Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Fiji’s coalition government are “detached from the values that Fijians hold dear”, says the NGO Coalition on Human Rights in Fiji (NGOCHR).

The rights coalition has expressed deep concern over Rabuka’s ongoing engagements with Indonesia.

“History will judge how we respond as Fijians to this moment. We must not stay silent when Pacific people are being occupied and killed,” said NGOCHR chair Shamima Ali.

She said Rabuka was extended a grant of $12 million by Indonesia recently and received proposals for joint military training.

“Is Fiji’s continuing silence on West Papua yet another example of being muzzled by purse strings?”

“As members of the Melanesian and Pacific family, bound by shared ancestry and identity, the acceptance of financial and any other benefit from Indonesia—while remaining silent on the plight of West Papua—is a betrayal of our family member and of regional solidarity.”

“True leadership must be rooted in solidarity, justice, and accountability,” Ali said.

“It is imperative that Pacific leaders not only advocate for peace and cooperation in the region but also continue to hold Indonesia to account on ongoing human rights violations in West Papua.”

Republished from The Fiji Times with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Repeated cases of Indonesian military (TNI) soldiers torturing civilians in Papua have been evident, as seen in the viral video depicting the torture of civilians in the Puncak Regency allegedly done by soldiers of Raider 300/Brajawijaya Infantry Battalion.

There is a pressing need for stringent law enforcement and the evaluation of the deployment of TNI troops from outside Papua to the region.

Frits Ramandey, the head of the Papua Office of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM Papua), said that since 2020, Komnas HAM Papua had handled several cases of alleged torture by TNI soldiers against civilians.

“This [case of torture against civilians] is not the first to occur in Papua,” said Ramandey said this week.

Ramandey cited the case of the torture and murder of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani in Intan Jaya Regency in September 2020.

He also mentioned cases of violence against people with disabilities in Merauke in July 2021.

Torture of children
In 2022, Komnas HAM Papua also dealt with cases of civilian torture in Mappi regency, as well as the torture of seven children in the Puncak regency.

In Mimika regency, four Nduga residents were murdered and mutilated, and three children were tortured in Keerom regency.

Ramandey said that the cases handled by Komnas HAM indicated that the torture experienced by civilians was extremely brutal, inhumane, and violated human rights.

According to Ramandey, similar methods of torture used by the military were employed during Indonesia’s New Order regime.

“They tend to repeatedly commit torture. [The modus operandi] used [is reminiscent of] the New Order regime, using drums, tying up individuals, rendering them helpless, allowing perpetrators to freely carry out torture,” he said.

Ramandey emphasised that such torture only perpetuated the cycle of violence in Papua.

Human rights training
He insisted that TNI soldiers deployed in Papua must receive proper training on human rights. Additionally, soldiers involved in torture cases must be prosecuted.

“Otherwise, the cycle of violence will continue because [the torture that occurs] will breed hatred, resentment, and anger,” said Ramandey.

Ramandey called for an evaluation of the deployment of TNI troops from outside Papua to the region.

According to Ramandey, TNI troops from outside Papua would be better placed under the control of the local Military Area Command (Kodam) instead of the current practice of under the Operational Control of the Joint Defence Region Command (Kogabwilhan) III.

He believed that the Papua conflict could only be resolved through peaceful dialogue. He urged the state to create space for such peaceful dialogue, including humanitarian dialogue advocated by Komnas HAM in 2023.

Repetition due to impunity
In a written statement last weekend, the director of Amnesty International Indonesia, Usman Hamid, said that the right of every individual to be free from torture was part of internationally recognised norms.

Usman said that Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and General Comment No. 20 on Article 7 of the ICCPR had affirmed that no one could be subjected to practices of torture/cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment under any circumstances.

“No one in this world, including in Papua, should be treated inhumanely and have their dignity degraded, let alone resulting in loss of life,” wrote Usman.

Usman criticised the practice of impunity towards suspected perpetrators of various past cases, which had led to repeated cases of torture of civilians by TNI soldiers.

“These actions keep repeating because there has been no punishment for members who have been proven to have committed crimes such as kidnapping, torture, and even loss of life,” he said.

According to Jubi’s records, TNI soldiers are suspected of repeatedly being involved in the torture of civilians in Papua.

