238814

Long-overdue Australian privacy law reform is here – and it’s still not fit for the digital era

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katharine Kemp, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law & Justice; Lead, UNSW Public Interest Law & Tech Initiative, UNSW Sydney

Wirestock Creators/Shutterstock

Almost four years since the Privacy Act review commenced, the Australian government has introduced a reform bill that fails to make most of the fundamental changes needed to modernise our privacy laws.

Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus said in May that the government would introduce legislation to reform a privacy regime that’s “woefully outdated and unfit for the digital age”.

But the new bill doesn’t touch most of the substantive principles in our privacy law, originally passed in 1988 and largely unchanged since then. This was an era long before our everyday lives were conducted via the internet or smartphones.

The reform bill does finally introduce a statutory tort for serious invasion of privacy, which has been anticipated for more than a decade. It also provides a process for a potential children’s privacy code, and “tiered” penalties that provide lower fines for more minor breaches of the act.

But it continues to leave Australians at the mercy of rampant tracking, targeting and profiling by data brokers, major retailers, rental platforms and data-matching firms. Catastrophic data breaches flow from poorly regulated data practices – and we’re still not protected.

What does the reform bill change?

While the government calls this a “first tranche” of reform, it has not yet committed to a timeline for further reform. That would come after the election.

The amendments are far from the “overhaul” that privacy experts and advocates expected. Instead, they focus on rules for relatively narrow situations or groups, without changing the most important principles that tell government and businesses how to treat our personal information.

A Children’s Online Privacy Code, to be developed by the privacy commissioner, is likely to be a long time in the making, following further periods of consultation. The deadline for registering this code is more than two years away.

But we urgently need fundamental privacy protections for all Australians, whether they be 13, 18 or 80 years old.

The proposed reform includes a statutory tort (a civil wrong) for serious invasions of privacy. This is a positive, if belated, development – it was already recommended in 2008 and 2014.

It would allow Australians to sue for damages for serious invasions of privacy. This is either an intrusion into seclusion (for example, being filmed in a private place) or misuse of information relating to a person, where they had a reasonable expectation of privacy.

This law would only apply if the invasion is “serious” and committed intentionally or recklessly. Serious harms caused by an organisation’s negligence would not be enough.

The bill also includes an “anti-doxing” offence, with prison sentences up to seven years. This amendment was not debated as part of the Privacy Act review. It responds to an incident earlier this year when the personal details of hundreds of Jewish members of an online support group were published without their consent.

The introduction of a doxing offence will not broadly improve the way organisations treat our personal data. Most privacy harms are not caused by the publication of personal details that is “menacing or harrassing” under criminal law.




Read more:
What is doxing, and how can you protect yourself?


What does the bill leave out?

The proposed amendments leave out most of the fundamental reforms necessary to make Australia’s privacy laws fit for the digital era.

There is no “fair and reasonable” test for dealing with personal information. This would have helped prevent businesses relying on supposed “consents” to use information unfairly in situations where a person has no real choice but to provide the information.

The proposal to end the small businesses exemption was also omitted. Unlike most countries, Australia’s privacy law doesn’t apply to small businesses, which make up about 95% of businesses.

For instance, real estate agents and rental platforms are becoming notorious for the privacy risks and harms some inflict on renters and clients. But if their annual revenue is less than A$3 million, they may have no obligations under the Privacy Act.

The bill leaves out an updated definition of “personal information”, which would capture data commonly used to track and profile Australians online. An updated definition would help guard against data brokers singling out individuals using unique identifiers, but claiming the Privacy Act doesn’t apply to them.

An improved definition of “consent” was also left out. The proposal would have required consent to be “voluntary, informed, specific, current, and unambiguous”. The current law allows consent to be “implied”. Companies have used this to rely on vague terms hidden in the fine print of website policies.

There is still no direct right of action for individuals to seek relief in the courts for a breach of the Australian privacy principles. Instead, they must make a complaint to the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner, which then decides whether it will make any investigation or determination.

Four years and little to show

The Australian Competition & Consumer Commission recommended wide-ranging reform of Australia’s privacy law in 2019. It noted other countries have modernised their privacy laws, but Australians use the same digital platforms without comparable protections in place.

The Privacy Act review began in 2020 and received hundreds of submissions. This culminated in 116 proposals made in a report by the Attorney-General’s department in 2023. Later that year, the government agreed or agreed “in principle” to 106 of those proposals.

In the interim, following several major data breaches in 2022, the government did pass narrow amendments to the Privacy Act. This included large increases in maximum penalties. But the underlying rules remained unchanged and no penalty has ever been imposed.

The bill is likely to be referred to a parliamentary committee for review. This in turn means it isn’t likely to be passed until 2025, further delaying the limited amendments. As it stands, the reform bill is not enough to fundamentally change the way organisations treat Australians’ personal information.

Our data-protection laws will likely remain well behind those in jurisdictions such as the European Union for years to come.

Katharine Kemp is a member of the Expert Advisory Panel of the Consumer Policy Research Centre.

ref. Long-overdue Australian privacy law reform is here – and it’s still not fit for the digital era – https://theconversation.com/long-overdue-australian-privacy-law-reform-is-here-and-its-still-not-fit-for-the-digital-era-238214

Which gut drugs might end up in a lawsuit? Are there really links with cancer and kidney disease? Should I stop taking them?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nial Wheate, Professor and Director – Academic Excellence, Macquarie University

Doucefleur/Shutterstock

Common medicines used to treat conditions including heartburn, reflux, indigestion and stomach ulcers may be the subject of a class action lawsuit in Australia.

Lawyers are exploring whether long-term use of these over-the-counter and prescription drugs are linked to stomach cancer or kidney disease.

The potential class action follows the settlement of a related multi-million dollar lawsuit in the United States. Last year, international pharmaceutical company AstraZeneca settled for US$425 million (A$637 million) after patients made the case that two of its drugs caused significant and potentially life-threatening side effects.

Specifically, patients claimed the company’s drugs Nexium (esomeprazole) and Prilosec (omeprazole) increased the risk of kidney damage.

Which drugs are involved in Australia?

The class of drugs we’re talking about are “proton pump inhibitors” (sometimes called PPIs). In the case of the Australian potential class action, lawyers are investigating:

  • Nexium (esomeprazole)

  • Losec, Asimax (omeprazole)

  • Somac (pantoprazole)

  • Pariet (rabeprazole)

  • Zoton (lansoprazole).

Depending on their strength and quantity, these medicines are available over-the-counter in pharmacies or by prescription.

They have been available in Australia for more than 20 years and are in the top ten medicines dispensed through the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme.

They are used to treat conditions exacerbated by stomach acid. These include heartburn, gastric reflux and indigestion. They work by blocking the protein responsible for pumping acid into the stomach.

These drugs are also prescribed with antibiotics to treat the bacterium Helicobacter pylori, which causes stomach ulcers and stomach cancer.

This class of drugs is also used with antibiotics to treat Helicobacter pylori infections.
nobeastsofierce/Shutterstock

What do we know about the risks?

Appropriate use of proton pump inhibitors plays an important role in treating several serious digestive problems. Like all medicines, there are risks associated with their use depending on how much and how long they are used.

When proton pump inhibitors are used appropriately for the short-term treatment of stomach problems, they are generally well tolerated, safe and effective.

Their risks are mostly associated with long-term use (using them for more than a year) due to the negative effects from having reduced levels of stomach acid. In elderly people, these include an increased risk of gut and respiratory tract infections, nutrient deficiencies and fractures. Long-term use of these drugs in elderly people has also been associated with an increased risk of dementia.

In children, there is an increased risk of serious infection associated with using these drugs, regardless of how long they are used.

How about the cancer and kidney risk?

Currently, the Australian consumer medicine information sheets that come with the medicines, like this one for esomeprazole, do not list stomach cancer or kidney injury as a risk associated with using proton pump inhibitors.

So what does the evidence say about the risk?

Over the past few years, there have been large studies based on observing people in the general population who have used proton pump inhibitors. These studies have found people who take them are almost two times more likely to develop stomach cancer and 1.7 times more likely to develop chronic kidney disease when compared with people who are not taking them.

In particular, these studies report that users of the drugs lansoprazole and pantoprazole have about a three to four times higher risk than non-users of developing chronic kidney disease.

While these observational studies show a link between using the drugs and these outcomes, we cannot say from this evidence that one causes the other.

Researchers have not yet shown these drugs cause kidney disease.
crystal light/Shutterstock

What can I do if I’m worried?

Several digestive conditions, especially reflux and heartburn, may benefit from simple dietary and lifestyle changes. But the overall evidence for these is not strong and how well they work varies between individuals.

But it may help to avoid large meals within two to three hours before bed, and reduce your intake of fatty food, alcohol and coffee. Eating slowly and getting your weight down if you are overweight may also help your symptoms.

There are also medications other than proton pump inhibitors that can be used for heartburn, reflux and stomach ulcers.

These include over-the-counter antacids (such as Gaviscon and Mylanta), which work by neutralising the acidic environment of the stomach.

Alternatives for prescription drugs include nizatidine and famotidine. These work by blocking histamine receptors in the stomach, which decreases stomach acid production.

If you are concerned about your use of proton pump inhibitors it is important to speak with your doctor or pharmacist before you stop using them. That’s because when you have been using them for a while, stopping them may result in increased or “rebound” acid production.

Nial Wheate in the past has received funding from the ACT Cancer Council, Tenovus Scotland, Medical Research Scotland, Scottish Crucible, and the Scottish Universities Life Sciences Alliance. He is a fellow of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute, a member of the Australasian Pharmaceutical Science Association and a member of the Australian Institute of Company Directors. Nial is the chief scientific officer of Vaihea Skincare LLC, a director of SetDose Pty Ltd (a medical device company) and was previously a Standards Australia panel member for sunscreen agents. Nial regularly consults to industry on issues to do with medicine risk assessments, manufacturing, design, and testing.

Joanna Harnett and Wai-Jo Jocelin Chan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Which gut drugs might end up in a lawsuit? Are there really links with cancer and kidney disease? Should I stop taking them? – https://theconversation.com/which-gut-drugs-might-end-up-in-a-lawsuit-are-there-really-links-with-cancer-and-kidney-disease-should-i-stop-taking-them-238766

PNG’s Marape remains PM after no confidence vote against him fails

By Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent

Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape has successfully thwarted a vote of no confidence after 75 MPs backed him and 32 voted for the opposition.

But the session was not without drama.

Just after 10am, after the opposition leader moved a motion for a vote of no confidence announcing Renbo Paita as the alternate prime minister, Parliament Haus descended into momentary chaos as members questioned why Speaker Job Pomat refused to allow debate after the motion.

The opposition had intended to use the opportunity to highlight pressing concerns that caused MPs to move to the opposition.

The Member for Madang, Bryan Kramer, a former minister of justice and police, challenged the Speaker to follow standing orders to the letter as stipulated in the constitution while Wabag MP Lino Tom accused the Speaker of “stifling the people’s voices” by not entertaining debate.

“The people of this country paid our salaries to debate this. The people need to know why we put in a vote of no confidence,” Tom said.

“This is the right forum where our voices need to be heard”

Speaker admits error
After intense exchanges between the chair and the opposition, the Speaker admitted to making an error in parliamentary process.

But he still proceeded to call for a vote.

PNG’s constitution allows a government a grace period of 18 months before a vote of no confidence can be brought to Parliament. Since 1977, every sitting prime minister has had to fend off threats of votes of no confidence.

James Marape himself, came to power in 2018, through a vote of no confidence.

While Prime Minister Marape may have been successful this time, he still faces the possibility of another vote of no confidence if the opposition musters enough numbers to do so.

Speaking after the vote, Marape said that while votes of no confidence were an essential part of democracy, Section 145 of the constitution, which provides for the process, had been abused in many instances.

“Provincial governors have five years to work. Provincial legislators have five years to work. The most important chair of the land has 18 months . . . and managing 18 months of politics and doing work, comes with great cost.”

The pressure is now on him to prove that that he has the ability and the political will to stem instances of corruption, fix the ailing economy, stem inflation and address crime — the biggest concerns for Papua New Guineans.

Over the next few days, the Prime Minister will announce a cabinet reshuffle to fill vacancies left by MPs who have left.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

In sports-mad Australia, new research suggests physical education can be undervalued at school

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Casey Peter Mainsbridge, Senior Lecturer in Personal Devlopment, Health and Physical Education, University of New England

WBMUL/Shutterstock

Sport is a significant part of Australian culture and for many represents national pride and social connection.

So, it would be fair to assume sport is viewed as central to Australian schools, with physical education (PE) ingrained into the curriculum.

However, increasingly, some school students are not provided with opportunities to learn through PE and engage with physical activity regularly.

This is concerning because PE and physical activity can provide benefits in terms of physical fitness, fundamental movement skills, mental health, social integration and overall wellbeing.

Because of this, we recently researched what is actually learnt by Australian school students in PE and how things could be improved.

Why is physical education important?

With students spending up to 200 days per year at school, regular PE can contribute to the development of skilled movement and feelings of success and confidence to pursue physical activity.

Broadly, students who enjoy PE are likely to feel positive about being physically active.

Evidence suggests attitudes, beliefs and behaviours learned during the school years, including those relating to physical activity, track into adulthood.

This highlights the importance of PE in shaping healthy habits.

The benefits of physical activity for children are wide-ranging.

Some concerning trends

Despite the benefits of physical activity, studies show the levels of physical activity among children and adolescents globally have decreased over the past 25 years.

This trend exists in Australia, with decreases in student fundamental movement skill levels and increases in screen time in the past ten years.

This trend is demonstrated by Australia receiving a grade of D- on the Global Physical Activity Report card in 2014, 2018, and 2022 – suggesting the future health of Australian children and our status as a “sporting nation” is at risk.

To address this decline, PE teachers and the school community must be leaders in supporting the health and wellbeing of students by emphasising regular participation in physical activity, promoted by quality PE.

What is the current state of PE in Australia?

The Australian school curriculum provides schools, teachers, parents and students with a clear understanding of what students should learn from the first year of school through to Year 10.

The curriculum applies no matter where a student lives or what school system they are in. It includes eight key learning areas, one of which is Health and Physical Education.

This part of the curriculum aims to prepare students to take positive action to protect, enhance and advocate for their own and others’ health, wellbeing, safety and physical activity participation across their lifespan.

In Australia, PE is usually taught by a specialist teacher in secondary schools, although this is not always the case in primary schools.

A lack of teaching expertise, together with other factors – a teacher’s negative experiences from their own schooling, perceived lack of time and interest, low confidence levels to teach the subject – can often lead to less curriculum time being given to PE compared to subjects such as maths, science and English.

Also, some school leaders and teachers view PE as less academically rigorous and less important to the primary mission of education. This is often informed by their own experience of PE in schools, rather than its curricular potential.

Despite Health and Physical Education being an essential key learning area that is compulsory in Australian schools, there are sometimes significant challenges for PE teachers to achieve curriculum aims, such as subject marginalisation due to its practical nature, lack of time, lack of resources and facilities, and staff outsourcing.

Our research and next steps

To try to get a better understanding of PE in this country, we recently conducted a systematic review trying to understand what Australian school students learn in PE.

A systematic review is a structured and detailed analysis on a presented topic, with our review analysing 27 studies.

Broadly, we found an absence of research in Australia that explored this issue.

However, our research did identify that teachers and schools should be encouraged and supported to engage in research to measure and evaluate their own teaching practices.

More teacher-engaged research and partnerships between schools and higher education institutions will help to truly understand what students are learning in PE.

There is also a need to recognise the challenges faced by PE teachers and to enable them to help students gain the broad physical and mental health benefits associated with PE.

What could this look like?

For teachers, regular professional development opportunities particularly for primary school teachers, greater consideration for PE curriculum time that is comparable to other subjects, and time to measure and track longitudinally the impact of PE on student learning.

There is also a need for PE to be at the forefront of a national conversation to respond to low levels of child and youth physical activity.

A strong link exists between childrens’ health status and their learning capacity, so placing more value and resources towards PE, physical activity opportunities during the school day, and sport in schools must become an educational priority and prominent part of school culture.

Through PE, schools should be providing young people with opportunities to be physically active now and into their future.

The Conversation

John Williams receives funding from a range of organisations including an international sporting body and a local government education authority, to conduct research.

Shane Pill receives funding from the Education Department, national and local sport, and not for profit organisations to conduct research.

Casey Peter Mainsbridge and Cassandra Iannucci do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. In sports-mad Australia, new research suggests physical education can be undervalued at school – https://theconversation.com/in-sports-mad-australia-new-research-suggests-physical-education-can-be-undervalued-at-school-233448

Alex Greenwich’s defamation win against Mark Latham shows political spite is not above the law

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rick Sarre, Emeritus Professor of Law and Criminal Justice, University of South Australia

Independent Sydney MP Alex Greenwich has been awarded $140,000 in his defamation suit against One Nation New South Wales leader Mark Latham over a homophobic tweet.