On February 22, 2022, TNI soldiers allegedly assaulted seven children in Sinak District, Puncak Regency, after a soldier from 521/Dadaha Yodha Infantry Battalion 521, Second Pvt. Kristian Sandi Alviando, lost his SS2 weapon at PT Modern hangar, Tapulunik Sinak Airport.

The seven children subjected to torture were Deson Murib, Makilon Tabuni, Pingki Wanimbo, Waiten Murib, Aton Murib, Elison Murib, and Murtal Kulua. Makilon Tabuni later died.

Killed and mutilated
On August 22, 2022, a number of TNI soldiers allegedly killed and mutilated four residents of Nduga in Settlement Unit 1, Mimika Baru District, Mimika Regency.

The four victims of murder and mutilation were Arnold Lokbere, Irian Nirigi, Lemaniel Nirigi, and Atis Tini.

On August 28, 2022, soldiers from Raider 600/Modang Infantry Battalion allegedly apprehended and assaulted four intoxicated individuals in Mappi Regency, South Papua Province.

The four individuals arrested for drunkenness were Amsal Pius Yimsimem, Korbinus Yamin, Lodefius Tikamtahae, and Saferius Yame.

Komnas HAM Papua said that these four individuals also experienced abuse resulting in injuries all over their bodies.

On August 30, 2022, soldiers stationed at Bade Post, Edera District, Mappi Regency, allegedly committed assault resulting in the death of Bruno Amenim Kimko and severe injuries to Yohanis Kanggun.

A total of 18 soldiers from Raider 600/Modang Infantry Battalion were suspects in the case.

On October 27, 2022, three children in Keerom Regency, Rahmat Paisei, 15; Bastian Bate, 13; and Laurents Kaung, 11; were allegedly abused by TNI soldiers at a military post in Arso II District, Arso, Keerom Regency, Papua.

These three children were reportedly abused using chains, wire rolls, and hoses, requiring hospital treatment.

On February 22, 2023, TNI soldiers at Lantamal X1 Ilwayap Post allegedly assaulted Albertus Kaize and Daniel Kaize. Albertus Kaize died as a result.

Republished with permission from Jubi/West Papua Daily.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

This weekend’s visit to Australia by New Zealand Prime Minister Chris Hipkins speaks volumes about major changes underway in New Zealand foreign policy.

Hipkins is flying to Brisbane – Australia’s third-biggest city and home to around 100,000 New Zealand citizens – to meet with his counterpart, Anthony Albanese.

The trip’s significance comes in part from its timing. Hipkins is visiting just before Anzac Day on 25 April. On this day each year, Australia and New Zealand both remember the role played and losses suffered by the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (or Anzac for short) in World War I, and by their forces in other conflicts.

In advance of the New Zealand PM’s travel, a new partnership called ‘Plan Anzac’ has been unveiled which promises ‘sustained cooperation’ between the Australian and New Zealand militaries. The arrangement covers a wide range of areas that include ‘strategic engagement, capability, training, readiness and common personnel issues’.

Hipkins’ visit is also expected to serve as an occasion for Australia to unveil a more generous pathway to citizenship for the near million-strong population of New Zealanders living in Australia – an attempt at putting to bed disquiet from New Zealanders who feel Australia has not upheld traditional Anzac ‘mateship’.

There is no better time of year for Canberra and Wellington to send signals of unity.

And the bonhomie comes as New Zealand increasingly follows in Australia’s foreign policy footsteps.

The most recent example of the alignment came in the acceptance by both Albanese and Hipkins of an invitation to the NATO leaders’ summit in Lithuania this July.

The joint RSVP was almost certainly coordinated between Canberra and Wellington.

After NATO’s Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg publicly invited the pair to attend the meeting a fortnight ago, Hipkins initially remained non-committal, telling reporters he hadn’t decided on whether he would attend and pointedly noting his busy schedule during New Zealand’s election year.

Media reports surfaced soon afterwards that claimed Albanese would be a no-show in Vilnius.

The reporting was not initially denied.

Albanese already has a packed international calendar this year. The Australian PM perhaps thought that his guest attendance at the G7 in Hiroshima and hosting of a Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the United States) leaders’ summit in Sydney next month would be more than enough to satisfy US and European leaders.