Latham posted the tweet in March 2023 after Greenwich was quoted in the media calling him a “disgusting human being”. This comment about the former federal Labor leader occurred in the aftermath of a violent confrontation involving LGBT protesters outside a church where Latham was scheduled to speak.

Latham hit back with a graphic and grossly homophobic reply. He tweeted: “Disgusting? How does that compare with … [sexual activity described in offensive terms]”, which Greenwich’s counsel described as “revolting”.

Justice David O’Callaghan is the latest in a line of judges in the past 12 months who have been called on to work through the intricacies of the law of defamation, its requirements and defences.

He was required to weigh up this verbal thrust and parry between two well-known political opponents who happen to be at different ends of the political spectrum and determine whether a claim in defamation had been established.

Such sparring should be expected in the tough world of politics. But, in this instance, had Latham’s slight against his antagonist gone too far? Or should the law defend his right to express his opinions freely, however uncomfortable they may be to his target?

This requires a delicate balancing act.

How was the case decided?

Section 10A(1) of the Defamation Act (NSW) provides: “It is an element […] [of] defamation that the publication of defamatory matter about a person has caused, or is likely to cause, serious harm to the reputation of the person.”

This means Greenwich was required to prove that the original tweet from Latham, and Latham’s further comments reported in a Daily Telegraph article, carried the imputation that he (Greenwich) was “a disgusting human being who goes into schools to groom children to become homosexual” and was therefore not a fit and proper person to be a member of the NSW parliament.

Counsel for Latham argued the tweet and article would be unlikely to cause people to think less of Greenwich. The judge disagreed. The primary tweet, he said, conveyed more than Latham’s own sense of disgust about homosexual sex. The implication was that Greenwich himself engages in “disgusting” sexual activities.

Twitter recorded at least 6,171 “views” of the primary tweet prior to the time Latham deleted it. But a television journalist reposted the primary tweet, after which it was reportedly viewed more than 654,000 times. The result was a barrage of homophobic messages online that were supportive of Latham’s comments. Justice O’Callaghan commented:

One might be forgiven for being lost for words to characterise many of the tweets and comments. Counsel opted for “despicable” at one point, but that is barely to do justice to the hate-filled venom that was unleashed.

The judge concluded that the tweet had not placed Greenwich’s parliamentary career in jeopardy. But he was satisfied the initial tweet and the later newspaper comments were defamatory, and were likely to cause serious harm to the independent MP.

He then turned to whether Latham’s counsel could establish a defence. There are a range of defences in the law of defamation. Latham claimed two of them: the statutory defence of honest opinion, and the common law defence known colloquially as “reply to attack”. The first defence was quickly dismissed. Any such honest opinion needs to be in the public interest and based in truth. There was no evidence of either.

The defence of “reply to attack” enables those who have been criticised (remember, Latham was reacting to having been publicly maligned) to vindicate themselves in the eyes of the public. But this defence is defeated if it is disproportionate to the initial “attack”, or untrue and actuated by malice. The judge concluded that Latham’s reply

was personal and not germane to any matter of politics contained in the attack. It was neither proportionate nor commensurate.

The reply was also untrue because, as his counsel admitted at the hearing, Latham did not know anything about Greenwich’s private sexual life. The judge found that it was actuated by malice. So this defence also failed.

The judge found for Greenwich.

He awarded damages of $100,000, with an additional $40,000 in “aggravated” damages by virtue of the way in which Latham had “rubbed salt in the wound” after the initial tweet.

What is the lesson from this case?

Is it that free speech is now more vulnerable to censorship by those with thin skins? Or that robust political debate is now beholden to woke curtailment?

No. It is neither of these things. What has been constrained is not contentious public discourse, but rather unbridled political spite. The initial vindictive riposte was found by the judge to be gratuitous and defamatory. It then unleashed an online chain reaction of highly offensive public invective aimed at an openly gay man. The law is there to protect people who find themselves in vulnerable positions.

Politicians can best serve the public when they are permitted to work in a safe and respectful environment. This judgement is a reminder that the law of defamation has a key role to play in bringing that about.

Rick Sarre does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Alex Greenwich’s defamation win against Mark Latham shows political spite is not above the law – https://theconversation.com/alex-greenwichs-defamation-win-against-mark-latham-shows-political-spite-is-not-above-the-law-238767

Should school nurses weigh students? We asked 5 experts

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fron Jackson-Webb, Deputy Editor and Senior Health Editor

Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

One in four Australian children aged two to 17 are classified as above a healthy weight, based on their body mass index (or BMI, which is weight divided by height squared).

The Australian College of Nursing says school nurses can play in curbing childhood obesity and preventing chronic disease by weighing and measuring school-aged children.

Karen Grace, the Australian College of Nursing’s national director of professional practice told the Nine newspapers:

Nurses are perfectly placed to help identify when further help is needed and to refer to a GP or dietitian.

The proposal has sparked anger from health professionals and parents, but the college says its aim is to reduce stigma and judgement, and to support families.

So, should school nurses weigh students? We asked five experts.

Five out of five said no.

Here are their detailed responses.


Disclosure statements:

Brett Montgomery is an inactive Greens member. The Greens have supported taxation on sugar-sweetened beverages, among other public health policies to address weight challenges.

Clare Collins AO is a Hunter Medical Research Institute (HMRI) affiliated researcher. She is a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Leadership Fellow and has received research grants from NHMRC, Australian Research Council, Medical Research Future Fund, HMRI, Diabetes Australia, Heart Foundation, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, nib foundation, Rijk Zwaan Australia, WA Department of Health, Meat and Livestock Australia, and Greater Charitable Foundation. She has consulted to Shine Australia, Novo Nordisk, Quality Bakers, the Sax Institute, Dietitians Australia and the ABC. She was a team member conducting systematic reviews to inform the 2013 Australian Dietary Guidelines update, the Heart Foundation evidence reviews on meat and dietary patterns and current Co-Chair of the Guidelines Development Advisory Committee for Clinical Practice Guidelines for Treatment of Obesity.

Natasha Yates is affiliated with the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners.

Rachael Jefferson has no relevant affiliations.

Vivienne Lewis is affiliated with the Australian Psychological Society.

The Conversation

ref. Should school nurses weigh students? We asked 5 experts – https://theconversation.com/should-school-nurses-weigh-students-we-asked-5-experts-238779

Understanding risks for Australia of China’s slowing economy is Chalmers’ top priority at upcoming Beijing talks

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Laurenceson, Director and Professor, Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI), University of Technology Sydney

SURKED/Shutterstock

When Treasurer Jim Chalmers travels to Beijing later this month, he and his counterpart at China’s peak economic agency, the National Development and Reform Commission, won’t be short on important topics to discuss.

Chalmers will be attending the Australia-China Strategic Economic Dialogue, one part of a tripartite agreement secured by the Gillard government in 2013.

The purpose was to hold annual talks at the highest level. The agreement also includes a Leaders’ Dialogue and a Foreign and Strategic Dialogue involving the two countries’ foreign ministers.

Troubled times

The dialogue was last held in September 2017 as the state of official ties began turning south.

It was then formally suspended by Beijing in May 2021 after the Morrison government cancelled the Victorian state government’s Memorandum of Understanding to participate in China’s “belt and road initiative”.

Its resurrection has been slow in coming. The stabilisation in the bilateral relationship under the Albanese government has already seen reciprocal visits involving leaders and foreign ministers. But it was not until June the two sides signed a new memorandum to bring back the dialogue.

The fact Chalmers was able to confirm the trip last Sunday is another sign Canberra and Beijing remain committed to talking. This is despite there being numerous issues over which they are at odds.

Chalmers’ concerns

For the Treasurer, the priority will be getting a first-hand read on China’s struggling economy and the risks this presents to Australia’s own outlook.

When announcing the visit he alluded to one scenario his department was tracking that could see Commonwealth budget revenue take a $4.5 billion hit due to falling prices for key commodity exports, including iron ore and lithium.

Slowing Chinese growth and falling commodity prices are clearly not positives for Australian income, but Chalmers is unlikely to return in a state of panic.

The latest trade figures show China continuing to import Australian iron ore and lithium at record or near record volumes.

This points to increasing supply and a lack of demand from other countries being at least as relevant in explaining recent price falls. And both are coming off extraordinary price spikes to now be approaching levels more in line with historical averages.

The impact of Chinese growth on its demand for Australian goods and services has also never been a simple, one-to-one relationship. That remains true today.

A complex relationship

Australian wine exports, for example, are booming after Beijing removed tariffs earlier this year.

China’s customs agencies put the value of imported Australian wine over the past three months at US$252 million, or around A$400 million. This topped the $A357 million sold over the past year to the US, Australia’s second largest customer.

Students from China are also commencing at Australian universities in record numbers, albeit this is likely to fall next year due to restrictions imposed by Canberra, not Beijing.

That China remains a stand-out market is reflected in the large numbers of businesses and politicians attending the Australia-China Business Council’s Canberra Networking Day on Thursday. Trade Minister Don Farrell, Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Shadow Trade Minister Kevin Hogan and Shadow Foreign Minister Simon Birmingham are all slated to give speeches.

Chalmers will also be keen to raise the lingering import ban Beijing imposed in 2020 affecting Australian lobsters. Trade Minister Don Farrell said in June he was “very confident that in the near future” the ban would be lifted. Chalmers’ visit might provide the occasion to announce a final resolution.

China’s concerns

For China, top of the list of concerns will be Australia’s treatment of Chinese investors, particularly in sectors like critical minerals. In the past they have been welcomed but since 2020 there’s been an apparent de-facto ban on further involvement.

A recent survey of Chinese businesses in Australia pointed to generally positive sentiment. Almost 80% said they were optimistic about the outlook of the local business environment. Still, while 72.5% did not consider they had experienced discriminatory treatment, 42.4% felt the enforcement of Australia’s laws and regulations lacked transparency.

It’s not hard to see why. When Chalmers was asked in an interview last Sunday whether or not he wanted “China’s investment in critical minerals processing in Australia”, he did not reply with a “no”. Nor did he provide even a qualified “yes”.

China will likely also be seeking reassurance Canberra will not join Washington and some other capitals usually regarded as geopolitically “like-minded” in putting up tariff barriers on Chinese imports.

This reassurance shouldn’t be difficult for Chalmers to provide. Unlike the US, Australia’s economic relationship with China remains overwhelmingly complementary. Last year, Australia’s exports to China exceeded imports by $110.7 billion.

And low-cost, high-quality imports from China, such as electric vehicles, would be welcomed by the government amid a cost-of-living crisis and the net zero transition.

Late last month, Chris Bowen, Australia’s Minister for Climate and Energy, hosted his Chinese counterpart for the 8th Australia-China Ministerial Dialogue on Climate Change in Sydney.

A bipartisan approach

Trade with China also enjoys bipartisan support. In March, Minister Farrell touted the potential for two-way trade to increase from $300 billion to $400 billion.

Not to be outdone, opposition leader Peter Dutton said in June he’d “love to see the trading relationship [with China] increase two-fold”.

Chalmers was on the money this week in stating Australia’s relationship with China is now “full of complexity and full of opportunity”. His upcoming trip can only help in managing the former and realising the latter.

The Conversation

James Laurenceson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Understanding risks for Australia of China’s slowing economy is Chalmers’ top priority at upcoming Beijing talks – https://theconversation.com/understanding-risks-for-australia-of-chinas-slowing-economy-is-chalmers-top-priority-at-upcoming-beijing-talks-238550

Kid Snow takes a stab at exploring masculinity in the gritty outback, but fails to land

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma Blackwood, Lecturer, Media, University of Tasmania

Madman

Director Paul Goldman’s new Australian film Kid Snow is set in the gritty, male-dominated world of tent boxing in outback Western Australia.

The film presents itself as a reflection on the intergenerational violence caused by masculine value systems, as played out through the relationship between two Irish brothers, Kid Snow (Billy Howie) and Rory Quinn (Tom Bateman).

However, despite strong acting performances and stunning visuals, some of the plot and character elements end up feeling stereotypical and contrived – and Kid Snow fails to pack a punch.

A rivalry between brothers

It is 1971 and Kid Snow and Rory are dealing with simmering resentment and guilt linked to a past trauma.

Ten years earlier, the brothers survived a car accident at the hands of Snow that killed their father and left Rory with a crippling injury that curtailed his boxing career.

The accident also came just after Snow suffered a humiliating loss to a boxer called Hammer Morino (Tristan Gorey), who went on to become an international star.

Fast-forward to the present and Snow has become the main boxer in Rory’s tent boxing troupe: a small-time circus that tours regional Western Australia. While their lives in the outback allow small moments of beauty, there’s a sense the brothers are mired in their situation: washed up and without chance for escape.

This all changes as two new opportunities appear simultaneously. The first is a high-profile rematch between Kid Snow and Hammer Morino. The second is the arrival of Sunny (Phoebe Tonkin), a single mother escaping her own traumatic past in Sydney with her young son Darcy (Jack LaTorre) in tow.

Sunny joins Rory’s troupe as an exotic dancer. She and Darcy quickly connect with Snow, flaring up a jealous rivalry between the brothers. The budding relationship between Snow and Sunny – and the fallout between the brothers – form the main drama of the film.

The minimal score by Warren Ellis and Peter Knight matches the central characters’ taciturn and brooding nature.
Madman

A toned-down approach

While Kid Snow might initially seem like “Rocky, but in the outback”, boxing culture comes second to the interpersonal drama in the film. And unlike Rocky, the violence is downplayed.

This might disappoint fans of the sport, or of other fight-based films that deliver on visceral action (like Furiosa, for instance, which was also shot in the outback).

The fight scenes don’t reflect the real violence that’s inherent in tent boxing.
Madman

The boxing storyline eventually feels like a Hitchcockian “McGuffin”, falling away despite its initial, expository significance.

By removing the brutal realities of boxing, Kid Snow seems to romanticise the sport, and in doing so takes away from the exploration into hyper-masculinity (and its overlap with violence and brutality) in Australian culture.

A visually striking outback film

There is a pleasure in watching Kid Snow as an example of an outback film, with cinematographer Gary Phillips providing a beautiful lensing of the West Australian landscape and its attendant bright skies.

Tourism researcher Warwick Frost has studied the narratives of the outback film subgenre and finds that these films often feature an outsider’s perspective on the location, which itself is usually framed as a place for “life-changing” and profound experiences.

In Kid Snow, this outsider perspective comes from Sunny – and certainly the outback setting is a conduit for several of the main characters’ life-changing experiences.

However, many supporting characters, including the Indigenous characters Lovely (Mark Coles Smith) and Lizard (Hunter Page-Lochard), have limited impact on the broader story.

This seems like a missed opportunity for a more nuanced and inclusive gaze on this outback community, especially given the calibre of the actors involved.

The Indigenous characters Lovely and Lizard ultimately have little impact on the broader plot.
Madman

Ultimately a letdown

It seems fitting that much of the film takes place in the year 1971. This was an important year for cinema set in the outback.

It’s the same year Ted Kotcheff’s Wake in Fright was released. This film demonstrates the loneliness felt by men and women in a frontier town where forced and brutalising codes of mateship lead to spiritual disconnection and despair.

The film carefully examines the isolation and ugliness caused by colonial forms of masculinity – offering a strong critique of white machismo culture.

Kid Snow does share some similarities with Wake in Fright, such as in how the brothers seem trapped in their outback lives, with its endless skirmishes, injuries and drunken hangovers.

But unlike Wake in Fright, Kid Snow allows redemption for its eponymous main character. Snow gets a chance to move on, heal from the past and find a meaningful romantic connection with Sunny. This upbeat ending for the anti-hero feels unearned.

Snow and Sunny’s connection form much of the film’s main drama.
Madman

The film draws upon narrative cliches that seem to place the white, male experience above others. Kid Snow and Rory have the most agency in the film, while Sunny’s character arc seems predicated around the gaze of the brothers, as if she is a prize to be allocated to the most worthy.

One scene of an attempted sexual assault of Sunny by jealous Rory also isn’t addressed later by the brothers, reinforcing the film’s patriarchal focus.

Sunny’s character arc seems predicated around the gaze of the brothers, which does a disservice to Tonkin’s great acting.
Madman

Ultimately, Kid Snow feels like a missed opportunity for a deeper exploration into the politics of white Australian masculinity and its interconnection with gender, class and race.

Delivering this could have had a profound impact, as such generic conventions are ripe for challenge in Australian film.

Kid Snow is in cinemas from today.

The Conversation

Gemma Blackwood does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Kid Snow takes a stab at exploring masculinity in the gritty outback, but fails to land – https://theconversation.com/kid-snow-takes-a-stab-at-exploring-masculinity-in-the-gritty-outback-but-fails-to-land-238212

Blowing the dust off NZ’s ‘founding documents’ reveals the hold they still have on today’s Treaty debate

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Moon, Professor of History, Auckland University of Technology

Getty Images

There is power in paper. Anyone who denies the potency of history’s dusty documents needs only look at the current incendiary debates over proposed legislation tackling the “principles” of the Treaty of Waitangi.

Documents may be static and mute, but they are able to sculpt opinions and provoke actions. And there are several such documents overshadowing ACT’s planned Treaty Principles Bill.

However, documents are not history themselves. Rather, they are the raw materials that go towards assembling some meaning of the past. And despite initial impressions, they are not infallible, but are susceptible to continual shifts in interpretation and application.

Another feature of some documents is their capacity for perpetual revelation. Excavating some of these documents and exploring the crevices of their content can help encourage personal prejudices to yield to historical evidence.

But those looking for absolute truths in the archives need to approach with caution. Documents are not neutral detailers of the past. Every document was produced with a motive in mind, and deciphering the intent can be just as important as exploring their content.

Examining the many roles documents fulfil – which is the idea behind my new book, Founding Documents of Aotearoa New Zealand: 50 Moments that Formed the Country – can help shed light on key historical moments that still cast their shadows today.

‘Justice and perfect sincerity’

Two documents, separated by a gap of 136 years, offer important insights into how we might understand the role of the Treaty and the principles that emerge from it.

Captain William Hobson, the first governor of New Zealand.
Wikimedia Commons

The first is a set of instructions to Captain (later Governor) William Hobson issued by Lord Normanby in August 1839. These were actually drafted by the head of the Colonial Office, Sir James Stephen, whose greater drafting accomplishment – five years earlier – was the bill abolishing slavery in the British Empire.

Normanby’s instructions recognised New Zealand as “a sovereign and independent state” and acknowledged the “evils” of unregulated colonialism (while realistically conceding the inevitability of more immigration to the country).

Normanby was aware the proposed treaty with Māori – the centrepiece of the instructions – could be “open to suspicion” among New Zealand’s indigenous population, who might “probably regard with distrust a proposal which may carry on the face of it the appearance of humiliation on their side and of a formidable encroachment on ours”.

Hobson was therefore advised to overcome such reservations by exercising “mildness, justice, and perfect sincerity”.

Likewise, when it came to the Crown’s acquisition of Māori land, all transactions were to be “conducted on the same principles of sincerity, justice, and good faith [and] they must not be permitted to enter into any contracts in which they might be ignorant and unintentional authors of injuries to themselves”.

However, almost immediately after the Treaty’s conclusion, colonial smugness took over. The decades that followed were marked by blatant breaches and declining observance of the agreement.

Grappling with the past

Fast forward to 1975. In the dying months of the Labour administration, with the looming shadow of a Muldoon-led National government just weeks away, the Treaty of Waitangi Act was passed.

It was to be the legacy of the then minister of Māori affairs, Matiu Rata. After more than a century of constitutional hibernation, the Treaty was now re-entering national political life.

Under the act, a tribunal would be created with the authority to recommend the Crown take measures “to compensate for or remove the prejudice or to prevent other persons from being similarly affected in the future” as a result of any “policy, practice, or act [by the Crown] inconsistent with the principles of the Treaty”.

What was meant by principles? The act suggested there were challenges in interpreting the English and te reo Māori versions of the Treaty, and so proposed that principles derived from the text might help in resolving Māori grievances.

Almost half a century on, and 185 years after Normanby’s instructions, we are still grappling with the repercussions of these documents.

Where does ACT’s planned bill feature in this? While some people are anxious it might undermine the Treaty relationship that has evolved since 1840, historians are inclined to take a longer view.

History is seldom settled – that would be contrary to the ceaseless questioning that is the essence of the discipline. (No doubt, some people reading this piece are already planning to challenge its content on social media.)

But as various sides in the Treaty “debate” show signs of becoming more fractious, now more than ever an immersion in the documentary details of our past might be the antidote needed to those forces intent on prising apart our Treaty-based civic society.


Founding Documents of Aotearoa New Zealand: 50 Moments that Formed the Country (Upstart Press) is out now.


Paul Moon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Blowing the dust off NZ’s ‘founding documents’ reveals the hold they still have on today’s Treaty debate – https://theconversation.com/blowing-the-dust-off-nzs-founding-documents-reveals-the-hold-they-still-have-on-todays-treaty-debate-238687

The latest version of ChatGPT has a feature you’ll fall in love with. And that’s a worry

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rob Brooks, Scientia Professor of Evolutionary Ecology; Academic Lead of UNSW’s Grand Challenges Program, UNSW Sydney

arvitalyaart/shutterstock

If you’re a paid subscriber to ChatGPT, you may have noticed the artificial intelligence (AI) large language model has recently started to sound more human when you are having audio interactions with it.

That’s because the company behind the language model-cum-chatbot, OpenAI, is currently running a limited pilot of a new feature known as “advanced voice mode”.

OpenAI says this new mode “features more natural, real-time conversations that pick up on and respond with emotion and non-verbal cues”. It plans for all paid ChatGPT subscribers to have access to the advanced voice mode in coming months.

Advanced voice mode sounds strikingly human. There aren’t the awkward gaps we are used to with voice assistants; instead it seems to take breaths like a human would. It is also unfazed by interruption, conveys appropriate emotion cues and seems to infer the user’s emotional state from voice cues.

But at the same time as making ChatGPT seem more human, OpenAI has expressed concern that users might respond to the chatbot as if it were human – by developing an intimate relationship with it.

This is not a hypothetical. For example, a social media influencer named Lisa Li has coded ChatGPT to be her “boyfriend”. But why exactly do some people develop intimate relationships with a chatbot?

The evolution of intimacy

Humans have a remarkable capacity for friendship and intimacy. This is an extension of the way primates physically groom one another to build alliances that can be called upon in times of strife.

But our ancestors also evolved a remarkable capacity to “groom” one another verbally. This drove the evolutionary cycle in which the language centres in our brains became larger and what we did with language became more complex.

More complex language in turn enabled more complex socialising with larger networks of relatives, friends and allies. It also enlarged the social parts of our brains.

Language evolved alongside human social behaviour. The way we draw an acquaintance into friendship or a friend into intimacy is largely through conversation.

Experiments in the 1990s revealed that conversational back-and-forth, especially when it involves disclosing personal details, builds the intimate sense our conversation partner is somehow part of us.

So I’m not surprised that attempts to replicate this process of “escalating self-disclosure” between humans and chatbots results in humans feeling intimate with the chatbots.

And that’s just with text input. When the main sensory experience of conversation – voice – gets involved, the effect is amplified. Even voice-based assistants that don’t sound human, such as Siri and Alexa, still get an avalanche of marriage proposals.

The writing was on the lab chalkboard

If OpenAI were to ask me how to ensure users don’t form social relationships with ChatGPT, I would have a few simple recommendations.

First, don’t give it a voice. Second, don’t make it capable of holding up one end of an apparent conversation. Basically don’t make the product you made.

The product is so powerful precisely because it does such an excellent job of mimicking the traits we use to form social relationships.

OpenAI should have known the risks of creating a human-like chatbot.
QubixStudio/Shutterstock

The writing was on the laboratory chalkboard since the first chatbots flickered on nearly 60 years ago. Computers have been recognised as social actors for at least 30 years. The advanced voice mode of ChatGPT is merely the next impressive increment, not what the tech industry would gushingly call a “game changer”.

That users not only form relationships with chatbots but develop very close personal feelings became clear early last year when users of the virtual friend platform Replika AI found themselves unexpectedly cut off from the most advanced functions of their chatbots.

Replika was less advanced than the new version of ChatGPT. And yet the interactions were of such a quality that users formed surprisingly deep attachments.

The risks are real

Many people, starved for the kind of company that listens in a non-judgmental way, will get a lot out of this new generation of chatbots. They may feel less lonely and isolated. These kinds of benefits of technology can never be overlooked.

But the potential dangers of ChatGPT’s advanced voice mode are also very real.

Time spent chatting with any bot is time that can’t be spent interacting with friends and family. And people who spend a lot of time with technology are at greatest risk of displacing relationships with other humans.

As OpenAI identifies, chatting with bots can also contaminate existing relationships people have with other people. They may come to expect their partners or friends to behave like polite, submissive, deferential chatbots.

These bigger effects of machines on culture are going to become more prominent. On the upside, they may also provide deep insights into how culture works.

Rob Brooks receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. The latest version of ChatGPT has a feature you’ll fall in love with. And that’s a worry – https://theconversation.com/the-latest-version-of-chatgpt-has-a-feature-youll-fall-in-love-with-and-thats-a-worry-238073

How well is the federal government regulating social media in Australia?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rob Nicholls, Senior Research Associate in Media and Communications, University of Sydney

Shutterstock

This is the fourth piece in a series on the Future of Australian media. You can read the rest of the series here.


We are part-way through the work of the Joint Select Committee on Social Media and Australian Society. The committee’s interim report was due on August 15, but has been delayed by the previous chair’s promotion to cabinet.

So how well is the federal government regulating social media companies? This report card focuses on news and dangerous or inappropriate content.

A mixed report card

There are two critical issues here. The first is whether the social media companies are assisting in their own regulation. The second is the extent to which they are meeting their (implied) social obligations.

An example is Meta (owner of Facebook) and the eSafety commissioner. The commissioner has asked social media businesses to find out just how many Australian children are on their platforms and what measures they have in place to enforce their own age limits. For most platforms, the age limit is 13.




Read more:
Meta has a new plan to keep kids safe online, but it’s a missed opportunity for tech giants to work together


Meta takes the view that parents should manage their children’s Meta accounts.
From a regulatory perspective, the regulated business Meta has decided that other people (parents) should enforce the self-regulatory framework designed by Meta.

In the context of age verification, the government has signalled that Meta is unable to enforce its own rules and proposes to set a new minimum age. The details of this are still unclear.




Read more:
View from The Hill: Social media age ban all to the good, but can Albanese deliver before election?


At the same time, Meta is still giving evidence that it may block news content, as it has done in Canada, if it is forced to negotiate deals with news media businesses.

In the end, the News Media Bargaining Code has worked for three years by leveraging the risk of “designation”. The minister (usually the treasurer, but currently the assistant treasurer) may designate a digital platform business if that business has a bargaining power advantage over news media businesses, but is not making a significant contribution to the sustainability of the Australian news industry. Having survived withdrawing services in Canada, Meta now takes the view that the risk is substantially mitigated.

X: could do better

Although Meta pushes back against age-verification regulation, it is generally responsive to take-down notices. This is partly because it has a team in Australia to deal with those.




Read more:
Elon Musk is mad he’s been ordered to remove Sydney church stabbing videos from X. He’d be more furious if he saw our other laws


X Corp (formerly Twitter) does not. The primary reason that X was shut down in Brazil is that it did not have a lawyer on whom to serve notices.

X has little in the way of presence in Australia. Regulatory enforcement requires someone to be regulated. This is the primary blot on the report card for X. It’s really difficult to assess the effectiveness of regulation without the regulated business being present.

At the heart of the problem with regulating X Corp, regardless of the country in which the regulations are applied, is the unwillingness by the owner of that business to be regulated. Conflating the removal of inappropriate content with US-centric free-speech arguments is always going to be problematic outside of the US.

Good regulation relies on at least the tolerance of being regulated.

News: alternatives available

So, if the News Media Bargaining Code is not going to be a significant mechanism for funding public-interest journalism, there needs to be another solution. One approach is to impose a digital services tax.

However, this becomes risky if it looks like a tax that is selectively applied to specific international businesses. Australia has made commitments at the OECD on ways in which it will deal with profits diverted to low-taxing countries.

The University of Sydney has proposed an alternative approach to the joint select committee: to have an industry levy on a class of businesses that provide digital content services. This could ensure Australia’s international obligations in both tax and trade are not compromised by funding public-interest journalism.

Advertising issues

Meta has strong self-regulatory policies on advertising crypto products and services. However, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) has alleged that more than half of crypto ads on Facebook are scams. Given that scams are a significant problem in Australia, it’s not surprising all of the relevant regulators are concerned about this issue.

Perhaps this is one of the most important aspects of the regulatory report card. There are four relevant regulators in Australia. These are the ACCC, the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner (OAIC) and the eSafety Commissioner. Together, they form an important, but unfunded, group called DP-REG.

This group focuses on getting regulatory coherence and clarity. It also assesses and responds to the benefits, risks and harms of technology. That is, it forms the basis for the development of stronger and multilateral regulatory responses to social media issues.

The group has the potential to look at how money flows as well as content. However, co-ordination is much easier with appropriate funding.

A coherent approach from these regulators offers the best possible potential for an improved regulatory report card.

Rob Nicholls also works for the Association for Data-driven Marketing. He receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. How well is the federal government regulating social media in Australia? – https://theconversation.com/how-well-is-the-federal-government-regulating-social-media-in-australia-237991

What we know about Australia’s arms exports: we’ve analysed the data

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Sanders, Senior Research Fellow on Law and the Future of War, The University of Queensland

Thousands of protesters have been out in force in Melbourne this week to disrupt the Land Forces International Land Defence Exposition, where defence companies from around the world are showcasing their latest designs in weapons and technology.

The activists are protesting the use of such weapons – in particular, allegations of use against Palestinian civilians by Israeli forces in Gaza.

With the expo in Melbourne this week, there is also renewed attention on Australia’s weapons exports and imports. So, how much do we know about where Australia is sending its arms, and how many arms it is importing?

What gets reported?

The government limits what information is made publicly available about arms exports and imports due to both security and commercial reasons.

Australian exports include both military-specific and dual-use goods and technologies, such as computer components used in weapons. There is a strict export control system that is intended to prevent weapons from getting into the hands of our adversaries and to ensure they meet our obligations under international law.

But this system has been criticised for being opaque. This is because Australia only publicly reports recipient countries for items it is obliged to disclose under the Arms Trade Treaty, or in some cases, during parliamentary hearings or other similar processes.

Separately, Australia’s Defence Export Office publishes quarterly reports with very basic information, such as the number and types of export applications it receives and the total value of permits it issues. It only specifies the export permits for “end users” by continent, not country.

In the year 2023–24, the office finalised more than 4,000 export defence permits, with the value of permits issued exceeding an estimated A$100 billion.

Unlike other countries, Australia does not specify exactly what types of goods it has approved for import or export.

The government also does not report how many issued permits are actually used by companies to trade goods. The movement of military goods to and from Australia is tracked through other processes, such as customs controls.

Finally, requests for further information are typically met with resistance from the government, on the basis such disclosures would breach security or commercial confidentiality arrangements.




Read more:
With war raging in Gaza, how much do we know about Australia’s weapons exports? The answer: very little


However, while not authoritative, information about Australian exports can be pieced together from a variety of sources. This includes reports from exporting companies themselves, reports sent by exporters to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and statements made in parliament and in other government reporting.

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) also tracks arms shipments between countries by assessing public information. Some countries provide information directly to their analysts.

Here is some data we have compiled from SIPRI showing Australia’s exports and imports for the most recent five-year period from 2019–23, based on what is publicly known.

Australia’s arms exports

According to SIPRI, Australia ranked 13th in overall military expenditures globally in 2022–23, spending US$32.3 billion (A$49 billion), or about 1.9% of GDP.

Australia was also one of the top 20 arms exporters in the world from 2019–23, though its share of total global arms exports was just 0.6%, similar to Canada. This share was up from 0.3% in 2014–18.

The United States, meanwhile, accounted for 42% of global arms exports in 2019–23.





The map below shows the top recipients for Australian arms during this five-year period. The top three recipients were Canada (32% of Australia’s total exports), Chile (28%) and the United States (11%).



What do we know about Israel?

According to SIPRI, Israel’s arms imports for 2019–23 came primarily from the US (69%) and Germany (30%).

The Albanese government maintains Australia hasn’t supplied weapons or ammunition to Israel in the past five years. This week, it also explicitly backed the United Kingdom’s decision to curb arms exports to Israel.

Some of what we know about Australia’s exports to Israel has been the result of
questions being put to parliamentarians.

In June, the government said it had granted eight permits to export defence-related equipment to Israel since the Gaza war began last October. It clarified that most of the items were being sent to Israel for repair and then returned to Australian defence and law enforcement for their use.

This reporting, however, does not capture sub-components that are manufactured in Australia and sent to a central repository overseas to be used in a larger platform, like an F-35 jet, which can then be sent to Israel from the US or Europe.

Parts made in Australia are used in the US to build the F-35, which is then sold globally.
CC BY-SA

What do we know about Ukraine?

In the case of Ukraine, Australia has exported conventional arms such as Bushmaster armoured vehicles and artillery. Some of these have been included in its public reporting, given the type of equipment being provided.

According to SIPRI, the largest sources of military goods to Ukraine have been the US, Germany and Poland.

Australia’s arms imports

SIPRI’s data shows that Australia was eighth-largest importer of arms from 2019–23, accounting for 3.7% of global arms imports.

The vast majority (80%) of its imports during this period came from the United States, followed by Spain at 15%.

The types of items that Australia has reported importing from the US include ships, aircraft, helicopters and missile defence systems. In addition, SIPRI noted that Australia ordered 300 long-range missiles from the US in 2023.

However, because it often takes years for these large defence items to be built, quite often there is a lag in the reporting of import data.

For example, Australia’s recently announced deal with Hanwha, a Korean defence company, to build artillery and armoured vehicles will not be featured in these statistics as some components of the vehicles and artillery will be built in a factory in Geelong, Australia, while others will not be delivered in this reporting period.

Also, while export control measures deal with goods that are built elsewhere and brought to Australia, some permits are required to import the know-how to build controlled defence goods in Australia. This is another reason imports like these might not appear on public reports.

Lauren Sanders has previously received funding for her research on export controls from the Australian Next Generation Technology Fund and the University of Queensland. She is a legal practitioner who provides advice on the application of international law, however does not engage in legal practice related to export controls. The views presented in this article are her own and do not represent the views of any organisation with which she is affiliated.

ref. What we know about Australia’s arms exports: we’ve analysed the data – https://theconversation.com/what-we-know-about-australias-arms-exports-weve-analysed-the-data-238563

How the ‘rebound effect’ could eat away at the green gains from electric vehicles

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Senior Lecturer of Urban Mobility & Resilience, UNSW Sydney

alexfan32/Shutterstock

The transport sector produces around 19% of Australia’s total greenhouse gas emissions. About 85% of transport emissions come from road vehicles burning fossil fuels.

In Australia’s Emissions Projections 2023, transport emissions are expected to rise from 2023 under the baseline scenario, returning to pre-pandemic levels. As the projected uptake of electric vehicles increases from 2030 to 2035, transport emissions are expected to fall.

While these projections are promising, the reality is more complex. Our new research has explored often-overlooked factors such as the rebound effect. It’s the phenomenon where energy-efficiency gains, such as those from electric vehicles, can lead to an increase in overall use.

We have already seen this effect at work in other nations that led the way in adopting electric vehicles. Fortunately, we also have evidence of how to manage the rebound effect to achieve the expected green gains from electric vehicles.

The rebound effect is widespread

When something becomes more efficient, cheaper or easier to use, people tend to use more of it. This can partially (and sometimes significantly) offset the expected benefits of greater efficiency.

The rebound effect has been well-documented in relation to many large-scale green initiatives, especially home energy-efficiency improvements when homes are retrofitted with better insulation or heating and cooling systems. With lower heating and cooling costs, some households then keep their homes at higher comfort levels for longer. This offsets some of the intended energy savings.

In the case of vehicle electrification, as cars become cheaper to own and run, people may end up driving more often or for longer distances. We are already seeing this in some countries.

A study from Stockholm, Sweden, during early stages of electric vehicle adoption found drivers made more trips and relied more heavily on their cars than non-EV users. The study participants generally perceived electric vehicles as being more eco-friendly than using public transport.

Drivers may also increase their speed and acceleration, knowing their vehicle is more fuel-efficient and driving has become cheaper. One study found a 20.5% rebound effect in journey speed for electric vehicles. This reduced the expected energy savings.

How much impact does this effect have?

Studies have found that if evaluations of environmental benefits ignore rebound effects, these benefits may be overstated by about 20% for reduced vehicle use and around 7% for reduced electricity use. Other studies have predicted more moderate effects.

You might ask, so what if travellers go longer distances? Aren’t electric vehicles still zero-emission? While they produce no tailpipe emissions, longer distances increase their environmental footprint in other ways.

More driving uses more electricity. If it comes from fossil fuels, it produces carbon emissions.

The manufacturing and disposal of electric vehicle batteries generate significant emissions too.

More driving leads to more road congestion and non-exhaust emissions from tyres and brakes.

In other words, zero-emission driving isn’t the whole picture.

Despite the rebound effect, electric vehicles will still have significant environmental benefits. But just how big these benefits are depends on how the vehicles are used.

What is the psychology behind this effect?

Understanding rebound behaviours is key to minimising the gap between expected and actual environmental benefits.

Research shows that while people may adopt pro-environmental behaviours, such as driving electric vehicles, they don’t always make rational, purely cost-driven decisions. It has been suggested factors like moral licensing — the idea that people feel entitled to behave less sustainably after making a green choice — drive this phenomenon.

More recent research has provided evidence that moral licensing is not the whole picture. Instead, environmental attitudes and demographic factors — such as age and gender — play a bigger role in determining subsequent climate-friendly behaviour. Younger men are least likely to behave in a climate-friendly manner. Older people and women are more likely to behave in sustainable ways.

Personal and social norms play a role in how people respond to energy-efficient technologies, but not always in expected ways. Pro-environmental values — where individuals genuinely care about their impact — are the most effective in preventing rebound effects. People with these values are more likely to adjust their consumption mindfully.

However, social norms can have the opposite effect. In some cases, people may adopt energy-efficient products like electric vehicles to meet societal expectations, but this can lead to what’s called compensatory behaviour. Feeling they’ve “done their bit”, they may justify using the vehicle more often. Or they might switch from public transport to driving.

What’s the solution?

Incentives and policies to promote electric vehicles are largely effective in cutting carbon emissions but can have unintended consequences.

The low running costs of these vehicles, along with incentives like toll or tax exemptions, may encourage more driving. This often happens at the expense of public transport, cycling and walking. Such incentives could also contribute to increases in vehicle ownership or city traffic.

Lack of knowledge about the full environmental impact of the choices they make can make people more susceptible to such unintended effects. When consumers are better informed, unintended consequences such as the rebound effect tend to diminish.

Raising awareness and providing targeted information could help counter behaviours that undermine the benefits of electric vehicles.

In the global push to combat climate change, simply reducing vehicle tailpipe emissions won’t be enough. To truly minimise transport’s impact, we must adopt a holistic approach that addresses the entire life cycle of vehicles—from production and use to disposal.

Milad Haghani receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Hadi Ghaderi receives funding from the iMOVE Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts, IVECO Trucks Australia limited, Innovative Manufacturing Cooperative Research Centre, Victoria Department of Education and Training, Australia Post, Bondi Laboratories, Innovative Manufacturing Cooperative Research Centre, Sphere for Good, Australian Meat Processor Corporation,City of Casey, 460degrees and Passel.

David A Hensher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How the ‘rebound effect’ could eat away at the green gains from electric vehicles – https://theconversation.com/how-the-rebound-effect-could-eat-away-at-the-green-gains-from-electric-vehicles-238304

Do your boys fight with sticks, Nerf guns and fake swords all the time? Here’s why they do it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Nagel, Associate Professor – Child Development and Learning, University of the Sunshine Coast

Lipatova Maryna/Shutterstock , CC BY

As someone who has spent most of his professional life studying how children develop, I’m often asked by parents (especially mums) why children (especially boys) are prone to pick up the nearest stick, pencil, soft toy or even banana and turn them into weapons?

Girls certainly do this too. But research – and parents’ experience – shows you’re more likely to find boys using various objects as swords, guns or grenades to attack one another.

While some parents worry this is too violent, these actions do not mean you are raising a burgeoning psychopath. Rather, they are significant components of healthy development.

Playful aggression

Role playing is a key part of children’s play, when they pretend to be someone or something else. They can do this on their own or with others.

When they do it with others it is called “sociodramatic play”. This type of play teaches children both verbal and social skills while they interact with others.

Play fighting is one form of sociodramatic play. It can include rough and tumble play, chasing one another around, superhero play, wrestling and mock fighting. Psychologists call this “playful aggression”.

This kind of play is not about hurting anybody. Rather, it provides opportunities for children to explore their world with a sense of empowerment and control (because they set the rules) and to build relationships as they negotiate the play.

Play fighting is part of normal development for children.
Mix Tape/ Shutterstock, CC BY

How does it work?

Imagine children are playing a battle with pillow forts and cardboard swords. This is not just a question of whose fort topples first. The game will require them to read facial expressions, express themselves and develop an awareness of power dynamics (or what researchers call “relationships hierarchies”).

Relationship hierarchies are complex, but focus on power and who is in charge. During episodes of playful aggression, this might mean taking control, giving in to someone else’s idea, or sharing power. These hierarchies allow children to make decisions about who they want to play with, who to avoid, or how to adapt their behaviour to create friendships.

So relationship hierarchies play an important role in emotional and social development. They teach children how to get along with one another, how to make and play within a rule structure and how to recognise the difference between playful and harmful behaviour.

For example, other children’s reactions during the game will teach them that yelling and jumping may be considered fun. But rough pushing or deliberately breaking rules – such as turning into a killer dragon when everyone else has agreed to be tigers – is not OK and will make your friends unhappy.

Why do we see this more in boys?

You might be wondering why such behaviours seem to be more evident in boys than girls. Research shows boys (on the whole) tend to be more physical in how they play.

Their play often focuses on themes related to power and dominance and playful aggression is the perfect way to experiment with these themes.

Theories about sex differences in social play extend across many research areas including psychology, neurobiology, evolutionary psychology and anthropology. Current theories link these differences to testosterone and differences in neurochemistry.

There is some evidence to suggest boys and girls are socialised differently in relation to being physical.

However, the degree of influence is contestable given sex differences in behaviour appear very early in life and in other mammals. Perhaps the socialisation process exacerbates nature – and as such, nature and nurture may be working in tandem.

The end result is still the same, with more boys than girls engaging in playful aggression.

When girls role play, it tends to focus on what researchers call “tend and befriend” or on people and nurturing. For example, games built around families or looking after pets.

But this is not to say girls can’t be aggressive. However, research suggests if girls fight it is usually done with words to hurt someone’s feelings and children are upset with each other. It is not done for fun.

Perhaps this is why playful aggression can be difficult for some mothers to understand and appreciate.

But there is no link between playful aggression in children and being aggressive as an adult.

Many households will be familiar with the signs of a Nerf battle.
8H/ Shutterstock, CC BY

Are you guys having fun?

For many parents, watching a group of boys mimic battles with sticks as guns or swords spells trouble. Odds are that they will tell the children to “stop before somebody gets hurt!” or “play something more gentle!”.

However, stopping this playful endeavour robs kids from engaging in perfectly natural, and developmentally desirable, behaviour.

Playful aggression is not serious aggression. If unsure, all parents and carers need do is ask whether everyone is having fun or not.

Michael Nagel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Do your boys fight with sticks, Nerf guns and fake swords all the time? Here’s why they do it – https://theconversation.com/do-your-boys-fight-with-sticks-nerf-guns-and-fake-swords-all-the-time-heres-why-they-do-it-237976

Vital green spaces are disappearing in NZ cities – what can central and local government do?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Blaschke, Honorary Research Associate, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Getty Images

Urban green spaces are disappearing from New Zealand cities, at a time when denser housing is being planned in many areas.

Overall, the total area of green space is reasonable in New Zealand cities because they are relatively small by world standards. But our new research shows complex links between urban intensification and the availability of green spaces.

It highlights that Aotearoa’s cities have experienced significant loss of green space over recent decades, often concentrated on private land as a consequence of subdivisions and paving within residential lots.

We also show uneven distribution of green spaces between and within cities.

This is concerning because surveys show city residents value green spaces highly for recreation, social interaction and cultural practices. Access to parks and nature strips is also vital for people’s health and wellbeing.

Wellington’s urban areas have twice as much land covered in trees than Auckland or Hamilton.
Getty Images

Pressures on urban green space

Cyclone Gabrielle and the devastating floods of 2023 underlined the benefits of green spaces for urban resilience. About 13% of New Zealand’s population live in flood-prone areas and this proportion will grow as flooding becomes more frequent due to climate change.

This has focused attention on the idea of “sponge cities”, an urban design concept that emphasises the use of parks, gardens and other “green infrastructure” for stormwater and flood management, rather than relying purely on hard infrastructure such as drainage systems.

For green spaces to benefit urban resilience, they must be accessible and well-placed within cityscapes and communities. Flooding-related resilience increases when they are situated appropriately – for example in valleys or hollows where flood waters can safely accumulate. It’s not enough to have ample green space on the outskirts of cities or in steep town green belts.

However, the push for higher density in response to the housing crisis puts pressure on maintaining green spaces, let alone creating new ones, especially where land is scarce or expensive. This all adds to the pressure on council budgets, competing with other priorities for infrastructure provision in cities.

Some parts of Hamilton are much leafier than others.
Getty Images

Our research shows both a loss and uneven distribution of urban green spaces.

For example, Wellington’s urban areas have twice as much land with tree cover than in Auckland and Hamilton. The variation between different parts of the same city is even more striking. Some Hamilton suburbs have up to eight times more green space than others. In Wellington, nearby parts of the city centre also differ dramatically.

In Auckland, private green space per person decreased by approximately 20% between 1980 and 2016. Given the forecast population growth over the coming decades in parts of most cities, these losses will become even more acute.

Inequities in access

This trend is compounding already significant inequities in access to urban green spaces and its benefits. This is important given 87% of us live in cities.

In line with international literature, more affluent suburbs typically enjoy more green space per person, closer to where people live. In some of the studies we reviewed, inequities in access reflect inequities in health and wellbeing.

Research in Christchurch shows residents of more economically and socially vulnerable neighbourhoods have access to fewer ecosystem services (the benefits people get from nature). This includes flooding mitigation, improved air quality, shade, and public and private green spaces. The researchers conclude the distribution of urban ecosystem services disadvantages more vulnerable residents.

There are also important design and quality issues for green spaces. Many parks and other public green spaces suffer from deferred maintenance due to stretched council budgets. This can make physical access (steps, paths) more difficult, particularly for people with impaired mobility.

A further issue is the increasing prevalence of hard surfaces, impervious to water. Central Wellington has one of the highest rates of paved surfaces in public spaces. This trend is also seen on private residential lots where former garden or lawn areas have been paved over for driveways or hard courtyards.

This is more than an aesthetic issue, given the critical importance of permeable surfaces for draining heavy rain and floodwaters.

How to do better

All these considerations should be taken into account if we want to improve the effectiveness of urban green spaces. Based on our research, we recommend the following.

  • Urban green spaces must be considered essential assets for the wellbeing of all residents and as a climate adaptation strategy. Their provision and quality should be protected and strengthened through council policy. Many useful policy initiatives exist and could be strengthened, but current policy is highly variable between councils.

  • Over-stretched councils can’t be expected to make up for the loss of private green spaces through subdivisions and urban intensification, as encouraged at all levels of government. Policies must require adequate provision of green infrastructure.

  • Strategic creative design can incorporate green space within medium and high-density development cost effectively, if supported by the right policies. This may include green roofs and walls integrated in buildings.

  • Continued investment in the provision and maintenance of green spaces is crucial even while cities build more homes and make infrastructure more secure.

Paul Blaschke is associated with the NZ Centre for Sustainable Cities and has received funding from Wellington City Council.

Edward Randal is associated with the NZ Centre for Sustainable Cities and has received funding from Wellington City Council.

Meredith Amy Claire Perry received funding from Porirua City Council.

Ralph Brougham Chapman is a co-director of the New Zealand Centre for Sustainable Cities.

Maibritt Pedersen Zari and Philippa Howden-Chapman do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Vital green spaces are disappearing in NZ cities – what can central and local government do? – https://theconversation.com/vital-green-spaces-are-disappearing-in-nz-cities-what-can-central-and-local-government-do-237861

Tech billionaire Elon Musk is on track to become the world’s first trillionaire. It’s a sign markets aren’t working

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Denniss, Adjunct Professor, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Apparently, the world is about to get its first trillionaire.

A report from the business intelligence agency Informa Connect says, at his present rate of wealth accumulation, tech billionaire Elon Musk is on track to be the world’s first trillionaire, three years from now.

At the moment Musk is said to be worth US$195 billion (A$293 billion), but if his wealth continues growing at the recent rate of 110% per year, he will hit US$1.195 trillion in 2027.

The next trillionaire after Musk should be Indian mining magnate Gautam Adani, followed by Nvidia chief Jensen Huang and Indonesian mining mogul Prajogo Pangestu, all of whom are on track to hit the milestone in 2028.

The nearly 1 billion human beings who don’t yet have electricity connected to their homes will doubtless be looking on with interest as the tech bros and mining bosses vie to crack 13 digits.

Before examining how it is that someone could ever make a trillion-dollar fortune, and what it might mean for the world for so much of the world’s wealth to be held in the hands of one person, it is important to first try to comprehend how big a trillion actually is.

One trillion seconds last 31,000 years

A million is a big number: it is 1,000 thousands. If you managed to retire with that many dollars in superannuation, you would have saved up more than 90% of your fellow retirees.

One billion is 1,000 millions. It takes 12 days for a million seconds to pass, but 31 years for a billion seconds to tick over.

That means a trillion seconds would equal 31,000 years.

If you had $1 trillion and did no more than stick it in the bank where it earned 4% interest per year you would get $40 billion per year in interest.

No one needs $1 trillion, and it is hard to see how anyone could spend it as fast as it grew, which raises important questions about how societies, economies and democracies will be able to function if and when governments allow trillionaires to emerge.

For mortals, a trillion is hard to justify

The palace at Versaille could have cost $300 billion in today’s dollars.
WikimediaCommons, CC BY-NC-SA

France’s King Louis XIV spent today’s equivalent of US$200 billion-300 billion building his palace at Versailles, and it was by no means his only palace.

Pyramids and sphinxes didn’t come cheap either, but these sorts of expenditures were seen as needed for beings selected by gods and not entirely mortal.

For mortals, some believe that the entire population benefits when a small minority controls most of the resources on the basis that it builds incentives.

Just as peasants spent millennia awaiting their reward in the afterlife while their rulers enjoyed heaven on earth, in modern economies we are told wealth and prosperity will trickle down to us eventually if we keep working hard.

Unfortunately for most of us, despite the wealth of the richest 200 Australians growing from A$40.6 billion to $625 billion over the past 20 years, neither the Australian economy nor the wages of ordinary Australians are soaring.

High profits are meant to be temporary

Incentives can and do play an important role in our economy.

In the so-called “free market” envisaged by 18th-century economist Adam Smith, if my new farming technique or silicon chip is so good that everyone wants one, it is
considered only fair that I get an initial reward.

But after a while, everyone else will be free to compete with me by selling similar goods and in turn stopping me from getting an extraordinary ongoing reward.

The problem is that some markets aren’t free and don’t work properly. It is no accident that the world’s biggest fortunes are held by those who have monopoly rights to sell natural resources or technologies that are protected by patents or systems that lock in users.

That’s bad news for those still waiting patiently for wealth to trickle down or to be spread more evenly.

Technofeudalism keeps profits growing

In his latest book former Greek finance minister Yannis Varoufakis describes the world we now live in as one of technofeudalism in which online platforms have the ongoing opportunity to exploit workers, consumers and producers in ways Smith could not have imagined.

Having created digital platforms where the price of entry is handing over your personal details and preferences, modern tech titans use a new form of alchemy to convert data into knowledge that allows them to keep you on their platform and exploit you or advertisers or suppliers in the belief that you won’t leave.

And while there are physical limits to how big a car factory or fast-food chain can grow, there are almost no physical limits on how much money tech platforms can make by selling ads they didn’t make for products they didn’t make to consumers they know nearly everything about.

Restraining profits is pro-market

It isn’t anti-capitalist to want those profits competed away, it’s pro-market.

When the United States broke up J.D. Rockerfeller’s oil monopoly in the early 20th century, the oil industry prospered rather than vanished. consumers and the businesses that had dealt with Rockerfeller were better off, and so was the economy as a whole.

Democracies have, for now, the power to use taxes and regulations to redistribute the enormous benefits flowing to the new class of billionaires (and soon trillionaires) from the sale of scarce resources and the creation of platforms that keep us trapped.

Whether and how we use that power is up to us, but we mightn’t have it for long. The more the new class of billionaires and trillionaires becomes entrenched, the more it will be able to use the political system to protect their interests rather than those of mere mortals.

Richard Denniss does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Tech billionaire Elon Musk is on track to become the world’s first trillionaire. It’s a sign markets aren’t working – https://theconversation.com/tech-billionaire-elon-musk-is-on-track-to-become-the-worlds-first-trillionaire-its-a-sign-markets-arent-working-238560

YouTuber Nikocado Avocado’s extreme weight-loss hoax isn’t admirable – it’s fatness being exploited for engagement

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Beckett, Adjunct Senior Lecturer, Nutrition, Dietetics & Food Innovation – School of Health Sciences, UNSW Sydney

YouTube/screenshot

US internet personality Nikocado Avocado (Nicholas Perry) recently shocked the internet when he revealed his weight loss of 250 pounds (110kg).

Perry had been posting mukbang content, which involves eating large amounts of food on camera while addressing the audience. Over some eight years, his viewers saw him gain weight, share details of numerous alleged health complications, and clash with commenters and other YouTubers.

The twist? He had apparently been posting only prerecorded content for two years while losing weight in secret – a feat he declared to be “the greatest social experiment” of his life. What can we learn from examining this moment in the content-creation zeitgeist?

Anyone can create content, for any reason

The internet and social media in particular have made it simple and affordable for anyone to create content of any kind for platforms such as YouTube, TikTok and Instagram.

Motivations to produce said content vary. While many do so for enjoyment and connection, others are motivated by money and fame. With more than four million subscribers on his (main) YouTube channel, Perry is certainly making money.

However, monetisation schemes for content creation platforms reward popular content – not good-quality content, or even necessarily true content.

YouTube’s recommendation algorithm also favours likes and comments. So content designed to elicit strong emotions performs well. Regardless of whether viewers are friends, fans or haters, the advertising returns are the same.

This may explain why Perry’s videos became increasingly bizarre and inflammatory over the course of his YouTube career (with My New Diet As A Disabled Person and Jesus Is Coming Soon, He Spoke To Me being two of the more unhinged examples).

As Perry told a podcaster in 2019:

They (viewers) like when I’m upset, they like when I’m crying, they like when I’m hyper.

The moral psychology of misinformation

With his Two Steps Ahead video, Perry reveals he was actively deceiving his followers in a supposed social experiment in which he monitored his viewers like “ants on an ant farm”:

Today I woke up from a very long dream […] having lost 250 pounds off my body, yet just yesterday people were calling me fat and sick and boring and irrelevant. People are the most messed up creatures on the entire planet and yet I’ve still managed to stay two steps ahead of everyone. The joke’s on you.

Despite his deception, the comments and resulting media coverage are largely lauding him for his weight loss and clever trickery.

In the “post-truth” era, most people expect some dishonesty on the internet. But what’s particularly interesting is how people also excuse – and therefore condone – misinformation, despite recognising it as false.

According to researchers, misinformation seems less unethical to us when it aligns with our own politics – and our willingness to give certain falsehoods a “moral pass” is why politicians can blatantly lie without damaging their image.

The fact Perry’s deception was rooted in his drastic weight loss – something viewers had urged him to do for years – might help explain why it hasn’t backfired for him and his image.

Most of Perry’s top commenters are directly or indirectly praising his experiment, with some likening him to popular TV villain characters.
YouTube/screenshot

The ordeal is a timely reminder that seeing no longer means believing when it comes to the online world. Perry told NBC News:

While everybody pointed and laughed at me for overconsuming food, I was in total control the entire time. In reality, people are completely absorbed with internet personalities and obsessively watch their content. That is where a deeper level of overconsumption lies — and it’s the parallel I wanted to make.

Hoaxes and speculation

Perry’s big reveal isn’t the first example of hoax content designed to make a point. In 2015 a journalist created elaborate, but clearly faked, evidence for a “chocolate diet” for weight loss that fooled news outlets and millions of people.

But such hoaxes often cause collateral damage while trying to make a point. There is now speculation about how Perry lost the weight. Viewers are asking whether he used weight-loss drugs, with some calling this method “cheating”.

Such discourse further exacerbates fatphobia and the false dichotomy between “fat” and “thin”.

The impact of the audience

While the thousands of comments on Perry’s videos make him good money, they’re far from harmless.

Choose any of his mukbang videos and you will find plenty of disgust and “concern” in the comments section. Much of this is “concern trolling”, where commenters claim to be concerned supporters when they’re actually opponents.

Concern trolls aim to disrupt dialogue and undermine morale. Comments like “I’m just worried about your health” may sound supportive but can be far from it.

Importantly, concerned and hateful comments are not just seen by content creators. They form part of a larger discourse and also impact the way others interact with the content.

Weight stigma and aggressive comments against overweight individuals remain common online, exacerbating the harms of fatphobia.

Commodifying fatness and weight loss

Perry’s content is centred around eating large quantities of food. Such food performances can be part of fat activism and a rejection of shame, but they can also be part of the fetishisation and commodification of fatness and overeating.

While this content can have benefits in reducing loneliness and preventing binge-eating for some, for others it can motivate restrictive or uncontrolled eating.

In Australia, the weight-loss industry was worth more than $500 million in 2023. But “being on a diet” isn’t just about biology or nutrition. It’s also about culture, politics and marketing.

Weight gain and loss have been turned into entertainment, with programs such as The Biggest Loser amplifying weight stigma and fatphobia while making huge profits.

In the modern era of user-generated content, Perry and other creators no longer need a production company to exploit public interest in body-size politics for money and fame.

This story isn’t just about haters and internet fame. It reflects our collective social behaviours, and changing norms around consumption, criticisms and authenticity.

When the line between performance and reality is blurred to make a point, there can be benefits, but we mustn’t forget the harms.

Emma Beckett has received funding for research or consulting from Mars Foods, Nutrition Research Australia, NHMRC, ARC, AMP Foundation, Kellogg and the University of Newcastle. She works for FOODiQ Global and is the author of ‘You Are More Than What You Eat’. She is a member of committees/working groups related to nutrition and food, including the Australian Academy of Science, the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Nutrition Society of Australia and the Australian Institute of Food Science and Technology.

ref. YouTuber Nikocado Avocado’s extreme weight-loss hoax isn’t admirable – it’s fatness being exploited for engagement – https://theconversation.com/youtuber-nikocado-avocados-extreme-weight-loss-hoax-isnt-admirable-its-fatness-being-exploited-for-engagement-238562

5 picky eating habits – and how to help your child overcome them

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nick Fuller, Charles Perkins Centre Research Program Leader, University of Sydney

Cottonbro/Pexels

Have you ever found yourself negotiating with a pint-sized dictator about eating a single pea? You’re not alone. Almost half of kids go through a stage of picky eating, and this typically peaks around the age of three.

Our hunter-gatherer ancestors developed a natural aversion to unfamiliar foods and bitter flavours to avoid ingesting toxins. They also learnt to seek and store specific types of high-energy, palatable foods to avoid starvation during periods of food scarcity.

But the food we eat from an early age shapes our lifelong food preferences and diet. So what can you do if your child is unwilling to eat familiar or new foods, or wants to restrict their diet?

Here are the five most common types of picky eating – and how to overcome them.

1. Only eating beige or white foods

When it comes to fussy eating, beige and white foods typically reign supreme. This is because these foods are:

  • familiar – they’re the colour of breastmilk and the foods typically used when we introduce solids, such as infant cereal

  • bland or mild-flavoured – they don’t overwhelm toddlers who have 30,000-plus tastebuds (versus the 10,000-plus adults have)

  • easy – they’re often soft and easy to chew, making them appealing to toddlers developing chewing skills

  • non-threatening – they’re the opposite of what our hunter-gatherer ancestors have programmed us to avoid: brightly coloured – and toxic – foods found in the wild.

While it can be tempting to give in and serve chicken nuggets at every meal, a diet consisting of only beige and white foods is likely to be highly processed and low in dietary fibre. This can result in constipation and the depletion of healthy gut bacteria.

A beige/white diet can also lack the vitamins and minerals needed for healthy development and growth, including vitamins B and C, and iron.

To add healthier food options, and more colour, to your toddler’s diet:

  • mix things up. Combine less healthy beige and white foods with healthier ones, like blending cannellini beans and cauliflower into mashed potatoes

  • make healthy swaps. Gradually replace the favoured white bread, pasta and rice with wholegrain versions; for example, mix brown rice into a serving of white

  • use familiarity to your advantage. Introduce colourful food options alongside the familiar beige and white ones, such as offering fruit to dip in yoghurt, or a healthy red or green sauce with pasta.

2. Refusing anything but milk

It’s no surprise toddlers love milk. It has been the constant in their life since birth. And it’s associated with more than just satisfying hunger – it’s there when they’re tired and going to sleep, when they’re upset and need comfort, and when they’re enjoying closeness with mum or dad.

It also contains lactose, a sugar found naturally in milk, so it tastes sweet and appeals to our hunter-gatherer instinct to seek foods high in natural sugar to avoid starvation.

Toddler pours milk into a cup
Milk is associated with more than satisfying hunger.
Ekaterina Bolovtsova/Pexels

While dairy provides essential calcium for toddlers, it needs to be part of a balanced diet. The Australian Dietary Guidelines suggest toddlers have 1–1½ servings of milk (1 cup = 1 serve), yoghurt (200g = 1 serve) and cheese (2 slices = 1 serve) (or alternatives) daily.

If your toddler is consuming too much milk, they’re at risk of iron deficiency, as milk is a poor source of iron and interferes with our body’s ability to absorb it.

To move your toddler away from milk, try:

  • fact-finding. When your toddler asks for milk, ask questions to understand what they really want. Are they hungry, thirsty or wanting comfort? Offer that instead

  • filling up on solids first. Tempt your toddler with healthy and interesting-looking foods, and only offer milk after they’ve eaten something solid

  • smaller serves. Switch to serving milk in a smaller-sized cup.

3. Avoiding textured foods

Refusing to eat lumpy, chewy or strangely textured foods is common as toddlers’ sensory and oral motor skills develop.

It’s also common for parents to continue pureeing these foods as a result of the upsetting gagging that often accompanies trying different textured food.

To support your toddler’s transition to textured foods and ensure they’re developing the muscles needed to eat safely:

  • turn the texture up slowly. Start with food your toddler enjoys, such as pureed carrot, and gradually blend it for less time to retain some lumps

  • stay calm if your toddler gags. Let them know it’s OK, and give them time to work it through on their own. After they have coughed it out, encourage them to try another spoonful, or try again next time.

4. Refusing vegetables

The texture, brightness and bitter taste of some veggies can be off-putting for some children.

But vegetables are a good source of the vitamins, minerals and fibre toddlers need.

Toddler eats veggies
Vegetables contain fibre, vitamins and minerals.
Cottonbro/Pexels

To overcome your toddler’s aversion to veggies, get creative. The appearance of food affects our perception of its taste, so boost veggies’ appeal by arranging them into fun plate art.

Extend this creativity to introduce vegetables in new ways, for example, grating carrots or kale into muffins and using a spiraliser to make zucchini noodles.

Focus on offering sweeter tasting vegetables, such as peas, carrot and sweet potato, and roasting them to bring out their natural sweetness. Children are more likely to go for sweeter-tasting veggies than bitter ones like broccoli.

5. Refusing to eat meat

Meat contains protein and iron, but many toddlers refuse to eat it because of its tough, chewy texture and strong taste.

If you want your toddler to get their daily serving of protein (for example, 80g cooked chicken or 65g cooked beef from lean meat) but you’re finding it challenging:

  • start small. Offer leaner, lighter-tasting meats in small portions that are easy to chew, such as minced chicken or slow-cooked meat

  • involve your toddler in meal preparation. Ask them to choose the meat for dinner and get their help to prepare it.

There are also alternatives you can offer as you work on overcoming their meat aversion. Eggs, tofu, beans, lentils and fish are also high in protein.

Issues with chewing and swallowing and food aversion can be symptoms of underlying medical conditions, so consult your GP or child and family health nurse if your child’s fussy eating behaviour persists beyond the toddler and pre-school years.

The Conversation

Dr Nick Fuller works for the University of Sydney and RPA Hospital and has received external funding for projects relating to the treatment of overweight and obesity. He is the author and founder of the Interval Weight Loss program, and the author of Healthy Parents, Healthy Kids.

ref. 5 picky eating habits – and how to help your child overcome them – https://theconversation.com/5-picky-eating-habits-and-how-to-help-your-child-overcome-them-230970

Greens accuse Australian police of ‘excessive force’ against anti-war protesters at arms expo

Asia Pacific Report

The Victorian Greens have demanded an independent inquiry into Australian police tactics and alleged excessive use of force today against antiwar protesters at the Land Forces expo in Melbourne.

State Greens leader Ellen Sandell said her party had lodged a formal protest to the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission (IBAC).

“We have seen police throw flash grenades into crowds of protesters, use pepper spray indiscriminately, and whip people with horse whip,” she also said in a X post.

“These are military-style tactics used by police against protesters who are trying to have their say, as is their democratic right.”

Police used stun grenades and pepper spray and arrested 39 people as officers were pelted with rocks, manure and tomatoes in what has been described as Melbourne’s biggest police operation in two decades, reports Al Jazeera.

The Land Forces expo protest. Image: Al Jazeera screenshot

The pro-Palestine protesters, also demanding a change in Canberra’s stance on Israel’s war in Gaza, clashed with the police outside the arms fair.

Thousands picketed the Land Forces 2024 military weapons exposition. Australia has seen numerous protests against the country’s arms industry’s involvement in the war over the past 11 months.

Protesting for ‘those killed’ in Gaza
“We’re protesting to stand up for all those who have been killed by the type of weapons [in Gaza] on display at the convention,” said Jasmine Duff from organiser Students for Palestine in a statement.

About 1800 police officers have been deployed at the Melbourne Convention Centre hosting the three-day weapons exhibition. Up to 25,000 people had previously been expected to turn up at the protest.

Two dozen people were reported as requiring medical treatment, said a Victoria state police spokesperson in a statement.

Demonstrators also lit fires in the street and disrupted traffic and public transport, while missiles were thrown at police horses.

However, no serious injuries were reported, according to police.

Deputy Greens leader backs protesters
In a speech to the Senate, the deputy federal leader of the Greens, Senator Mehreen Faruqi, offered her solidarity to “the thousands protesting in Melbourne today to say no to the business of war”.

Australian Greens Deputy Leader Senator Mehreen Faruqi . . . [Australia’s] Labor government is complicit in genocide”. Image: Al Jazeera screenshot

“[The governing] Labor tries to distract and deflect, but there is no deflection. So long as we have defence contracts with Israeli weapons companies, the Labor government is complicit in genocide, so long as you refuse to impose sanctions on Israel, this Labor government is complicit in genocide, and there are no excuses for inaction,” she said.

“The UK has suspended some arms sales to Israel. Canada today is halting more arms sales to Israel.

“What will it take for [Australia’s] Labor government to take action against the apartheid state of Israel?”

Police used stun grenades and pepper spray and arrested 39 people at today’s Land Forces expo in Melbourne, Victoria. Image: V_Palestine20

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Six National Anti-Corruption Commission probes involve current or former parliamentarians

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Six of the National Anti-Corruption Commission’s current investigations involve the conduct of current or former parliamentarians, according to statistics about its work released on Wednesday.

While the NACC refers to six corruption investigations, it does not specify how many current or former politicians are involved.

The NACC said 26 of its 29 current corruption investigations had begun in the 2023-24 reporting period and are still ongoing.

Three concern the conduct of current or former parliamentary staff.

Seven relate to the conduct of current or former senior executive officials, and eight to law enforcement officials. Four concern the behaviour of consultants or contractors.

Eight relate to procurement, one to recruitment, four to corrupt conduct at the border, three to grants and four to misconduct in law enforcement.

The NACC says these categories do not capture all the corruption investigations, and some investigations fall into multiple categories.

It says it is “important to remember that most corruption investigations do not ultimately result in a finding of corrupt conduct”.

As of Wednesday, the NACC is undertaking 32 preliminary investigations. In the last week, one preliminary investigation was closed, with no issue of corruption.

Its present 29 corruption investigations include eight joint investigations.

It is overseeing or monitoring 17 investigations by other agencies. In the last week, one additional matter was referred to an agency for investigation with oversight.

It has six matters before the court. In the last week, one matter was concluded with a conviction.

The NACC has 494 referrals awaiting assessment.

In a speech last month, the NACC’s head, Paul Brereton, defended it against criticism that it was too secretive.

“Sometimes we hear complaints that people do not know what we are doing, and more especially who and what we are investigating. Such disclosure would not be expected of an intelligence agency and should not be expected of us. Doing so has the potential to compromise the efficacy and fairness of investigations,” Brereton said.

“To provide as much transparency as we can, each week we publish statistics about the number of referrals, assessments and investigations. But we will generally not disclose their subject matter or status, unless they otherwise enter the public domain.”

Recently it was reported that police raided Bruce Lehrmann’s property as part of a NACC investigation. The raid was reportedly over the alleged retention of documents linked to the former government’s French submarine deal (the deal was later scrapped).

Lehrmann was accused by Brittany Higgins of raping her in 2019, which he denied. It was found in a civil defamation case that he did rape her, on the balance of probabilities.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Six National Anti-Corruption Commission probes involve current or former parliamentarians – https://theconversation.com/six-national-anti-corruption-commission-probes-involve-current-or-former-parliamentarians-238220

What is reproductive health leave and why do we need it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle O’Shea, Senior Lecturer, School of Business, Western Sydney University

LightField Studios/Shutterstock

Time off work to deal with IVF, menopause, gender transition treatments, vasectomies and other reproductive health issues would be enshrined in all workplace awards if a national union campaign succeeds.

Using the line, “It’s for every body”, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) is in Canberra this week lobbying federal politicians to agree to ten days paid leave so workers can have time to deal with reproductive health.

The call for recognised leave coincides with our research which found symptoms of menstruation, menstrual disorders, menopause and chronic conditions such as endometriosis significantly affect women’s engagement in paid work.

Our review examined 66 articles globally on workplace policies and practices relating to supporting workers with reproductive health needs.

We found employers should foster a workplace culture encouraging communication and understanding around menstruation, menstrual disorders, and menopause.

Seeking national change

This week’s national push, led by the ACTU, has been buoyed by not-for-profit disability service provider Scope agreeing to provide 12 days reproductive leave to its 7,000 workers. They were the first employer in the country to do so.

Earlier this year, the Queensland government also introduced reproductive health leave, giving public sector workers access to ten days a year.

While unions representing health care, banking, community and education sectors have had similar success for many of their members, the ACTU now wants the National Employment Standards expanded to include the leave for all workers.

Unions representing health care, banking, community and education sectors have had similar success for many of their members.

Now the ACTU wants the National Employment Standards – the minimum employment entitlements for all employees covered by the Fair Work Act – expanded to include the leave for all workers.

What is reproductive health leave?

Reproductive health leave is a workplace entitlement acknowledging the need
for paid time and work flexibility to treat or manage reproductive health conditions.

These conditions could include menstruation, perimenopause, menopause, polycystic ovarian syndrome, endometriosis, IVF treatments, vasectomy, hysterectomy and terminations.

It differs from other leave entitlements such as personal/carer’s leave, compassionate leave and the more recently enacted family and domestic violence leave
because it is not a national standard in the Fair Work Act 2009.

Figures included in the Australian Benefits Review 2023 of consultancy firm Mercer suggested businesses and governments have been slow to adopt this type of leave.

They reported only 11% of employers offered paid leave for fertility treatments, while a further 4% gave workers unpaid leave.

Fertility rates

The number of Australians needing fertility help to become pregnant is increasing. Current statistics show fertility issues affect about one in nine couples.

The impact of menstruation, menstrual disorders, menopause and chronic conditions, such as endometriosis have received much needed attention.

A National Action Plan for Endometriosis has set out a productive blueprint focused on improved awareness, education, diagnosis, treatment and research to address the condition’s insidious effects.

The current federal parliamentary inquiry into menopause and perimenopause further recognises the significance of reproductive health.

Why reproductive health is a work issue

As our research showed, the effects of reproductive health issues ripple through workplaces and extend to the Australian economy.

Workplace rights in Australia are typically grounded in men’s experience of life and work. The “ideal” worker is an individual, typically a male, who has no external obligations or bodily demands outside their work.

Women’s bodies in the workplace are often seen as problematic, unreliable and weaker because they can menstruate, be affected by disorders of the menstrual cycle, and can experience menopause.

Due to their health needs, many women report experiencing harassment, career derailment, lack of career progression and underemployment. Some retire prematurely due to health problems.

Different views

Some women experiencing endometriosis and chronic pelvic pain reported extra leave, while important, was not necessarily their top priority. Instead, they preferred a focus on improving workplace culture, awareness and support.

Education and training of senior leaders was highly valued. Allowing workers to take bathroom breaks when needed together with quiet/rest areas were identified as ways to manage symptoms and remain engaged and productive in the workplace.

The inclusion of male specific issues, such as vasectomy and prostate screening, highlights the importance of inclusively of gender and sex in policy, however extra leave was unlikely to reduce barriers for these procedures.

Very few men report taking time off work was a barrier to getting a prostate screening, or for having a vasectomy.

Instead, barriers were mostly related to other factors. In the case of vasectomy this was often related to perceptions about lowered libido or the pain of the procedure itself.

Hiding the problem

Many employees go to significant lengths to conceal their reproductive health issues.

They remain at work “pushing through the pain”, choosing not to disclose their conditions, given the stigma and taboo associated with reproductive health issues.

A recent study found young people aged 13 to 25, in particular, are significantly affected by reproductive health issues.

While they report missing more days of work due to menstrual symptoms than their older counterparts, younger workers are less likely to be entitled to reproductive health leave because they are often employed in casual roles.

Is extra leave the answer?

The most important consideration when assessing the value of a national plan for reproductive health leave, is there has been little research on its impact.

Our research showed there was a growing body of evidence aimed at understanding women’s experiences managing their menstrual and reproductive health in the workplace and how this affected their work/career trajectories.

However, we found a dearth of research centred on understanding interventions, and most research simply reported on menopause guidelines and focused on the United Kingdom and European Union member countries.

We currently don’t know how beneficial these entitlements may be, if they have unintended negative consequences or if people will feel like they can access them.

Before we enshrine reproductive health leave in the national employment standards, we must assess the impact this and similar leave has had in workplaces where it’s already available.

The Conversation

Danielle Howe receives funding from Western Sydney University to complete her PhD in developing workplace guidelines and supports for people with endometriosis.

Mike Armour has previously received funding from Endometriosis Australia and Western Sydney University for the development of workplace support for people with endometriosis.

Amelia Mardon and Michelle O’Shea do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is reproductive health leave and why do we need it? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-reproductive-health-leave-and-why-do-we-need-it-238581

Trump and Harris trade insults and competing visions: 3 experts give their verdicts on the US presidential debate

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Shortis, Adjunct Senior Fellow, School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University

Judging debates usually comes down to picking a winner or loser.

Seeking a more nuanced approach to the first presidential debate between Republican Donald Trump and Democrat Kamala Harris, we asked our experts in US politics, history and the media to weigh in on four points: overall performance, policy strength, truthfulness and omissions, and the most memorable moments. Here’s how they saw Tuesday’s performances.

You can also watch the whole debate below.

Watch as former Donald Trump and Kamala Harris met and debated for the first time.

The Conversation

Emma Shortis is senior researcher in international and security affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.

Jared Mondschein and Matthew Ricketson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Trump and Harris trade insults and competing visions: 3 experts give their verdicts on the US presidential debate – https://theconversation.com/trump-and-harris-trade-insults-and-competing-visions-3-experts-give-their-verdicts-on-the-us-presidential-debate-238694

The Queen’s Nanny: an entertaining, timely and informative play about Elizabeth II’s governess

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Howard, Senior Lecturer, Discipline of English and Writing, University of Sydney

Phil Erbacher/Ensemble Theatre

Born in East Ayrshire in 1909, the Scottish educator and governess Marion Crawford, who trained as a child psychologist, is best remembered – if she is remembered at all – as an employee of the British royal family.

Melanie Tait’s entertaining, timely (just weeks ahead of the first visit by a reigning British royal to Australian shores since 2011) and historically informative play, The Queen’s Nanny, brings her story to the stage with a blend of wit and pathos.

A royal nanny

During a break in her psychology studies, Crawford accepted a temporary summer job working as the governess for Lord Elgin’s children.

This role opened doors for Crawford, leading to her introduction to the Duke and Duchess of York (later King George VI and Queen Elizabeth). Suitably impressed, the Duke and Duchess hired her to serve as the governess for their two daughters, Princess Elizabeth (later Queen Elizabeth II) and Princess Margaret.

This position placed Crawford at the heart of the royal household for over 16 years, during which time she became a trusted figure in the lives of the future Queen (referred to in the play by her family nickname, Lilibet) and her sister. She was also close to the Queen Mother and affectionately referred to as “Crawfie” by the royal household.

Crawford remained in service and did not retire until Princess Elizabeth’s wedding in November 1947, two months after Crawford’s marriage to the Scottish bank manager, George Buthlay.

Not long after Elizabeth’s marriage, Bruce and Beatrice Gould, editors of the major American magazine Ladies’ Home Journal, approached Buckingham Palace and the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office with a proposal to publish stories about royal life.

While the government was eager to cooperate, the royal family was decidedly less enthusiastic, and ultimately rejected the offer.

Undeterred, the government suggested the Goulds inquire whether the recently retired Crawford might be interested in contributing. Crawford agreed, although her motives for doing so remain somewhat unclear. Her account of life as a royal governess, which initially appeared in serialised form, generated substantial public interest.

This, in turn, led to a lucrative book contract worth US$85,000 (the equivalent of around A$3 million today).

The Little Princesses was first published in 1950.
GoodReads

Published in 1950, The Little Princesses, was the first of a kind, groundbreaking in its candid – albeit extremely flattering – portrayal of the private lives of the young royals and their parents. Its unprecedented nature ignited a firestorm of controversy, and irrevocably damaged Crawford’s standing with her former employers.

The Queen Mother was, by all accounts, totally horrified by the book’s disclosures. She immediately severed all ties and forms communication with Crawford, who never again spoke to the royal family.

Crawford died, bereft and depressed, in Aberdeen in 1988.

Just ‘harmless stories’?

In her foreword to the 2012 reprint of The Little Princesses, former BBC royal correspondent Jennie Bond underscores the fact that Crawford’s recollections, which seem impossibly tame and unremarkable when viewed from our historical vantage point, are

harmless in the extreme: among the most ‘explosive’ revelations is the fact that in the schoolroom the two Princesses behaved like entirely normal and healthy little girls.

Needless to say, this is a far cry from the sensational content of contemporary royal exposes like Prince Harry’s self-sabotaging and divisive Spare. So why all the fuss?

Tait offers a possible explanation in the latter stages of The Queen’s Nanny.

In a pivotal scene set in 1987 on the royal estate of Balmoral, Lilibet (Matthew Backer, who plays the Queen among other characters) receives distressing news about Crawford (Elizabeth Blackmore), who, we learn, has attempted to take her own life.

Elizabeth Blackmore, Marion Crawford, is joined by Emma Palmer and Matthew Backer.
Phil Erbacher/Ensemble Theatre

Visibly upset, Lilibet shares this with her mother (Emma Palmer), whose cold, enduring anger toward over Crawford’s perceived betrayal shows no sign of softening.

Confused by her mother’s reaction, Lilibet says the memoir, full of “harmless stories about children”, was “hardly going to dismantle an entire monarchical system”. The Queen Mother’s response is telling:

I didn’t know that!

You haven’t seen what I’ve seen!

You don’t know how quickly things can change for people like us, and you don’t know what it is that will tip it all over.

Delivered with palpable intensity, this response exposes the Queen Mother’s deep-seated fear of change, instability and the fragility of the monarchy in an era of increased public and media scrutiny.

It also hints at the unspoken anxieties that, as Tait’s play suggests, may have shaped the Queen Mother’s actions, revealing how even seemingly trivial breaches of privacy are perceived as existential threats to the royal institution.

In her writer’s note, Tait says she “started working on this play around the time the Albanese Labor Government was voted in”.

She describes feeling hopeful, and confident

when the play got to the stage, we’d have lived through a successful Australian Indigenous Voice Referendum and, in an election year, movement would be ramping up about a new Republic Referendum. I wanted this play to be part of that conversation.

Sadly, neither of these things have happened. Nonetheless, Tait’s play succeeds in contributing to ongoing conversations about national identity and modes of governance, and inviting us to reflect on the interplay between personal narratives and larger historical and political tides.

Alexander Howard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The Queen’s Nanny: an entertaining, timely and informative play about Elizabeth II’s governess – https://theconversation.com/the-queens-nanny-an-entertaining-timely-and-informative-play-about-elizabeth-iis-governess-237482

Trump and Harris trade insults and competing visions: our experts give their verdicts on the US presidential debate

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Shortis, Adjunct Senior Fellow, School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University

The Conversation

Emma Shortis is senior researcher in international and security affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.

Matthew Ricketson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Trump and Harris trade insults and competing visions: our experts give their verdicts on the US presidential debate – https://theconversation.com/trump-and-harris-trade-insults-and-competing-visions-our-experts-give-their-verdicts-on-the-us-presidential-debate-238694

‘It’s okay to poo at work’: new health campaign highlights a common source of anxiety

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Robert Knowles, Associate Professor and Clinical Psychologist, Swinburne University of Technology

Queensland Health/Instagram

For most people, the daily or near-daily ritual of having a bowel motion is not something we give a great deal of thought to. But for some people, the need to do a “number two” in a public toilet or at work can be beset with significant stress and anxiety.

In recognition of the discomfort people may feel around passing a bowel motion at work, the Queensland Department of Health recently launched a social media campaign with the message “It’s okay to poo at work”.

The campaign has gained significant traction on Instagram and Facebook. It has been praised by health and marketing experts for its humorous handling of a taboo topic.

A colourful Instagram post is accompanied by a caption warning of the health risks of “holding it in”, including haemorrhoids and other gastrointestinal problems. The caption also notes:

If you find it extremely difficult to poo around other people, you might have parcopresis.

What is parcopresis?

Parcopresis, sometimes called “shy bowel”, occurs when people experience a difficulty or inability to poo in public toilets due to fear of perceived scrutiny by others.

People with parcopresis may find it difficult to go to the toilet in public places such as shopping centres, restaurants, at work or at school, or even at home when friends or family are around.

They may fear being judged by others about unpleasant smells or sounds when they have a bowel motion, or how long they take to go, for example.

Living with a gastrointestinal condition (at least four in ten Australians do) may contribute to parcopresis due to anxiety about the need to use a toilet frequently, and perceived judgment from others when doing so. Other factors, such as past negative experiences or accessibility challenges, may also play a role.

A man in office attire holding a roll of toilet paper.
Some people may feel uncomfortable about using the toilet at work.
Motortion Films/Shutterstock

For sufferers, anxiety can present in the form of a faster heart rate, rapid breathing, sweating, muscle tension, blushing, nausea, trembling, or a combination of these symptoms. They may experience ongoing worry about situations where they may need to use a public toilet.

Living with parcopresis can affect multiple domains of life and quality of life overall. For example, sufferers may have difficulties relating to employment, relationships and social life. They might avoid travelling or attending certain events because of their symptoms.

How common is parcopresis?

We don’t really know how common parcopresis is, partly due to the difficulty of evaluating this behaviour. It’s not necessarily easy or appropriate to follow people around to track whether they use or avoid public toilets (and their reasons if they do). Also, observing individual bathroom activities may alter the person’s behaviour.

I conducted a study to try to better understand how common parcopresis is. The study involved 714 university students. I asked participants to respond to a series of vignettes, or scenarios.

In each vignette participants were advised they were at a local shopping centre and they needed to have a bowel motion. In the vignettes, the bathrooms (which had been recently cleaned) had configurations of either two or three toilet stalls. Each vignette differed by the configuration of stalls available.

The rate of avoidance was just over 14% overall. But participants were more likely to avoid using the toilet when the other stalls were occupied.

Around 10% avoided going when all toilets were available. This rose to around 25% when only the middle of three toilets was available. Men were significantly less likely to avoid going than women across all vignettes.

For those who avoided the toilet, many either said they would go home to poo, use an available disabled toilet, or come back when the bathroom was empty.

Parcopresis at work

In occupational settings, the rates of anxiety about using shared bathrooms may well be higher for a few reasons.

For example, people may feel more self-conscious about their bodily functions being heard or noticed by colleagues, compared to strangers in a public toilet.

People may also experience guilt, shame and fear about being judged by colleagues or supervisors if they need to make extended or frequent visits to the bathroom. This may particularly apply to people with a gastrointestinal condition.

Reducing restroom anxiety

Using a public toilet can understandably cause some anxiety or be unpleasant. But for a small minority of people it can be a real problem, causing severe distress and affecting their ability to engage in activities of daily living.

If doing a poo in a toilet at work or another public setting causes you anxiety, be kind to yourself. A number of strategies might help:

  • identify and challenge negative thoughts about using public toilets and remind yourself that using the bathroom is normal, and that most people are not paying attention to others in the toilets

  • try to manage stress through relaxation techniques such as deep breathing and progressive muscle relaxation, which involves tensing and relaxing different muscles around the body

  • engaging in gradual exposure can be helpful, which means visiting public toilets at different times and locations, so you can develop greater confidence in using them

  • use grounding or distraction techniques while going to the toilet. These might include listening to music, watching something on your phone, or focusing on your breathing.

If you feel parcopresis is having a significant impact on your life, talk to your GP or a psychologist who can help identify appropriate approaches to treatment. This might include cognitive behavioural therapy.

The Conversation

Simon Robert Knowles does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘It’s okay to poo at work’: new health campaign highlights a common source of anxiety – https://theconversation.com/its-okay-to-poo-at-work-new-health-campaign-highlights-a-common-source-of-anxiety-238682

The Princess of Wales wants to stay cancer-free. What does this mean?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amali Cooray, PhD Candidate in Genetic Engineering and Cancer, WEHI (Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research)

Pete Hancock/Shutterstock

Catherine, Princess of Wales, has announced she has now completed a course of preventive chemotherapy.

The news comes nine months after the princess first revealed she was being treated for an unspecified form of cancer.

In the new video message released by Kensington Palace, Princess Catherine says she’s focused on doing what she can to stay “cancer-free”. She acknowledges her cancer journey is not over and the “path to recovery and healing is long”.

While we don’t know the details of the princess’s cancer or treatment, it raises some questions about how we declare someone fully clear of the disease. So what does being – and staying – “cancer-free” mean?

What’s the difference between being cancer-free and in remission?

Medically, “cancer-free” means two things. First, it means no cancer cells are able to be detected in a patient’s body using the available testing methods. Second, there is no cancer left in the patient.

These might sound basically the same. But this second aspect of “cancer-free” can be complicated, as it’s essentially impossible to be sure no cancer cells have survived a treatment.

Two nurses look at two computer screens as a patient enters a CT scan machine.
Testing can’t completely rule out the chance some cancer cells have survived treatment.
Andrewshots/Shutterstock

It only takes a few surviving cells for the cancer to grow back. But these cells may not be detectable via testing, and can lie dormant for some time. The possibility of some cells still surviving means it is more accurate to say a patient is “in remission”, rather than “cancer-free”.

Remission means there is no detectable cancer left. Once a patient has been in remission for a certain period of time, they are often considered to be fully “cancer-free”.

Princess Catherine was not necessarily speaking in the strict medical sense. Nonetheless, she is clearly signalling a promising step in her recovery.

What happens during remission?

During remission, patients will usually undergo surveillance testing to make sure their cancer hasn’t returned. Detection tests can vary greatly depending on both the patient and their cancer type.

Many tests involve simply looking at different organs to see if there are cancer cells present, but at varying levels of complexity.

Some cancers can be detected with the naked eye, such as skin cancers. In other cases, technology is needed: colonoscopies for colorectal cancers, X-ray mammograms for breast cancers, or CT scans for lung cancers. There are also molecular tests, which test for the presence of cancer cells using protein or DNA from blood or tissue samples.

For most patients, testing will continue for years at regular intervals. Surveillance testing ensures any returning cancer is caught early, giving patients the best chance of successful treatment.

Remaining in remission for five years can be a huge milestone in a patient’s cancer journey. For most types of cancer, the chances of cancer returning drop significantly after five years of remission. After this point, surveillance testing may be performed less frequently, as the patients might be deemed to be at a lower risk of their cancer returning.

A dermatologist peers through a magnifying lens at a mole on a man's back.
Skin cancer may be detected by the naked eye, but many other cancers require technology for detection and monitoring.
wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock

Measuring survival rates

Because it is very difficult to tell when a cancer is “cured”, clinicians may instead refer to a “five-year survival rate”. This measures how likely a cancer patient is to be alive five years after their diagnosis.

For example, data shows the five-year survival rate for bowel cancer among Australian women (of all ages) is around 70%. That means if you had 100 patients with bowel cancer, after five years you would expect 70 to still be alive and 30 to have succumbed to the disease.

These statistics can’t tell us much about individual cases. But comparing five-year survival rates between large groups of patients after different cancer treatments can help clinicians make the often complex decisions about how best to treat their patients.

The likelihood of cancer coming back, or recurring, is influenced by many factors which can vary over time. For instance, approximately 30% of people with lung cancer develop a recurrent disease, even after treatment. On the other hand, breast cancer recurrence within two years of the initial diagnosis is approximately 15%. Within five years it drops to 10%. After ten, it falls below 2%.

These are generalisations though – recurrence rates can vary greatly depending on things such as what kind of cancer the patient has, how advanced it is, and whether it has spread.

Staying cancer-free

Princess Catherine says her focus now is to “stay cancer-free”. What might this involve?

How a cancer develops and whether it recurs can be influenced by things we can’t control, such as age, ethnicity, gender, genetics and hormones.

However, there are sometimes environmental factors we can control. That includes things like exposure to UV radiation from the sun, or inhaling carcinogens like tobacco.

Lifestyle factors also play a role. Poor diet and nutrition, a lack of exercise and excessive alcohol consumption can all contribute to cancer development.

Research estimates more than half of all cancers could potentially be prevented through regular screening and maintaining a healthy lifestyle (not to mention preventing other chronic conditions such as heart disease and diabetes).

Recommendations to reduce cancer risk are the same for everyone, not just those who’ve had treatment like Princess Catherine. They include not smoking, eating a nutritious and balanced diet, exercising regularly, cutting down on alcohol and staying sun smart.

The Conversation

Amali Cooray is also affiliated with the Olivia Newton-John Cancer Research Institute.

John (Eddie) La Marca is also affiliated with the Olivia Newton-John Cancer Research Institute. He has previously received funding from the CASS Foundation.

Sarah Diepstraten receives funding from the Victorian Cancer Agency.

ref. The Princess of Wales wants to stay cancer-free. What does this mean? – https://theconversation.com/the-princess-of-wales-wants-to-stay-cancer-free-what-does-this-mean-238681

With a million home batteries, we could build far fewer power lines. We just need the right incentives

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Scott Hamilton, Adjunct associate professor, Department of Chemical and Biological Engineering, Monash University

It’s no secret Australia has abundant and cheap renewable energy, especially wind and solar power. But yes, there are times when the sun doesn’t shine and the wind doesn’t blow. We need energy storage to get us through those still nights and dreary days.

The Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO) reports investment in storage capacity continues to increase, filling gaps left by retiring coal-fired power stations. But it warns sufficient storage is needed to ensure electricity supply is reliable throughout the transition.

Energy storage is the special sauce that makes renewables work anytime, anywhere and everywhere. Being able to send this stored renewable energy back to the grid on demand makes the most of the existing electricity network, including transmission lines.

We need both short- and long-duration storage to maintain energy security. This will enable renewable energy to be collected, stored and dispatched when needed. AEMO forecasts reliability levels can be maintained over most of the next ten years if programs and initiatives already established are delivered on time and in full. But we can’t afford any delays.

Storage on the grid

Old-fashioned power stations burning coal tend to run continuously, which helps make the electricity grid stable and reliable. In contrast, renewables need to be backed with storage such as batteries to provide a continuous supply of electricity.

The modern electricity network is being designed to handle the power produced when the sun is shining brightly and the wind is blowing hard, at the same time. But this only happens about 25% of the time.

Similarly, transmission lines are being built to a maximum capacity. But we could get by with fewer transmission lines if we store more solar and wind power for later. That’s why many renewable generation projects include storage on site or nearby, and why it also makes sense to have batteries in our homes or communities.

Charging an electric car at home, plugged in during a sunny day in an open-air carport
Some electric vehicles are ‘home batteries on wheels’.
Carlos Horton, Shutterstock

Australia has some of the world’s biggest batteries

The 300 megawatt Victorian Big Battery, near Geelong, is the biggest in Australia and one of the biggest in the world. It can store enough energy to power more than a million homes for 30 minutes.

The federal government is also funding six large-scale batteries through the Capacity Investment Scheme. This includes a 350MW energy storage system on the site of the Jeeralang Power Station, near Morwell in the LaTrobe Valley. But the title of the nation’s biggest battery will soon be handed to the 850MW Waratah Super Battery in New South Wales.

What’s next?

Other emerging battery systems could power the future. For example, new lithium-sulphur batteries deliver more energy per gram and last longer than existing lithium-ion batteries. This has been achieved simply by adding sugar.

Australia has all the critical minerals needed to make batteries (lithium, nickel, copper, cobalt). But about 90% of the batteries we currently use come from China.

The 2024 National Battery Strategy vision is for Australia is a globally competitive producer of batteries and battery materials by 2035.

Battery booster scheme needed

Australia has the policy settings and incentives about right for building grid-scale storage systems. But almost half the effort in getting to 82% renewables by 2030 will come from consumers – mainly rooftop solar systems, backed by home and business battery storage.

We have just passed the point at which the payback period for small-scale batteries falls within the product’s lifetime, making the upfront cost worthwhile.

But government incentives are still needed to make it more affordable to install small-scale solar batteries. This would help families and businesses reduce their power bills, gain better control of when and how they produce energy, and build a more resilient energy system.

More than 300,000 solar power systems are installed on Australian homes and businesses each year. The total reached more than 3.7 million systems at the start of this year. With the right ambition and policy settings, we could have similar rates of uptake in home batteries – going from about 250,000 at the moment to more than one million by 2030.



What’s more, electric vehicles are essentially large “batteries on wheels”. They can be plugged in at home to provide backup power in blackouts, or at times of peak demand.

Government incentives are also needed here to drive the further uptake of electric vehicles in the domestic, commercial and industry sector. The upfront price of an EV is too high for many Australians. Perverse incentives such as the diesel rebate are also slowing the switch in some sectors such as mining.

Australia is already a world leader in rooftop solar. With the right policy levers, we can also lead the world in home energy storage.

The energy storage toolkit

Batteries alone aren’t enough. As the penetration of renewables increases, the importance of long duration energy storage technologies will increase. In general, these technologies provide more than eight hours of energy storage using various electrochemical, mechanical, thermal and mechanical means.

Beyond batteries, other energy storage solutions include pumped hydro such as Snowy 2.0, “green gravity” using mine shafts, green hydrogen and concentrated solar thermal power plants.

Get smart about storage

Many energy storage options are readily available now and could be manufactured in Australia. We have the technology to empower communities, create thousands of new jobs and help save the planet.

If we’re smart about it, we can even get by with fewer transmission lines and less bulky electricity infrastructure.

The Conversation

Scott Hamilton is an adjunct associate professor with the Department of Chemical & Biological Engineering at Monash University. He is a senior advisor to the not-for-profit organisation Smart Energy Council, he is a non-executive Director for the not-for-profit organisation Hi Neighbour Ltd, and is an ALP member.

ref. With a million home batteries, we could build far fewer power lines. We just need the right incentives – https://theconversation.com/with-a-million-home-batteries-we-could-build-far-fewer-power-lines-we-just-need-the-right-incentives-237851

Should parents be worried about social media? We asked 5 experts

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Judith Ireland, Education Editor, The Conversation, Australia

Trock.kc/Shutterstock , CC BY

The Albanese government has announced it will introduce a social media ban for children.

The government has not yet nominated a minimum age but is trialling age-assurance mechanisms for those aged 13–16. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says the legislation will be introduced this year.

This follows criticism from a range of experts, who argue it will be difficult to enforce and does not take into account the positive impacts of social media for young people.

Announcing the ban on Tuesday, Albanese highlighted parental concerns about their kids being on social media.

Parents are worried sick about this. We know they’re working without a map – no generation has faced this challenge before.

Which is why my message to Australian parents is we’ve got your back. We’re listening and determined to act to get this right.

So, should parents be worried about social media? We asked five experts.

Three out of five said no.

Here are their detailed responses.


Disclosure statements

Catherine Page Jeffery has received funding from the federal government through the Online Safety Grants Program, as well as from the Australian Research Council. She is a board member of Children and Media Australia.

Daniel Angus receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is an Associate Investigator with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society.

Jo Robinson sits on an advisory board for Meta. Orygen has received funding from Meta for the translation of #chatsafe guidelines and resources, which aim to help young people communicate safely online about suicide and self-harm. She has received funding from the Commonwealth Department of Health, the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Australian Research Council. She sits on the board of the International Association for Suicide Prevention.

Nandi Vijayakumar receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Australian Research Council.

Stephanie Wescott receives funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS).

The Conversation

ref. Should parents be worried about social media? We asked 5 experts – https://theconversation.com/should-parents-be-worried-about-social-media-we-asked-5-experts-238772

Buried treasures: how seeds help us learn about fire in the Australian landscape

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ella Plumanns Pouton, Researcher in Ecology, The University of Melbourne

Fire is a natural part of Australian ecosystems. Many plants have developed ways to adapt and even thrive after fire. They may store their seeds in the soil, ready to sprout after fire. Or they may flower after fire, which helps them to produce the next generation of seeds.

Most of what scientists know about plants and fire comes from studying what happens above ground. In my new research, my colleagues and I examined what happens below ground.

I studied plants in the eucalypt woodlands of Gariwerd, including the species-rich Grampians National Park of Victoria. I wanted to find out which seeds were waiting in the soil, and whether their presence or absence had anything to do with past fires. But first I had to grow them.

Through a series of glasshouse experiments, I discovered the seedbank in each soil sample reflected its past experience of fire. More frequent fire depleted stores of annual plants, such as purple-leaved groundsel (Senecio picridioides) and pimpernel sundew (Drosera glanduligera). But perennial plants that live for many years were more resilient.

It was also clear that landscapes benefit from a patchwork or a “mosaic” pattern of fire, where some areas have burnt more recently than others. Managing landscapes to create a mosaic pattern of fire history will ensure that landscapes can support the requirements of a diverse range of species.

A variety of plants have grown back after fire in this Gariwerd/Grampians eucalypt woodland
A eucalypt woodland in Gariwerd/Grampians two years after fire.
Ella Plumanns Pouton

Studying soil transplants

I sampled soil from 57 sites in Gariwerd/Grampians that had experienced different patterns of fire over the past 80 years. Some had burned just once, and others up to nine times.

I then exposed the soil samples to various heat and smoke treatments, to mimic the variety of environmental cues different seeds need to germinate and grow into plants. For example, smooth parrot pea, a yellow-flowered shrub from the study area, is known to prefer hot heat to germinate. This species has a hard seed coat which cracks open under high heat, allowing them to grow. In contrast, some herbs and grasses prefer no heat at all.

Closeup of a flowering plant, twisted beard heath (_Leucopogon glacialis_)
Twisted beard heath (Leucopogon glacialis)
Ella Plumanns Pouton

Once treated, I took each soil sample to a greenhouse where I watered them and waited for the seeds to grow into plants.

Over 15 months, I watched an incredible 39,701 plants grow from 245 different plant species. Some of the amazing species that came up included twisted beard heath, which has pretty tufted white flowers and twisted leaves, and the endangered Grampians trigger plant, found only in Gariwerd, which uses a trigger system to spurt pollen at insects when they visit its flower.

What I found by looking underground

The species growing in the greenhouses told a story of the fires that occurred where they were collected.

The frequency of fire was important. But how fire frequency influenced species presence in the soil depended on whether a species lived for one year (annuals) or many years (perennials). Or how long a species was able to store seeds.

Frequent fire (at least once every 15 years) reduced the occurrence of seeds of annual species which can store their seeds in the soil for many years. This is probably because every fire stimulated the sprouting of seeds, depleting the seed store.

Yet the seeds of other species, including perennials who store their seed in the soil for a short time only, appeared to be able to withstand the frequency of fires experienced to date. This is probably because these kinds of species rely less on storing their seeds in the soil to persist after fire than other measures, such as the resprouting of mature individuals from their trunk or base.

Interestingly, more than half (53%) of the species found in the soil seedbank were not growing as plants above ground. And for species with both seeds in the soil and plants above the ground, their response to fire above and below ground was not always the same. This highlights that the complex relationship between fire and plant life cycles is more than that meets the eye (above ground)!

Our findings point to the importance of researching plants at all stages of their life cycles, including their largely invisible time as seeds below ground.

Seedlings in the greenhouse, growing in treated soil samples
Over 15 months, I watched 39,701 plants grow in the greenhouse.
Ella Plumanns Pouton

Healthy mosaic patchwork of fire

When it comes to fire in the landscape, my research suggests Victorian eucalypt woodlands benefit from variety. This means ensuring some areas remain unburnt for many years, while others are burnt more recently. Such a mosaic of fire patterns would enable a diverse range of plants to survive and thrive.

This new knowledge helps us act to protect plants, both locally and globally.

At the local scale, I was pleased to donate several thousand germinating plants to the Nature Glenelg Trust. They used them to help restore a native wetland, bringing the seeds back to Gariwerd.

On a national and global scale, this research can help us make sense of changing fire patterns to help protect biodiversity. This year, California experienced the fourth largest fire in the state’s history, burning an area bigger than Los Angeles in under a week. And during the 2019-20 Australian Black Summer bushfires, more than 100 plant species had their entire above ground populations burnt.

Studies of seeds in the soil can help us find out how plant populations can recover after fire. Finding out which plants are affected by fire, in what ways, and why, will help us protect them into the future.

I would like to acknowledge my colleagues listed as coauthors on the research paper that formed the basis of this article: forest ecologist Sabine Kasel, fire scientist Trent Penman, fire ecologist Matthew Swan, and Luke Kelly, researcher in biodiversity dynamics.

The Conversation

Ella Plumanns Pouton receives funding from the Australian Research Training Program, the Victorian Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action, and Natural Hazards Research Australia.

ref. Buried treasures: how seeds help us learn about fire in the Australian landscape – https://theconversation.com/buried-treasures-how-seeds-help-us-learn-about-fire-in-the-australian-landscape-235788

Athletes’ bodies are supposedly temples. So why do so many consume ultra-processed foods?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Evangeline Mantzioris, Program Director of Nutrition and Food Sciences, Accredited Practising Dietitian, University of South Australia

Even the most casual sports fan would have seen athletes gulping down sports drinks after a contest or even snacking on something like a protein ball or energy gel during a break.

There is a reason why they do this.

Athletes have special nutritional requirements to maximise their performance.

They need carbohydrates, protein, fluids and other nutrients such as electrolytes in the right amounts and at the right time to achieve their training, performance and recovery goals.

Sports dietitians promote a food-first approach, which focuses on using everyday foods to meet athletes’ energy and nutrient needs before considering sports foods.

However, sports foods are convenient alternatives to everyday foods to fuel performance. There are, however, some potential downsides to consuming them.

What are sports foods?

Sports foods are specially manufactured for athletes to provide the nutrients they may need during training or performance.

They include products like sports drinks, protein supplements, energy gels and protein bars. They are intended for sport-specific use – not to replace an everyday diet.

Why do athletes consume them?

Sports foods can be more convenient for athletes compared to everyday foods – they are easier to carry or take less time to prepare.

They can also provide safe alternatives where there are food intolerances or allergies.

Sports foods can be safe and hygienic alternatives where there’s limited availability or few storage options for food.

Pros and cons

There is strong scientific evidence that sports foods can improve performance by providing a readily available source of energy and nutrients. There is no evidence of a detrimental impact on performance.

However, there may be a detrimental impact on health due to the nature of their production and formulation. Sports foods are considered as ultra-processed foods (UPF) according to the NOVA system.

The NOVA system classifies foods into four groups based on the extent of their processing: unprocessed or minimally processed foods; processed culinary ingredients; processed foods or ultra-processed foods.

What are ultra-processed foods?

Ultra-processed foods are foods that cannot be made in a typical home kitchen because of the ingredients needed and processing techniques used. They include foods like mass-produced bread, ice-cream, lollies and ham.

They are often packaged attractively and marketed as convenient replacements for less processed foods. Many people consume ultra-processed foods in Western countries, comprising up to 60% of energy intake.

Emerging evidence has associated ultra-processed food intake with poor mental and physical health and higher rates of death.

Ultra-processed foods also have a greater impact on the environment than everyday foods, particularly through processing and packaging.

Given this, we studied how athletes felt about these products despite the recent evidence on their potential impact on health and the environment.

Our research with Australian athletes

We asked adult Australian athletes how often they trained and how often they consumed ultra-processed sports foods during the past year through an anonymous online survey.

We also asked the athletes why they chose to use sports foods (or not), what alternatives they consumed and whether they were concerned about ultra-processed foods.

One hundred and forty Australian adult athletes participating in recreational (55 athletes), local/regional (52 athletes), state (11 athletes), national (14 athletes) or international (nine athletes) sports completed the survey.

The majority identified as females (64%), who were training for individual events (64%) and trained between five and nine hours per week (49%).

What did we find?

Most of the athletes (95%) had consumed sports foods within the past year. Sports drinks were the most popular (73%), while protein supplements were used most frequently, with 40% of athletes consuming them at least once per week.

Athletes in individual sports who trained for longer periods were more likely to use sports foods.

Athletes told us everyday foods were more affordable, tasted better and there was less risk of them containing banned substances but many found them less convenient to prepare and carry while training, and with greater risk of spoilage than sports foods.

We then asked the athletes what everyday foods they use instead of ultra-processed foods. More than half of the options they listed (54%) as everyday foods were still classified as ultra-processed foods, such as lollies and muesli bars.

Half (51%) of the athletes told us they were worried about the health effects of ultra-processed foods. The half who were unconcerned said it was because they either only occasionally used sports foods, only ate them in small amounts, or used them only for training and competition.

Do we know if this impacts health or performance?

Unfortunately, there are few published studies in this space.

One small study showed high intake of ultra-processed foods compared to low intakes in athletes led to no difference in performance. However a high intake of ultra-processed foods affected their microbiome negatively.

Apart from this study, there have been no others that specifically looked at ultra-processed foods in athletes.

But what if I’m otherwise ‘healthy’?

Unfortunately, there are still possible downsides.

An umbrella review of all studies looking at eating ultra-processed foods has shown increased risk of death, heart disease, diabetes and poorer mental health with greater intakes of these foods.

And some studies have shown there are health risks from eating ultra-processed foods regardless of whether a person has an otherwise healthy diet. That means that eating ultra-processed foods may be risky even if you also eat lots of whole, fresh foods.

Although we are uncertain if all processed foods should be considered as ultra-processed, or if all of them are linked to poorer health, the consensus is generally, we should be eating less of them as part of an overall healthy dietary pattern.

Also, scientists believe the health risks of eating ultra-processed foods seem to remain regardless of how much exercise someone does. However, no one has specifically researched the role of exercise in lessening the impact of ultra-processed foods on health.

Some tips for athletes

  1. Do your own meal preparation – start looking at recipes that are easy to make ahead of time, store well and can be taken with you as you train. Energy balls, muesli bars or sandwiches with jam or peanut butter are good options. The Sports Dietitians Australia website has some great suggestions.

  2. Check in with your training buddies. Ask them what they eat for training and competition, and look to see what is available in your local food stores.

  3. You can also let your local food outlets know you are interested in purchasing minimally processed alternatives.

  4. If you need to have them for training, limit the amount of ultra-processed foods you eat for the rest of your day. Every little bit may make a difference.

  5. Adhering to the recommendations of the Australian Dietary Guidelines is still important. These have been designed to reduce the risk of chronic diseases for healthy Australians, including athletes. This means eating a variety of vegetables, fruit, whole grains, lean meat and alternatives, and milk products and alternatives each day.

A visit with an accredited sports dietitian can help you develop a individualised food plan that includes minimally processed options to meet your personal needs and performance goals.

The Conversation

Evangeline Mantzioris is affiliated with Alliance for Research in Nutrition, Exercise and Activity (ARENA) at the University of South Australia. Evangeline Mantzioris has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, and has been appointed to the National Health and Medical Research Council Dietary Guideline Expert Committee.

Adrienne Forsyth receives funding from Research Australia, CSIRO, Rugby Australia, and Inspiro Community Health. She is a member of Dietitians Australia, Sports Dietitians Australia, and Exercise and Sport Science Australia.

ref. Athletes’ bodies are supposedly temples. So why do so many consume ultra-processed foods? – https://theconversation.com/athletes-bodies-are-supposedly-temples-so-why-do-so-many-consume-ultra-processed-foods-234916

As cities axe shared e-scooters, the many more personally owned ones are in a blind spot

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ferdinand Balfoort, PhD Candidate in Law, Charles Darwin University

Recent decisions by the Melbourne City and Sunshine Coast councils to end contracts with operators of shared e-scooters have reignited debate around this form of transport. It ticks many sustainability boxes, yet continues to make headlines for the wrong reasons.

In addition to “reckless” rider behaviour, a more recent concern has involved allegations of e‑scooter schemes exceeding contracted caps on numbers and misreporting data. This has prompted Brisbane, Canberra and Townsville in Australia and Auckland and Wellington in New Zealand to cancel the operator Beam’s licence in their cities. Beam Mobility has said it is unable to comment until a legal firm it appointed has completed an investigation.

Embroiled within the e‑scooter debate is a more fundamental issue: are we talking about shared e‑scooters for hire, or personal e‑scooters, which people can buy online for as little as a few hundred dollars? The report to the Sunshine Coast Council noted:

Community sentiment does not appear to differentiate between personally owned and hired e‑scooters.

In the case of the Sunshine Coast, and elsewhere globally, hospital emergency departments, regulators, councillors and council staff demonstrated a high level of uncertainty about e‑scooters. This likely reflects a lack of data and informed understanding of the challenges and benefits of personal e‑scooters.

The Melbourne and Sunshine Coast councils have purportedly dealt with public concerns about shared e-scooters. But don’t personal e-scooters also shoulder some blame?

Why bans are not the answer

At present, New South Wales and South Australia prohibit the riding of private e‑scooters in public places (though this is set to change in SA). But bans are ultimately not the answer: e‑scooters are here whether we like it or not.

Despite ongoing questions around their legality, sales of personal/private e‑scooters have grown by around 20% a year since 2018. An estimated 250,000 e-scooters and personal mobility devices were in use in 2022. Assuming a similar rate of growth, we estimate Australians own 350,000 to 400,000 personal e-scooters and personal mobility devices. This means around 2% of adults own one.

Rates of e-scooter ownership in inner-urban areas could be much higher. The City of Sydney reports 10% of residents own an e-scooter .

Banning shared types, while allowing unregulated personal e‑scooters, sends mixed signals. It overlooks the potentially greater burdens from personal e‑scooters, which are capable of higher speeds than shared e‑scooters, which are speed-limited.

There is also no enforcement to date of quality control standards for personal e‑scooters and their chargers. These have been linked to e-battery fires in Australia and overseas.

Lessons from New Zealand

In New Zealand, our team’s research, which we’ll present at a conference in November 2024, suggests 5-7% of people own e‑scooters. Around 400,000 e‑scooters were imported from 2018 to 2023, according to New Zealand Statistics. That’s vastly more than the 6,439 shared e‑scooters operating in the country.

Yet most academic research globally has focused on shared e‑scooters. The neglect of personal ones is likely due to the lack of concrete data on the users, their behaviours and vehicle types and specifications.

These data are difficult to collect because personal e‑scooters are unregistered and unconnected to any GPS-based technology. Shared e‑scooters are tracked, which potentially provides valuable data, despite recent concerns about its reliability.

The 252 respondents to our NZ study provide insights into personal e‑scooter owners and behaviours. Some of the handful of prior studies had already identified significant potential issues. For instance, a majority (58.4%) of these scooters would be able to exceed 25km/h speed limits.

These studies also found using shared e‑scooters often leads to personal ownership. Our study suggests shared modes may complement personal e‑scooter use.

New Zealand has comparatively standardised laws on how personal e‑scooters are classified and used. An e‑scooter with an engine capacity exceeding 300 Watts (W) is classed as a motor vehicle and must be registered, though our research suggests there is a lack of enforcement. Council licensing limits shared e‑scooter engines to 300W.

The number of shared e-scooters in New Zealand is a small fraction of the 400,000 scooters imported from 2018–2023.
Tomas Bazant/Shutterstock

Australian rules vary wildly

In Australia, state regulations do not explicitly limit engine size. We have seen “catch-up” policies and rules that vary greatly across the country.

These range from outright bans on using personal e‑escooters in public spaces to a myriad of different rules around the country. In some states, people can ride e‑scooters on footpaths, shared paths, bike lanes and certain roads. In others, footpaths and shared paths are off-limits. Depending on the location, speed limits may be 10km/h, 12km/h, 15km/h, 20km/h or 25km/h.

Enforcement in New Zealand, and likely in Australia, is not very effective. for personal e‑scooters with an engine capacity over 300W. One enforcement action in New Zealand was reported in 2018 and one in 2023.

In Australia, e‑scooters are regulated based on speed limits, among other things. But the speed of shared e‑scooters is easier to determine than for unregistered and unmonitored personal e‑scooters. In New Zealand, there are no speed limits on e‑scooters apart from those set by the licensing conditions for shared e‑scooters.

In this context, New Zealand personal e‑scooters occupy a legal blind spot. They get a free pass, as their speed is not a violation of existing rules, whereas their engine capacity is. But it can be hard for an observer to detect an e‑scooter that’s over the engine limit, unless it’s being ridden at extreme speeds.

We can’t afford to keep ignoring personal e-scooters

As long as personal e‑scooters remain unregistered and enforcement action is limited, their high numbers in Australia and New Zealand, compared to shared e‑scooters, are likely to have an oversized impact in terms of engine capacity, speed and the potential for accidents.

It is high time for researchers and regulators to recognise the significant potential impacts of personal e‑scooters – both benefits and burdens.

Council decisions to end the operation of shared e‑scooters may be addressing only part of the problem based on incomplete data and reporting.

Ferdinand Balfoort receives full PhD funding from Charles Darwin University, Australia.

He is a Senior Researcher at the Mobility Research Partnership Pty Ltd

Ferdinand previously advised Beam Mobility Pte Ltd on Sustainability modelling and carbon certification of emission reductions.

Stephen Greaves does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. As cities axe shared e-scooters, the many more personally owned ones are in a blind spot – https://theconversation.com/as-cities-axe-shared-e-scooters-the-many-more-personally-owned-ones-are-in-a-blind-spot-237654

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