If Albanese himself was planning on skipping NATO, this also explained why Hipkins showed a marked lack of enthusiasm.

But criticism by political rivals and commentators – and perhaps some pressure behind the scenes – appeared to change Albanese’s mind and by Monday this week, the Australian leader was saying he ‘would be very pleased to accept’ the NATO invitation.

Yesterday, Hipkins announced that he would also be heading to Vilnius.

In other words, Australia led – and New Zealand followed.

The countries are also becoming closer in other ways.

Most notably, New Zealand defence minister Andrew Little signalled last month that Wellington was interested in joining a second ‘pillar’ of the AUKUS arrangements that focuses on cybertechnology.

A week later, Little held talks in Wellington with his Australian counterpart, Richard Marles.

Little was typically circumspect about the substance of the talks and played down the AUKUS element.

However, Marles noted ‘alignment’ between Australia and New Zealand, adding ‘it’s really important that we are working as closely together as possible’.

The pair’s meeting came not long after a visit to New Zealand by Kurt Campbell, the White House’s Indo-Pacific coordinator – illustrating how pressures and interests from further afield are also at play, a factor reinforced by the NATO invitation.

Then there is the small matter of TikTok.

Both Australia and New Zealand have issued bans over the past month – and surprisingly, this time New Zealand appeared to be the leader, not the follower.

In March, New Zealand’s Parliamentary Service effectively banned use of the smartphone app, owned by Chinese company ByteDance, by MPs and staffers who accessed Parliament’s network.

The move followed a directive (issued in November 2022, although only publicly revealed months later) by New Zealand’s Defence Force ordering its personnel to delete TikTok from their devices.

For its part, Australia waited until earlier this month to make its decision– but it then issued a far more sweeping ban that prohibited the use of TikTok on devices used by employees at all Australian federal government departments and agencies.

It was also reported that more than half of Australia’s federal government agencies had already banned TikTok.

This suggested Australia was the leader after all.

If alignment is a keyword in the 2023 version of the Australia-New Zealand relationship, another is ‘interoperability’.

Little spoke of the need for a ‘seamless sort of interoperability’ with Australia after taking on the defence portfolio earlier this year – and the word is also used repeatedly to justify the new ‘Plan Anzac’ military partnership.

Expect to hear more about the need for New Zealand to harmonise its capabilities with those of Australia – especially when the results of New Zealand’s Defence Policy Review are soon announced.

The outcome of the Defence Policy Review is also likely to serve as a justification for New Zealand to announce greater military spending.

It remains to be seen how China will react to New Zealand’s increasing willingness to fall in line with Australia – and with NATO.

Trade repercussions seem unlikely, although cannot be ruled out if New Zealand becomes deeply intertwined with Aukus.

China and Australia are currently in a healing phase over trade, after Beijing effectively offered to settle a dispute with Canberra over the tariffs China imposed in 2020 on Australia’s barley exports.

In the short term, any displeasure from China at New Zealand’s decision to take a more Australia-friendly path is more likely to come in the form of ‘playing hard to get’.

A notable omission from Hipkins’ travel announcements this week was any confirmation of a trip to China.

In her final months in office, Jacinda Ardern indicated she was seeking to visit China early in 2023 – a plan that Hipkins initially reaffirmed, but later walked back.

In the announcement of Chris Hipkins’ travel plans this week, the Prime Minister’s office did add that the Government was ‘continuing to pursue a trade focused trip to China later in the year’.

But for Hipkins to visit China, he will need an invitation.

And that invitation may have just become that much harder to obtain.

After all, Chris Hipkins is choosing Brisbane over Beijing.

At least for now.

Geoffrey Miller is the Democracy Project’s geopolitical analyst and writes on current New Zealand foreign policy and related geopolitical issues. He has lived in Germany and the Middle East and is a learner of Arabic and Russian. He is currently working on a PhD on New Zealand’s relations with the Gulf states.

Quietly passing us by in these frenetic covid-19 coronavirus weeks as New Zealand takes a big step back to “normality” tomorrow – but it should be a step forwards for a “reset” – is the fate of those hugely wasteful and pointless war games: RIMPAC.

Thankfully RIMPAC 2020 has at least been postponed until August 17-31, a casualty of the pandemic. But they should be dropped all together.

The biggest war games in the world and sponsored by the US Navy, the 27th Rim of the Pacific will be an “at sea only” mock showdown without the usual land and air forces involved.

READ MORE: Al Jazeera coronavirus live updates – China’s Jilin in lockdown after virus cluster

Ironically, this year’s theme is “capable, adaptive, partners”.

Defending RIMPAC, the US Navy claims the exercise is designed to foster and sustain cooperative relationships, “critical to ensuring the safety of sea lanes and security in support of a free and open Indo-Pacific region”.

Admiral John Aquilino, Commander, US Pacific Fleet, adds: “We will operate safely, using prudent mitigation measures.”

But seriously what is the real justification for staging them at all given the global covid-19 crisis and the United Nations chief’s call on March 23 for a global ceasefire to focus on the “true fight of our lives”?

Silencing the guns
Ten days later, UN Secretary-General António Guterres followed up with an open letter to the world repeating his plea and declaring: “To silence the guns, we must raise the voices for peace.” He said:

“Ten days ago, I issued an appeal for an immediate ceasefire in all corners of the globe to reinforce diplomatic action, help create conditions for the delivery of lifesaving aid, and bring hope to places that are among the most vulnerable to the covid-19 pandemic.

“This call was rooted in a fundamental recognition: There should be only one fight in our world today: our shared battle against covid-19.

“We know the pandemic is having profound social, economic and political consequences, including relating to international peace and security.

“We see it, for example, in postponement of elections or limitations on the ability to vote, sustained restrictions on movement, spiralling unemployment and other factors that could contribute to rising discontent and political tensions.

“In addition, terrorist or extremist groups may take profit from the uncertainty created by the spread of the pandemic.

“Nonetheless, the global ceasefire appeal is resonating across the world.”

Stalled ceasefire vote
But it hasn’t resonated with isolationist Donald Trump’s United States. Washington “stunned” other members of the UN Security Council last Friday by preventing a vote on a resolution for a ceasefire in various conflicts around the world.

Responding in a recent Daily Blog column, campaigner John Minto wrote: “How brainless is this when we all know ships are floating viral incubators?”

Media reports have highlighted the grim case early last month of the USS Theodore Roosevelt, which was forced to put ashore in Guam more than 1100 crew members (more than a quarter of the ship’s total) infected with covid-19 and a row over the skipper who was the courageous whistleblower.

Captain Brett Crozier was relieved of his command after a letter he wrote to his superiors about the crisis was leaked to the media and he now has a desk job at US Pacific Fleet headquarters in San Diego, California.

Then there was the case of the French aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle, recalled 10 days early from deployment in the Atlantic on an anti-ISIS NATO exercise in the middle of last month. The ship was forced to put ashore 660 crew members – a third of the total – infected in a coronavirus outbreak.

At least 26 US Navy warships have reported cases of covid-19 infection, reports CNN.

A senior Navy official was cited as saying the ships were taken into port or maintenance yards for disinfecting but individual ships have not been publicly identified for “security reasons”.

More than 3500 US service members had been tested positive for the virus, including two deaths, by the end of April.

‘Dead keen’ for NZ
Despite this, notes Minto, Defence Minister Ron Mark is “dead keen for New Zealand to take part”.

“We must join hands with people from around the Pacific and around the world to tell our governments to stop this dangerous behaviour,” adds Minto.

One of the bizarre footnotes to RIMPAC is the news that Israel is one of the countries that has pulled out this year. Why was it even in the mix in the first place?

Israel took part in the exercise for the first time in 2018 – along with 26 other nations, 47 surface ships, five submarines, 18 national land forces, and more than 200 aircraft and 25,000 military personnel, reports The Jerusalem Post.

However, in March the Israeli military cancelled all joint military drills because of the coronavirus pandemic.

In an open letter to Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, many peace groups, non-government organisations, academics, environmental campaigners and concerned citizens have declared:

“Given the global covid-19 pandemic, it is irresponsible to send New Zealand soldiers to interact with local communities in Hawai’i and to interact with soldiers from dozens of other nations. There is every probability that soldiers will transmit the virus, exacerbating the spread and imposing heavy tolls on vulnerable communities.”

Vindictive treatment for Jakarta Five
Among other pandemic news that has dropped in the shadows is a revelation that the Jakarta Six activists – originally there were six but one has been released already – for Papua self-determination will languish in jail for their full jail terms and risk being infected.

Their plight and that of other political prisoners has already been canvased in an earlier edition of this Pacific Pandemic Diary column.

The five had been expected to be released early as part of the Indonesian government’s policy over prisoners in the light of the rapidly spreading virus. But this was cancelled by a last-minute political intervention from Jakarta.

Outrageous and vindictive.

According to the human rights watchdog TAPOL – which protested to the Indonesian government – Suryanta, Ambrosius Mulait, Dano Tabuni, and Charles Kossay are currently detained in Salemba Detention Center.

Ariana Elopere is detained at Pondok Bambu Detention Center where 24 prisoners have tested positive for covid-19.

“On Monday afternoon, the five remaining prisoners signed ‘letters of execution of sentences’ and in the evening, guarantors signed ‘letters of assimilation’. Yesterday [Tuesday], at midday, they signed letters confirming assimilation release, tested negative for covid-19 and were given rice and instant noodles by the detention centre to take home.”

Then they were told their planned release had been cancelled. They will now serve out their full sentences before being freed on May 26.

‘Brutal, deep and systemic’
Finally, with all the conflicted news of countries and states opening up their economies before they are ready, spare a thought for French Polynesia.

Senator Nuihau Laurey, put a cat among the pigeons by criticising the Tahiti local government for failing to cope adequately with the covid-19 pandemic, saying it was too dependent on France, and describing the impact of the crisis on the island paradise as “brutal, deep and systemic”.

This riled his party colleagues in a territory that has had 60 cases but no deaths with the Pape’ete leadership snorting what had he done for French Polynesia.

Unity, folks? Unity in the face of adversity facing us all.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

By JC Gotinga in Manila

After days of silence, Defence Secretary Delfin Lorenzana today finally made a public statement on the termination of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with the US, saying Philippine and American forces will cease to have joint exercises after the repeal takes effect in 180 days, or 6 months.

“With the formal serving of the notice of termination of the Visiting Forces Agreement, this year’s planned military exercises with the Americans shall proceed as scheduled within the 180 days that the VFA remains in force. However, our American counterparts may opt to discontinue the scheduled exercises before the 180 days are up,” Lorenzana said.

“Once the termination is final, we will cease to have exercises with them,” he added.

READ MORE: Timeline to terminating the VFA with the US

The Philippine and US militaries hold an average of 300 joint activities every year, many of them exercises and trainings meant to increase interoperability, or the familiarity that enables both sides to work seamlessly together.

Among those activities are the annual Balikatan exercises, set for May this year, which involves all of the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ (AFP) service branches: the Army, the Air Force, and the Navy, which includes the Marines.

Balikatan
This year’s Balikatan exercises fall within the 6-month interim following President Rodrigo Duterte officially ordered the repeal of the VFA on Tuesday, February 11.

The VFA states that its termination takes effect after 180 days of the issuance of a notice from either party.

Besides the Balikatan, major joint activities between the AFP and the US military include the Kamandag exercises of their marine corps, the MTA Sama-Sama involving their navies, the Salaknib exercises of the two armies, and the Bilateral Air Contingent Exercise between their air forces.

AFP generals have credited these trainings with the advancement of Filipino troops’ warfighting capabilities, and exposure to advanced technologies and assets. The US Armed Forces is among the most formidable militaries in the world.

On Monday, US Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs R. Clarke Cooper told reporters that joint military exercises between the Philippines and the US would “be reduced or disappear” if the VFA were to end.

Easy entry
The VFA allows for the easy entry of US troops into the Philippines by waiving regular immigration requirements such as passports and visas for US servicemen and women on official business.

It also sets rules on the entry and movement of US assets, and jurisdiction and trial proceedings for US military members accused of crimes committed while in the Philippines.

Ending the VFA would entail a major drawdown of US military troops in the Philippines.

It may also affect the implementation of the 1951 Mutual Defence Treaty between the two countries, and their Enhanced Defence Cooperation Agreement on the placement of military troops and assets in certain Philippine bases.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz