Marten Newhall/Unsplash Global society makes billions of images and uploads hundreds of thousands of hours of video on the internet every day. The problem is, some of this content is misleading or downright wrong.

And when it’s in visual form, it can be particularly convincing. Take the Met Gala that happened earlier this month in New York.

While photographers snapped photos of Rhianna, Beyoncé and Nicole Kidman as they strutted their stuff, others saw “photos” of celebrities, such as Rosalía, Lady Gaga and Jacob Elordi, who were actually elsewhere (the images in the below Instagram carousel are AI generated).

While this type of AI slop might seem harmless and can be easily verified, other “media fakery” is becoming far more problematic and demands more robust techniques to verify. Traditional verification techniques are falling short as AI becomes increasingly convincing and the line between authentic and synthetic blurs.

This is true across all content, from still images to moving ones and audio deepfakes. The volume of content and the speed at which it travels doesn’t help. It also doesn’t help that fact-checking can take hours or days while fakes can be created in seconds.

First, equip yourself Guides on detecting AI-generated content suggest multiple strategies and acknowledge there are no perfect solutions. But there are helpful things you can do. Familiarise yourself with examples of fakes and study how they were fact-checked.

This helps you understand what is possible and learn how fact-checkers sort real from fake. Look deeply. Zoom in. Pause the content or watch it frame-by-frame. Inspect the small details. Look out for inconsistencies, textures that are flat when they shouldn’t be, or patterns that are too perfect or are inexplicably off.

Does the location shown match with where the scene is purported to be? Do shadows fall naturally and do lines follow the rules of perspective? Look widely. Are you familiar with the source? What else does it publish and how long has it been around?

What do other trusted sources say? How does this depiction compare to others that are available? Or if there aren’t others available, should that give you pause? Then, apply your learnings Let’s take an example and work through it together.

This Facebook reel, posted by an account called “Real Talk Hub”, purports to show migrants being stopped and returned by Australian police at an airport. Before getting too granular, let’s take stock of the opening image.

The video uses scale to show what appears to be a long stream of passengers. Some are moving toward and some are moving away from a plane. It is difficult to identify specifics in the video.

The superimposed text blocks almost all of the horizon line. Shallow depth of field makes aspects in the distance blurry and hard to discern. Many of the passengers have darker skin and are visually coded as “other”.

They interact with a light-skinned police officer who takes notes on a clipboard. The vertical video is framed carefully to not reveal identifiers like the name of the airline that seems to start with the letter “P”.

This makes it difficult to search the airline’s name and whether credible sources corroborate the story that’s told. Even though the people and scenes look realistic at first glance, the video’s integrity unravels when we slow down and look closer.

People in the passenger line morph and transform. The officer is able to single-handedly remove the paper from the clipboard and it appears to inexplicably leave white strips behind. The police vests look different to images you can find in verified media photos of the Australian Federal Police.

Taken together, all these clues suggest the video is AI-generated. The paper on the clipboard moves in an unrealistic way, and the police vest is not accurate. Real Talk Hub/Facebook Think like a fact-checker Many AI-generated videos can trick you and create a very compelling narrative.

So, fact-checkers have developed triangulated methodologies that examine elements beyond just what you see in the video. One way to do this is to systematically check contextual factors – the other things surrounding the content. Our team’s research has found professional fact-checkers usually pay attention to the type of social media accounts or websites distributing suspicious media.

For this AAP verification on a video about banning dogs on the beach, it was crucial to inspect the user’s activity and posting patterns. In addition to visual anomalies, the fact-checkers also found an invisible watermark that helped them determine the content was AI-generated.

Other things to check are how long a social media account has been operating, how often the social media account posts, and whether the account is transparent about its use of AI. These aren’t fool-proof indicators of authenticity, though.

The migrant example above comes from an account that is about five years old. It also comes from a “verified” account, which might make it feel more credible. But both Facebook and X now let users pay for this verification.

Overall, when it comes to suspect images or video, don’t just look deeply. Also look widely. AI-generated content can increasingly fool our eyes, so you also have to look beyond what’s in the video.

Taking a mixed-methods approach that considers visual and contextual clues can help. By training your ability to think like a fact-checker, you can stay safer online. Read more: We teach young people to write.

In the age of AI, we must teach them how to see

Silvia Montaña-Niño is also associate investigator of the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making & Society and the Fact Check Research Team at this centre.

T.J.

Thomson receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is an affiliate with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/three-ways-to-avoid-being-fooled-by-ai-slop/

The International Court of Justice has just resolved a 14-year dispute over workers’ right to strike – giving trade unions worldwide a significant win.

In a historic decision late last week, the court issued an advisory opinion that the right to strike is protected by a United Nations treaty, the International Labour Organization’s Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention (also known as convention 87).

The new court decision does not mean we’ll suddenly see outbreaks of strike action all over the world. However, it does matter right around the world – particularly in 158 countries that have ratified convention 87, including Australia, Canada, Indonesia and the United Kingdom.

A fight triggered by an employers’ ‘strike’ The International Labour Organization (ILO) is unique among the United Nations’ agencies because of its “tripartite” (three part) membership: with representatives from member states, trade unions and employer groups.

In 1948, the ILO adopted convention 87. All the countries that have since formally adopted the convention (a process called “ratification”) committed themselves to protecting freedom of association and the right to organise in their own domestic laws.

The convention made no explicit reference to the right to strike. Yet for decades the ILO’s supervisory bodies – which supervise the implementation of convention obligations – said that the convention did protect the right to strike.

Why? That view was based on the wording of the convention, stating workers have the right to form their own associations and organise their own programmes and activities. Strike action was interpreted as one of those protected activities.

But in 2012, the ILO’s employer representatives decided that longstanding interpretation was wrong – so they staged a “strike” of their own. For the past 14 years, the employer representatives have refused to cooperate with ILO supervisory processes considering if countries are complying with convention 87 when the right to strike was involved.

Since 2023, that stalemate has been before the International Court of Justice – which is the court which has the power to interpret ILO conventions. Last week, the court’s judges voted ten to four in favour of the unions’ argument, concluding “the right to strike of workers and their organizations is protected” under the convention.

What was at stake While countries aren’t legally bound to follow International Court of Justice’s advisory decisions, like this one, they do still carry significant legal and political weight worldwide. The ILO is the only place in international law where trade unions can make formal complaints if a country is not respecting its obligations to protect the right to strike.

All of that was at risk if the International Court of Justice had made a different decision. A finding that went the other way – in favour of the employers’ case – would have weakened the right to strike worldwide.

Last week’s court finding was a huge win for the international trade union movement. Australia shows why it matters The advisory opinion is particularly significant for the 158 nations that have ratified convention 87. Here’s an example of why.

Australia used to be thought of as a country with high rates of strike action. However, since Australia legislated for a right to strike in 1993, that has stopped being true. In fact, over recent decades, strike action in Australia has stayed as low as it has ever been.

Strike rates in Australia are so low partially because it is harder than people realise to take lawful strike action here.

Since 1993 when a legislated right to strike was introduced, the laws that say when you can strike legally have got tighter and tighter, and the hurdles unions have to jump have got higher and higher.

Even when unions can satisfy the rules around when they can strike, it is easy to get it wrong. When that happens, they can lose the right to strike altogether. That may sound like a good thing, especially if you’ve ever been caught in a train worker strike, or had to keep children home during a teachers’ strike.

But not being able to strike significantly weakens all workers’ bargaining power. When the cost of living rises and wages don’t keep up, employees end up financially worse off than before. Read more: Real wages have gone backwards.

Even earning $100,000 isn’t what it used to be What it could mean long term Like a lot of other nations, Australia won’t see any instant impacts of this new international court advisory opinion.

However, the court’s finding does mean the ILO is no longer stuck in a deadlock. The ICJ decision means that the ILO supervisory bodies can start scrutinising Australia’s strike laws again. It also means Australian unions have a better chance of bringing complaints about our laws to the ILO – and being successful.

That potential for increased international scrutiny may help shift the dial on Australia’s highly restrictive strike laws. This is a good thing for workers. A healthy industrial relations system needs a well-protected, accessible right to strike.

Shae McCrystal has received funding from the Australian Research Council.

She has published several books including ‘The Right to Strike in Australia’ and ‘Strike Ballots, Democracy and Law’.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/after-a-landmark-international-court-case-backed-workers-right-to-strike-heres-what-could-change/

Attila Csaszar/Getty Images In years gone by, school leavers had one main chance to get into university – by finishing their Year 12 exams with certain marks. Media coverage of Year 12 results perpetuates the idea everything hinges on your final exams.

Every year it runs the same stories of star students with perfect ATARs (Australian Tertiary Entrance Rank). In reality, the ATAR is just one way to begin undergraduate study. There are multiple paths that can take you to uni if that’s where you want to go.

One of these paths is an enabling program. How do these work? Read more: Help! I’m almost finished school but don’t know what I want to do next What are enabling courses? Enabling courses are designed to lead to a university course, usually an undergraduate degree.

They were traditionally called “bridging” programs because they bridge the gap between high school and university for students who don’t meet university entrance requirements. They are also called tertiary preparation programs (or TPPs) because they prepare students for undergraduate tertiary study.

You may also hear them called “uni ready” courses. Enabling courses are fee-free for Australian citizens, as part of a federal government push to encourage wider participation in university study. Some students enter straight out of school or during the senior years of school.

Some enter many years after leaving school and may not have completed Year 12. Different universities in different states will have different admission requirements, for example, English language requirements. Students should check the specific website of the university for the most detailed and current information.

How do they work? There are about 48 enabling programs offered by universities across Australia. The courses can cover a variety of different subjects like academic writing, study skills, mathematics, science, digital literacy and discipline-specific options.

They all teach the skills you need to do well in university study, even if you have not completed high school. The courses are taught by university lecturers who are especially focused on student support and inclusive teaching.

What’s involved? These courses can be delivered in high schools, on university campuses, face-to-face or online. Usually students complete four courses that relate to the undergraduate discipline they want to enter. Successful completion of these usually allows the student to enrol directly into the undergraduate program.

This can include areas such as law, communications, science, arts, education, business, engineering and healthcare, but may vary across different universities. The programs, with four courses, can potentially be completed in a single semester, or even in a compressed study session over the summer holiday period.

So, in theory, you could do an enabling course and enrol in an undergraduate degree mid-year or the next year. To get started you can search the website of the university of your choice for “enabling”, “TPP” or “FFUR” courses and apply directly online.

Also speak directly to support staff at the uni to ask what prerequisites you need to apply for the degree you are interested in. Who can do an enabling course? It is estimated approximately 25,000 students Australia-wide will undertake a fee-free enabling course in 2026.

Around 60% of enabling students are from equity groups who are less likely to go to uni. This includes students from regional and remote areas, students from a non-English speaking background, people with a disability or students from low socioeconomic backgrounds.

Enabling programs can also benefit students who experienced significant illness or disruption in their final years at school. Or perhaps they are the first person in their family to go to university. What does it mean for later study?

Doing an enabling program does not mean you are less able to cope with uni than peers who enrolled with an ATAR. Data suggests students who enter degree programs via enabling courses do just as well in their studies as students who come straight from high school.

In our own experience, we see some students enjoy enabling programs more than school study – they prefer the more flexible, adult environment. Some young people don’t know what they want to do when they leave school.

So an enabling course also gives them a chance to try out higher education without incurring a debt.

Susan Hopkins teaches in an enabling education program and works for a university which offers a Tertiary Preparation Program.

Greg Nash teaches in an enabling education program and works for a university which offers a Tertiary Preparation Program.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/you-dont-need-an-atar-to-go-to-uni-you-can-do-an-enabling-or-bridging-course-instead/

Pexels/Erik Mclean, CC BY In 1973, Japanese food company Calbee started attaching free collectable baseball player cards to its potato chip packets (and continues to do so today). It was mimicking a trend that had already taken off in tobacco markets in Japan and overseas.

Baseball, Japan’s national sport, was an obvious choice for Calbee to attract consumers. Some four years later, rival company Lotte joined the trend, launching a chocolate wafer snack with Bikkuriman “surprise man” stickers. These stickers quickly caught on – and eventually spawned an entire fantasy world that made its way to anime and manga.

Both Calbee and Lotte helped set a template for how children’s collectables could become objects of desire, competition and, later, nostalgia. Bikkuriman is still sold today, with rare 1980s Super Zeus stickers going for thousands of dollars to adult collectors.

It was against this backdrop that Satoshi Tajiri (born 1965) grew up. He would have been about 12 when the first Bikkuriman card was released. Satoshi himself would end up creating one of the most popular collectable card games in the world: Pokémon.

These cards are now so highly coveted they are driving international crime, getting banned from schools, and locked behind glass cabinets in stores. Creating the cultural conditions for a hit Satoshi drew on a childhood memory when he created Pokémon (short for “Pocket Monsters”): catching insects and trading them with friends.

He imagined a Nintendo Game Boy game where players could collect and exchange monsters. After seven years in development, Pocket Monsters Red and Green launched in February 1996. This was followed by a trading card game in October.

In 1997, the anime began airing on Japanese television, with a protagonist also named Satoshi (the name still used in Japan today). Pikachu – originally just one of 151 monsters – became the face of the franchise. Like Bikkuriman, Pocket Monster spread rapidly across games, TV and print media.

But unlike Bikkuriman, it also aimed to cross borders. The English-language version of the game was released in 1998, with its name changed to Pokémon. “Pocket Monsters” may have sounded awkward, or even suggestive, to English speakers.

Although it remains the official name in Japan, most Japanese fans also use the portmanteau, Pokémon. Character names were also adapted and anglicised for overseas audiences. For instance, Satoshi became Ash.

Nyarth, a bipedal cat thought to be inspired by the Japanese lucky charm maneki-neko, became Meowth, to match the English-language cat sound. (Pikachu, drawing on the Japanese onomatopoeia of “pika” and “chu”, was retained.) Soon enough, the character names, types and Pokédex numbers became shared internationally, allowing players the world over to connect through a shared Pokémon language.

In 2004, the first World Championship for the Pokémon Trading Card Game was held in the United States. Squirtle in your neighbourhood It’s difficult for any single commodity to maintain popularity over decades. During the early 2010s, Nintendo suffered significantly, even falling into deficit, and the Pokémon franchise faced competition from rivals such as Yu-Gi-Oh! and Yo-Kai Watch.

The old-school model of marketing through traditional media was no longer enough for global dominance. To survive, Pokémon would need to adopt the logic of new media platforms – and catch the eye of the online generation.

Then came Pokémon GO. The 2016 smartphone app was developed by American software company Niantic, in collaboration with Nintendo and The Pokémon Company. Through augmented reality, parks, shopping streets and neighbourhoods gained new meaning as potential locations for your next Pokémon catch.

One grandfather in Taiwan made the news for using 64 smartphones at once. Some players even travelled internationally to capture region-exclusive Pokémon, such as Kangaskhan in Australia, which was clearly modelled on a kangaroo. Downloaded more than 500 million times, the enormous success of Pokémon GO played a key role in re-energising the global Pokémon fandom.

Many players sought out the cards they had collected as children. Interest was further amplified by the release of Pokémon TCG Pocket. Released in 2024, this app digitised the old-school Japanese tabletop to make it accesible for all.

Chasing profits and childhood memories Then there was another, less predictable factor that drove the popularity of Pokémon cards: COVID lockdowns. With more time at home, people dug out old binders and rediscovered their childhood cards – many of which had high value – and began trading to make money.

This has led to a renewed interest in rare cards such as the Pikachu Illustrator, which was distributed in 1998 to the winners of an illustration contest. The card features artwork by Atsuko Nishida, Pikachu’s original designer.

With only 39 copies known to exist, collectors call it the “holy grail” of Pokémon cards. Earlier this year, influencer Logan Paul sold his Pikachu Illustrator for US$16.492 million, setting a record for the most expensive trading card ever sold.

This potential for profit has led to a surge in Pokémon card-related crime, as the cards are easy to carry, hide and move internationally. We’ve seen a wave of burglaries targeting hobby shops all over the world, including in Australia, the US and Japan.

Many fans may now find themselves unable to purchase cards due to the economic bubble. Still, it seems demand is high; roughly 10.2 billion cards were printed from 2024 to 2025. Pokémon cards are a rare kind of tangible object.

They connect the digital to the physical – the past to the present – and Japan to the world.

They aren’t just collectables; they are a cultural currency, which, unfortunately, can be stolen.

Tets Kimura does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/why-are-people-obsessed-with-and-stealing-pokemon-cards-again/

Guido Mieth/Getty Images If you or someone you’re caring for has a medical emergency, visit your nearest emergency department or call 000. But what if it’s not an emergency, or you’re not sure?

Sometimes you can’t wait wait until 9am or Monday morning to see a doctor or access health care. You might have a fever that’s not subsiding, a sprain that could be a break, a painful urinary tract infection, or a distressing situation that demands immediate mental health support.

Here are your options for accessing timely health care, in-person and virtually – including some that are free. Medicare Urgent Care Clinics Medicare Urgent Care Clinics provide bulk-billed care by a general practitioner (GP) for non-life-threatening illnesses and injuries.

Patients can walk in without an appointment or referral, and can access other services such as blood tests and X-rays. There are no out-of-pocket costs. You can find your local clinic here. Search engines to find a GP appointment – in person or online Health service search engines such as Healthengine and HotDoc can help you find GPs and book appointments.

You can filter search results by types of services and telehealth availability, including the “GP telehealth on-demand option within 15 minutes” on Hotdoc. Many will come with out-of-pocket costs. Home visits In-person home doctor visits for urgent, episodic illness or injury can also be arranged through options such as 13SICK National Home Doctor Service, DoctorDoctor, Hello Home Doctor Service, Sydmed, 13 CURE and OnCallDrs.

These are often bulk billed. A call with a nurse or doctor The new 1800MEDICARE helpline is a free 24/7 service where you can speak to a registered nurse about any health concern. They will listen to your concerns, assess your symptoms and provide advice on next steps.

This might mean looking after yourself at home, getting help from a GP, or attending an Urgent Care Clinic, pharmacy or emergency department. If the 1800MEDICARE nurse advises you to see a GP within 24 hours, you may be offered a telephone or video call back from a 1800MEDICARE GP.

These GPs can provide prescriptions via SMS.

Virtual emergency departments for non-life-threatening emergencies Virtual emergency departments are free, online emergency departments that treat non-life-threatening emergencies such as pain, sprains, infections, respiratory illnesses, gastroenteritis, high blood pressure, pain, infections, minor burns and rashes.

Examples include: the Victorian Virtual Emergency Department the South Australia Child and Adolescent Virtual Urgent Care Service Queensland Virtual Emergency Care Service. Read more: What is a virtual emergency department? And when should you ‘visit’ one?

Another similar option is My Emergency Doctor, which offers patients access to specialist emergency doctors via video call or telephone 24 hours a day, seven days a week. However, this service costs 0. Medicines and pharmacists Some pharmacies operate on extended business hours, including 24 hours.

You can find a pharmacy near you at this link, with the option to filter by “extended hours”. In some circumstances, pharmacies can issue a small amount of a medicine if you’ve run out.

In some states and territories, pharmacists can provide medicines such as antibiotics for simple urinary tract infections without a prescription. Read more: It’s now easier to get antibiotics for UTIs. But here’s what to do if your symptoms don’t go away For people living in remote Australia, the Royal Flying Doctor Service (RFDS) runs a Medical Chests program.

Medical chests contain a range of pharmaceutical and non-pharmaceutical items, including prescription-only medicines, which RFDS doctors may prescribe after a phone consultation. Pregnancy, birth and children Pregnancy, Birth and Baby is a free national service that provides support to expecting parents, and parents of children from birth to five years of age.

You can speak to maternal and child health nurses via phone, by calling 1800 882 436, or video call about you or your baby, between 7am and midnight, seven days a week. If video call isn’t an option, you can call 1800 882 436.

Screenshot from Pregnancy Birth Baby CubCare is another virtual urgent care option which provides access to paediatric emergency doctors, for a fee. Dental care The Australian Dental Foundation runs a free 24/7 Emergency Dental Hotline which can help you work out the urgency of your issue and your next steps.

National Emergency Dentist is a private health service which connects patients to emergency dentists offering same-day and after-hours appointments, for a fee. Mental health phone support Mental health support will depend on your individual needs and background.

You can access mental health support after hours through these call services (some also have online chats): Lifeline: 24/7 crisis support Beyond Blue: counselling via phone online chat Kids Helpline: 24/7 online and phone counselling for young people aged five to 25 years Suicide Call Back Service: 24/7 service providing phone and online counselling to anyone affected by suicide 1800 RESPECT: 24/7 support for people affected by domestic, family, or sexual violence Gambling Help Online: phone and online support for anyone affected by gambling National Alcohol and Other Drug Hotline: 24/7 service for all states and territories, except South Australia which operates 8.30am–10pm the Butterfly Foundation for free and confidential support about eating disorders and body image.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander services 13 YARN: 24/7 crisis support phone line operated by and for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples Yarning Safe’N’Strong: 24/7 support available to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who need to have a yarn with someone about their wellbeing Brother to Brother: 24/7 crisis line providing phone support for Aboriginal men, staffed by Aboriginal men, including Elders.

LGBTQIA+ services QLife: phone and webchat that operates during afternoons and evenings seven days a week to support LGBTQIA+ people. Communication assistance The National Translating and Interpreting Service offers support to non-English speaking people for their consultations.

This service is typically free, covers 150 languages and can be accessed after-hours. Register here.

The National Relay Service provides assistance to people with hearing or speech difficulties during their medical consultations.

Mahima Kalla received previous funding from the Digital Health Cooperative Research Centre to help build a patient consultation summary application within Healthdirect’s video telehealth platform.

Feby Savira Feby received a Priority Primary Care Centre Fellowship (2023-2025) supported by the Western Victoria Primary Health Network and was involved in the evaluation of Priority Primary Care Centres in the Western Victoria region.

Kara Burns receives funding from the Australian General Practice Foundation to research the scaling of digital maternity care in remote general practice.

Sathana Dushyanthen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/need-a-doctor-or-nurse-after-hours-how-to-get-virtual-or-in-person-care-in-australia-including-for-free/

Catherine Delahaye/Getty Have you ever eaten a green potato, or a bunch of rhubarb leaves? Hopefully not, because these two plant parts can be toxic to humans. While they may seem edible, they contain chemicals that can make you seriously ill.

Over centuries, humans have learnt which plants are safe to eat and which are not, often by combining ancient knowledge with modern science. The power of plants Without plants, we would struggle to get the nutrients we need.

Crops such as wheat and rice provide carbohydrates, the body’s main source of energy. Fruits and vegetables contain a wide range of vitamins that help us stay healthy. Plants are also chemical factories. To survive, they produce compounds that deter insects and animals that might eat them.

They may also release chemicals that protect them from disease. One example is the tobacco plant which produces nicotine, a natural alkaloid that helps protect the plant from insect attacks. Globally, there are tens of thousands of plants that contain toxic compounds.

In Australia, we have more than 1,000 native and introduced plant species that can be toxic to humans and animals, under certain conditions. However, humans only consume a small fraction of the world’s edible plant species.

What makes a plant toxic? A key principle of toxicology – the study of what makes something poisonous – is “it’s the dose that makes the poison”. This means certain toxic compounds are safe to consume, as long as you don’t eat too much of them.

Table salt is one example. You likely eat it everyday, but this substance can be harmful in excessive amounts. And many plant compounds that sound dangerous are actually safe, when consumed in small amounts. For instance, green potatoes contain glycoalkaloids, a group of chemicals that can cause symptoms such as vomiting, fever and diarrhea when consumed in large amounts.

Oxalates are a type of toxin found in rhubarb leaves. They too can make you sick, but only if you eat lots of them. Preparation is key At first, humans learnt which plants were nourishing and which were harmful through years of observation and experimentation.

For instance, cassava was first domesticated in South America where Indigenous communities developed processing methods to remove cyanide, a poisonous chemical found in the plant’s roots and leaves. Many other First Nations peoples developed sophisticated ways of preparing plants that contained toxins.

Some Aboriginal communities in northern Australia would soak, grind or cook cycad seeds to remove naturally occurring toxins before consumption. This knowledge soon became embedded in each community’s culture, as it was passed down through generations.

Today, we use various techniques to reduce or remove harmful compounds from plants. For example, raw or undercooked kidney beans contain a natural toxin called phytohaemagglutinin, which can cause illness. But by soaking and thoroughly boiling kidney beans, you can easily get rid of this toxin.

Fermentation is another way to remove poisonous chemicals from plants. This is because fermentation changes the plant’s chemistry in ways that can reduce or remove toxic compounds. For example, during soybean fermentation, microbes break down harmful compounds such as phytates and trypsin inhibitors, making the soybeans safer and easier to digest.

Read more: Little shop of horrors: the Australian plants that can kill you The role of modern science In some cases, scientists have modified toxic plants to make them safe to eat. Faba beans, also known as broad beans, are one example.

Faba beans are an increasingly important crop for Australian farmers, as they can attract high prices and help manage weeds. Like many plants, faba beans naturally contain vicine and convicine, two compounds that generally don’t affect humans.

But in people with a genetic condition called G6PD deficiency, they can trigger a serious reaction called favism. This condition can be life-threatening as it causes your red blood cells to rapidly break down.

Rather than abandoning this crop, scientists have used modern chemistry and plant breeding to develop new faba bean varieties with lower concentrations of these compounds. And farmers are already planting low-vicine varieties as part of their crop rotations.

Over millenia, humans have unpacked the complex chemistry of plants to learn what is safe to eat.

But how we consume these plants, and how much of them we eat, also affects how toxic they may be.

Joel Johnson receives scholarship funding from the Australian government for his PhD program.

Mani Naiker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/how-did-we-learn-which-plants-are-safe-to-eat-2-food-scientists-explain/

Getty Images As New Zealand enters the colder months of the year, more than a million Kiwis have begun receiving their government-funded top-ups to help pay the power bill. Since it was introduced in 2018, the Winter Energy Payment has helped pensioners, beneficiaries and others on fixed incomes cover heating costs.

It has also seen debate about who should receive it and whether it should be more tightly targeted. Student associations have proposed extending the payment to tertiary students – something our research has found a clear need for.

The group Share My Super has called on wealthier superannuitants to donate their payments to help children in poverty. But there a larger issue. The pressures the Winter Energy Payment was designed to ease have continued to mount, driven by rising energy prices and a worsening cost-of-living crisis.

Having not increased in line with energy prices, it has become less effective than originally intended. Today, almost one third of New Zealand households experience energy hardship, with serious consequences for health and wellbeing. Cold, damp and mouldy housing alone costs the country more than NZ million each year in hospitalisations.

On top of this now come the knock-on effects of the Iran war for local fuel, power and grocery bills. As things stand, the Winter Energy Payment will continue to be a band-aid measure that buys less warmth each year.

This strengthens the case for longer-term solutions that permanently reduce household exposure to high power prices, while tackling New Zealand’s energy “trilemma” of security, affordability and sustainability. What works – and what doesn’t New Zealand already has several initiatives that show what more structural solutions can achieve.

Successive government-funded insulation retrofit programmes have been very cost-effective, delivering subsidised insulation to over 385,000 homes since 2009 and $4.40 worth of benefits for every dollar spent. The Healthy Homes Initiative has also delivered strong results. The programme supports households with children hospitalised for housing-related illness, connecting them with insulation, income support, energy advice and practical low-cost measures such as draught stopping.

Evaluations show it has reduced hospitalisations by 19%. The Healthy Homes standards have also pushed landlords to improve rental properties, while stronger Building Code requirements are helping newer homes use less energy. While education programmes encouraging people to use less electricity can help, they also only go so far.

People on very tight budgets already know what drives their power bills.

For those who can’t shop around for better prices because they are locked into contracts or use prepay electricity due to a poor credit history, “choosing” to use heating isn’t possible without support to buy more power.

This where the Winter Energy Payment helps those who are eligible. It reduces bill stress, supports heating use and as, one participant in our research put it, suggests that “somebody cares”. Yet, as the payment buys less warmth each winter, vulnerable households can be forced to choose between heating and eating.

Those we surveyed described constant stress, anxiety and worry around bills – patterns echoed in other studies. This illustrates why scrapping the scheme would hurt many. At the same time, it’s questionable that taxpayers should accept a policy that delivers diminishing returns each year.

A solar solution? What New Zealand lacks in this policy area is an “off-ramp”: a way to permanently reduce household exposure to rising electricity costs. Research suggests that household solar – rooftop panels that allow homes to generate their own electricity – is one of the few options that can achieve this.

Over recent times, its upfront cost has fallen sharply. Analysis from the non-profit group Rewiring Aotearoa indicates that installing solar could save the average household over $2000 each year on power bills, equating to around $65,000 over standard system lifetimes.

And by generating electricity closer to where it is used, household solar might help tackle each side of the energy trilemma – improving affordability, sustainability and energy security at the same time. At a system level, widespread household solar would reduce pressure on hydro and thermal generation, helping keep hydro storage available for peak demand periods and dry winters.

This would free up more gas and diesel for industries and machinery that are harder to electrify, rather than relying on them to meet everyday household demand. Solar could also improve resilience during extreme weather outages, with broader economic benefits.

For these reasons, a government-funded household solar package would arguably make strong economic sense. By lowering power bills over the long term and making healthy indoor temperatures more affordable year-round, it could reduce pressure on hospitals, improve household resilience and help break the cycle of recurring winter support.

Rather than being viewed as a luxury policy, supporting low-income households to install solar could make for a practical investment that eases energy hardship and strengthens energy resilience. The Winter Energy Payment will still be needed for many households in the years ahead.

But, as global instability increasingly feeds into local energy costs, there is a case for policies that reduce reliance on annual bill support and bring household electricity costs down.

Kimberley O’Sullivan receives funding from a Rutherford Discovery Fellowship administered by Royal Society Te Apārangi, and also contributes to a research programme funded by the Ministry of Business, Innovation, and Employment.

She has previously received funding from the Health Research Council, Lotteries Health Research, and the Marsden Fund.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/the-winter-energy-payment-is-buying-less-warmth-each-year-could-there-be-a-better-long-term-fix/

The National Anti-Corruption Commissioner, Paul Brereton, has quit, two years short of completing his five year term. His time in the job has been marked by repeated controversy.

Brereton said in a statement: The ongoing focus on matters relating to me personally rather than the Commission’s work is drawing attention away from the Commission’s core purpose of strengthening integrity in the Commonwealth public sector.

I believe that the Commission’s success is paramount, and not due to any single person.

While I will continue to resist any suggestion of impropriety, I have decided that it is time, now that the Commission is established and functioning with quality staff and good processes, to step aside and allow a new Commissioner to lead it into the next phase of its development.“ The Inspector of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) has been investigating “complaints of agency maladministration or officer misconduct” regarding Brereton’s relationship with the Australian Defence Force.

Brereton had come under fire for undertaking consultancy work for the Inspector-General of the ADF while in his NACC post. Earlier the Inspector of the NAAC in 2024 found Brereton had committed “officer misconduct” for his handling of a conflict of interest in relation to the Robodebt scandal.

He had failed to properly recuse himself when the NACC was considering referrals from the Robodebt royal commission. He had a personal relationship with one of those referred. While he partialy recused himself he did not do so sufficiently.

Brereton is due to appear Tuesday at Senate estimates. He will leave the NACC on July 6. He took office as the inaugural Commissioner on July 1 2023. Attorney-General Michelle Rowland said in a statement: Commissioner Brereton has made an invaluable contribution to the establishment of the NACC as its inaugural Commissioner.

Earlier this year, in an interview on Sky, Rowland said the government had confidence in Brereton but she had raised concerns about potential conflicts of interest relating to the ADF. Setting up the NACC was a central promise of Labor in opposition.

There was argument around its riding instructions, with only minimum provision for public hearings. So far it has held none. It has also produced what critics consider limited results. Crossbench senator David Pocock said in a statement: the NACC is essential to rebuilding trust in politics and institutions which sits now at historic lows.

I have called for some time for Commissioner Brereton to step aside and I welcome his decision to do so today. There have been too many perceived conflicts of interest, too many decisions out of step with community expectations and the need for the NACC Inspector to intervene too many times.

Pocock called on the government to use the opportunity “to reform key aspects of the NACC’s operation, including making it easier to hold public hearings. “The appointment of the next Commissioner must occur through an independent and merits-based process that provides Australians with transparency.

And it’s on the Attorney-General to ensure this is the case,” he said.

“We need the next Commissioner to help restore confidence in the organisation and for it to better fulfil the vision we had for it as a beacon of integrity.” Brereton defended the NACC’s record under his rule: Over the last three years, much progress has been made in pursuit of our mission of enhancing integrity in the Commonwealth public sector.

While our mere existence has influenced and shaped behaviour for the better, that has been powerfully reinforced by our extensive education and engagement program, which has enhanced the integrity culture across the sector. We have completed assessment of more than 92% of the 7,624 referrals received over the last three years.

We have published 7 investigation reports.

Our investigations have exposed corrupt conduct in law enforcement agencies, Commonwealth departments and government business enterprises, including cronyism in a recruitment process, a secret commission in a procurement processes, dishonesty in senior executive decision-making, and the leaking of sensitive information about law enforcement investigations to criminal associates.

Much more is underway. Our 34 current investigations cover former or current parliamentarians and staff, senior executives in the public service, contractors and consultants, and a grants scheme.

Fair and thorough investigations take time, and the outcomes of these and other investigations will emerge in due course, though it is important to remember that many will not result in findings of corrupt conduct.

From the outset we have been committed to fairness, and that approach is well embedded in the Commission’s operations.

Crossbencher Helen Haines, who pushed for the establishment of the NACC, told reporters: “This is a very significant opportunity now for the National Anti-Corruption Commission to reset, Mr Brereton’s tenure has been overshadowed by the inspector of the NACC’s findings in 2024 of officer misconduct in regard to the Robodebt inquiry.” “I remain incredibly proud of the work that got us to establishing Australia’s first federal Anti-Corruption Commission.

But it’s time now for a reset.” Brereton headed the investigation into allegations that some Australian soldiers committed war crimes in Afghanistan.

Recently, VC winner Ben Roberts-Smith was charged with five war crimes of murder while serving in Afghanistan.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/controversy-ridden-nacc-chief-paul-brereton-quits-two-years-short-of-his-terms-end/

The flirtation by some “teals” with the idea of forming a new party is part of the major shakeup underway in our political system, mostly on its conservative side. They say they want to find more effective ways to serve the community, and tackle the big issues the major parties are not addressing.

They’re concerned by the One Nation surge. On a more practical matter – money – they criticise the new funding laws for the 2028 election as disadvantaging independents compared to parties. Perhaps a community independents’ party could make a push for Senate seats.

ACT Senator David Pocock is a “teal equivalent”. But any move by some current independents to form a party would be fraught. To start with, even the teals are divided about the idea. Zali Steggall (Warringah) and Allegra Spender (Wentworth) at a joint news conference indicated they’re open to such a move.

“I’ve always been very keen to look at how do I grow the impact that Warringah can have on policy, and how do we in fact achieve better impact on policies,” Steggall said.

“Ultimately, this is about putting forward policies and solutions that challenge where the major parties are taking us.” Spender said: “I think we need to build a stronger movement and a bigger movement, whatever shape that takes to deal with that better”.

Sophie Scamps (Mackellar) is also interested in something new, but quickly sent her supporters a letter saying she hadn’t made any decision, and was “disappointed” the matter had become public before she’d had time to speak to them.

On the substance, she wrote: “There is a conversation to be had about the future of the Community Independent Movement and how to keep it flourishing in a way that is different from a party, and which maintains the ability to genuinely represent individual communities yet have a strong and united voice on core issues to have a greater impact and influence”.

But teals Monique Ryan and Kate Chaney indicated they weren’t interested in forming a party. Ryan said she would continue to represent her Kooyong electors “in the capacity in which I was elected, as a community independent”.

Chaney (Curtin) is “interested in working more collaboratively with other crossbenchers on policy – many of our communities have similar values – but right now I do not think that requires me to be a member of a political party”.

Nicolette Boele, who took Bradfield from the Liberals last year, said she would contest the next election as a community independent. But she’d involve her community in the discussion about whether there should be a formal alliance of community independents.

A new party involving existing teals would have to be a broad church. Steggall and Spender, for example, are politically different: Spender leans more to the right than Steggall. And it’s intriguing to wonder who would be leader of such a party.

Perhaps, in the name of doing politics differently, they would try to do without one? Talk of their forming a party already plays into the criticisms the Coalition makes of the teals. “The teals are already a party,” Nationals leader Matt Canavan said on Monday.

In fact, while not a party they they can be characterised as a movement, or a loose network. They’ve received substantial funding from Climate 200, as well as organisational backing (which can be quite tight) for campaigns.

The crossbenchers, teals and others, liaise a lot in parliament. While the independents might believe that, as a party, they could have more influence (for example if there were a hung parliament), they might in some circumstances have greater influence by being unencumbered.

Spender, for example, was included by the government in the 2025 economic round table because of her work on tax issues. If she’d had the complication of a party tie, it might have been a different story.

Regional independents are not interested in a party push. Helen Haines (Indi) said: “At three elections, Indi has elected me as their independent MP, and independent is how I’ll remain”. Rebekha Sharkie, who holds Mayo in the Adelaide Hills, is blunt.

“I’m a regional independent. I don’t have a huge amount in common with teals who are in wealthy inner-metropolitan seats”. Centrist minor parties obviously have , but they tend to end in tears, even when they last a long time.

The fracturing and disappearance of the Australian Democrats, who looked so permanent in their heyday, is a cautionary tale.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/view-from-the-hill-would-a-party-of-independents-be-a-contradiction-in-terms/

Neale Daniher, the 2025 Australian of the Year who became the face of Australia’s battle against motor neurone disease (MND), has died aged 65.

The former VFL footballer and coach died on Monday, his family revealed: “We’re heartbroken to share that our much-loved husband, Dad and Poppy, Neale Daniher, passed away at home, surrounded by his family. “From day one, Neale was a fighter.

His determination was unmatched – choosing every day to find opportunity where others might see only challenge, and taking the fight to the Beast (MND) with everything he had.” The player As a player he was considered the most gifted of the famous Daniher brothers (along with Terry, Anthony and Chris) who played a combined 752 AFL/VFL games.

This record of most games played by brothers stood for more than 20 years until being broken by the Selwood brothers (Joel, Adam, Scott, Troy) in 2021. He was the league’s best first year player in 1979, won the Essendon best and fairest in 1981 and was named the club’s youngest ever captain in 1982 at just 21 years of age.

Unfortunately, injuries ruined his career. Three knee reconstructions restricted him to just 16 games between 1982 and 1990. He played his final game alongside his three brothers in round 22, 1990. This game is still the only time four brothers have played together in the same AFL team.

The coach Following his retirement, Daniher’s sharp football brain took him into coaching. He had stints as an assistant coach at Essendon and Fremantle, including playing a key role in Essendon’s 1993 premiership. From 1998-2007 he was senior coach at Melbourne, where he earned the nickname “The Reverend” for his passionate speaking and promotion of the club.

Former Melbourne players have described him as a great philosopher and father figure. He had an immediate impact as coach, taking the Demons from last on the ladder in 1997 to a preliminary final in 1998. The Demons made the finals in six of Daniher’s nine-and-a half seasons as coach, including making it to the Grand Final in 2000.

Continuing football influence He continued to be an influential and popular figure at Melbourne long after his coaching days. He was a key mentor to ex-Melbourne coach Simon Goodwin and was invited to speak to the team before important games.

Daniher’s famous words of “when all is said and done, more is said than done” were quoted by Melbourne captain Max Gawn to inspire the team towards victory during the 2021 Grand Final. The Demons kicked 16 goals to three in the second half to claim their first premiership in 57 years.

Daniher is a Hall of Fame member at both Essendon and Melbourne, and was elevated to Legend in the Essendon Hall of Fame in 2021. Impact beyond football From 2008-2013 he was general manager of football operations at West Coast, before resigning to focus on his battle with MND.

Daniher’s public fight had been instrumental in bringing the disease to the forefront of Australian minds. As the disease gradually weakened his ability to move, speak, and breathe, he maintained a positive, determined openness for others to relate to his struggle.

His public fight to “walk the walk” helped reduce stigma and isolation that can accompany fighting a terminal illness. The Big Freeze was one of Daniher’s most celebrated contributions, involving high-profile Australian celebrities and AFL stars taking part in a plunge into a freezing pool.

The MND fundraising drives generated more than $A100 million towards MND research to support finding a cure and to improve the lives of those suffering from the disease. The “Beast” of MND has now gone from a rare, barely understood disease towards a cause that has provided inspiration for millions.

Daniher fought and led the way for others to take action, raise funds, and create hope towards a future where terminal diseases can be better researched, treated and have the best chance to be cured.

He received accolades such as the 2019 Victorian of the Year, 2022 Outstanding Contribution to Victorian Sport Award, and 2025 Australian of the year in recognition of his fundraising and determination in fighting MND.

He is also an Officer of the Order of Australia, and one of only four recipients of the John Kennedy Lifetime Achievement Award for extraordinary and positive contribution to the game of Australian football.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/neale-daniher-was-ferocious-and-inspirational-whether-on-the-footy-field-or-fighting-the-beast/

Diesel is critical to Australia. Any supply disruption has immediate and widespread consequences, given Australia imports almost 80% of its liquid fuels. As the energy shocks of the Iran war ripple out, Australia’s leaders have scrambled to shore up supplies of fuel – especially diesel and aviation fuel.

Disruptions to fuel supplies have happened before, such as in 2008 and 2022. This disruption won’t be the last. What should policymakers do? One option is to ramp up local production of biofuels made not from crude oil but from natural oils such as canola, animal fats – or algae.

As algae researchers, we believe these humble organisms are worth exploring. Making biodiesel and sustainable aviation fuel from these fast growing organisms can be done with much less land than other crops. Technological advances mean the fuel could scale up.

Many biofuels come with trade-offs Biofuels have gained traction worldwide as efforts to reduce dependence on fossil fuels and meet climate targets accelerate. The Australian biofuel sector is relatively small. Farmers exported about 6 million tonnes of canola in 2023–24 to be turned into biofuels overseas.

The Australian government last year announced A$1.1 billion in incentives to boost low-carbon fuels such as biofuels. Biofuels from corn, soybean, canola and palm oil have boosted fuel security in some nations. Brazil produces 22% of its own transport fuel from biofuels, while biofuels account for 6% of the fuel used in the United States.

The problem is, biofuels often come at an environmental cost. A third of all US corn is used to make ethanol for fuel. What’s so good about algae? The type we’re interested in are microalgae, single-celled organisms, not macroalgae such as kelp and other types of seaweed.

These small organisms can grow exceptionally rapidly and hold high concentrations of oils. Many microalgae species can double their weight every day. Nannochloropsis and Chlorella are the two main types used to make oil. Traditionally, algae was grown in large, shallow outdoor pools called “raceways”.

They’re now increasingly grown in high-efficiency algae bioreactors. Algae can be processed using proven technologies such as hydrothermal liquefaction to produce biodiesel able to be used in existing trucks and machinery. It can also produce sustainable aviation fuel.

Compared to crop-based biofuels, algae has several advantages. It doesn’t compete with food production and it can be grown on non-arable land or in industrial facilities. Some species can grow in saltwater or even treat wastewater while using it for growth.

If algal facilities are located near heavy industry, carbon emissions can be captured and used for algal growth in a form of carbon storage. Algal fuels needs much less land than conventional biofuels. A hectare of algae can yield more than 58,000 litres of oil per year.

By contrast, a hectare of corn produces just 172 litres. What are the barriers? Interest in algal fuel dates back many decades. Oil shocks in the 1970s and 1990s drove significant research into algae-based fuels. But when oil prices fell, algal biofuels were no longer cost-competitive.

Since the 1990s, technologies have matured and policy settings become more favourable. Efforts to reduce fossil fuel use have put an implicit or explicit price on carbon. Mandates to increase output of sustainable aviation fuel are emerging in the European Union.

Fossil fuel price shocks in 2022 and 2026 have nudged authorities to seriously explore alternatives. Sovereign fuel security has become a strategic priority. Both the United Arab Emirates and the US are exploring algal fuels as a long-term strategic asset.

Algae for Australia? Australia would be well placed to explore the potential of algal fuels. It has plenty of non-arable land, abundant sunlight and some of the world’s best algae research capabilities. Plus, it depends very heavily on imported diesel and aviation fuel.

Our research group and many others have been systematically working to overcome previous limitations of algal biofuels. We now know how to produce high-quality algal fuels and scale up production at costs low enough to challenge fuels derived from crude oil.

The first step would be to invest in pilot projects to prove the technology can work at scale under real-world conditions. Overseas, similar pilots have been set up next to industry to test the use of carbon capture, or alongside research partners.

If this is successful, the next step would be to build facilities in regional locations where fossil diesel is in demand and expensive to transport – and where algae can offer a dual benefit by treating wastewater or capturing carbon.

Over time, the versatile technology could be expanded, as algae can produce not only biodiesel but also other useful products such as edible protein for animal feed and biochar, highly porous charcoal able to soak up pollutants such as heavy metals.

Researchers have been working to boost yields and scale up oil production from algae. mayaluana, CC BY-NC-ND Algae deserves our attention Many previous efforts to scale up biofuels have run into problems over environmental impact or cost.

It’s important to be sceptical of claims of the next big thing. But it’s also important not to overlook the potential of humble technologies such as making fuel from algae.

As leaders look for ways to bolster fuel security, algae deserves a closer look.

Peter Ralph is affiliated with Microalgae Australia, a not‑for‑profit national peak body for algal research and development.

Alexandra Thomson is affiliated with Microalgae Australia, a not‑for‑profit national peak body for algal research and development.

Martin Lloyd is Principal Consultant at Five Whys Consulting, an innovation and strategy consulting company.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/many-biofuels-havent-panned-out-could-algae-make-the-clean-diesel-and-aviation-fuel-australia-needs/

Hundreds of diplomats from almost every country just met for four weeks at United Nations headquarters in New York to review the most comprehensive nuclear non-proliferation treaty in the world. And they agreed to absolutely nothing.

After thousands of interventions, working papers, statements, national reports, side events, preparatory conferences, closed-door meetings and consultations, the delegates couldn’t even reach consensus on the most hollowed-out statement. Nearly all of the 190 signatories genuflect to the importance of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).

Yet, this is the third review conference in a row that has failed to achieve any agreed outcome. Since the treaty was indefinitely extended in 1995, only two conferences, in 2000 and 2010, reached any agreement at all.

The NPT contains a grand bargain: the five states that had nuclear weapons when the treaty was adopted in 1968 (China, France, the Soviet Union/Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) would agree to disarm in exchange for countries without nuclear weapons pledging not to acquire them.

These countries would instead gain access to technology and materials for “peaceful” nuclear uses. While the International Atomic Energy Agency and its nuclear safeguards bind the states without nuclear weapons to their agreement, there is no organisation, process, timeline or enforcement on the disarmament side.

Nearly 60 years after the treaty entered into force, none of the disarmament measures that have been discussed repeatedly at NPT conferences over the decades have been implemented. Disarmament is going backwards. The world is in the midst of a new nuclear arms race with more dangerous, more accurate, faster, stealthier, and longer-range weapons being rolled out.

Read more: A new nuclear arms race is accelerating.

There’s only one way to stop it What the nuclear powers are doing The five original nuclear-armed nations are to blame for the inability of the NPT to make any progress toward its stated goals.

At this latest conference in New York, they refused to even affirm past commitments to disarm, let alone commit to any new measures. Daryl Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Association, said they used “aggressive diplomatic intimidation tactics against non-nuclear armed states” to prevent any agreement on a path forward.

The actions of the nuclear-armed states were even louder than their words over the past four weeks: both Russia and the US test-launched intercontinental nuclear missiles Russia invited Belarus to participate in nuclear weapons exercises for the first time Russia used a powerful, hypersonic missile that can carry either conventional or nuclear warheads to attack Kyiv and the US threatened to resume its unlawful attacks on Iran, risking radiation disasters at nuclear facilities across the Middle East.

This followed other steps toward proliferation. The US is also re-deploying nuclear weapons to the UK. And France is boosting its arsenal to extend its deterrence umbrella, including deployment of nuclear-armed aircraft, to cover eight European countries.

The UN’s disarmament chief, Izumi Nakamitsu, chastised the nuclear powers by saying: It is simply wrong for them to assume that non-proliferation obligations will be upheld [by non-nuclear states] without their own commitment to – and implementation of – disarmament obligations.

What Australia can do Smaller, non-nuclear states can make a difference, though, if they stand behind their commitments. Australia, for one, voiced its disappointment in the failure of the conference to achieve any results. In a short statement, the government said it was “steadfast in its support of the NPT”.

But Australia can – and must – do better than issuing mildly worded statements, especially as it is contributing to escalating nuclear risks with its actions. For example, the RAAF Base Tindal will soon host American nuclear-capable B-52 bombers.

US submarines will also permanently rotate through Australian ports from 2027 as part of the AUKUS agreement. While not nuclear-armed now, those US submarines will be able to carry a new nuclear-tipped cruise missile by 2032. Australia maintains a “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy of ambiguity on nuclear weapons, meaning the US doesn’t have to confirm or deny whether its military craft are actually carrying them.

And the joint US–Australia surveillance and communications bases at Pine Gap and North West Cape are also undergoing rapid expansions, which could assist the US in identifying targets if a nuclear war broke out.

Recently, the organisation I helped found, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons Australia, issued a declaration signed by more than 160 Australian and Pacific Island organisations. It details what the Australian government could do to make the world safer from nuclear weapons.

First and foremost, the Labor government should follow through on its long-standing national policy promise to sign the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. This is a legally binding treaty that prohibits nuclear weapons and assisting in their use.

It also provides the only internationally agreed framework for eliminating nuclear weapons. The Albanese government must also hold firm on keeping nuclear weapons out of Australia, as Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser did in relation to B-52s during the Cold War.

This means ending Australia’s reliance on US nuclear weapons in our military policies, and ensuring there are no US nuclear weapons based at Australian facilities or Australian personnel contributing to their possible use.

We also need to pursue an alternative to acquiring submarines fuelled by weapons-grade, highly-enriched uranium under the AUKUS agreement.

Tilman Ruff is affiliated with International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War and its Australian affiliate, the Medical Association for Prevention of War, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, Doctors for the Environment, the Public Health Association of Australia, and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons Scientific Network.

He has previously been a civil society member of the Australian delegation to nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty meetings.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/nuclear-powers-are-expanding-their-arsenals-instead-of-disarming-australia-doesnt-have-to-be-complicit-in-this/

Macrophages (green) engulfing melanoma cells (purple). Keith et al. / Garvan Institute, CC BY-SA For the past 15 years or so, a class of drugs called immune checkpoint inhibitors have been used to treat melanoma – the most dangerous kind of skin cancer.

For many patients, they produce remarkable results. For others, they do nothing. We still don’t really know why.

But in new research published in the Journal of Experimental Medicine, we observed immune cells called macrophages attacking melanoma cells in real time – which may offer clues about how we can make those therapies work for all patients, not just some.

Tumours, hot and cold One of us (Yuki) treated patients with melanoma in Japan as a dermatologist. The other (Tri Phan) runs a lab at the Garvan Institute in Sydney, where his team specialises in observing the cells of the immune system in real time.

When Yuki wanted to understand why immune checkpoint inhibitors were failing for many patients, she joined Tri Phan’s lab to continue her research. The treatment fails in what oncologists call “cold” tumours, where the cancer’s environment actively prevents a kind of immune cell called a T cell attacking it.

One of our lab’s aims is trying to work out how to make the tumours “hot”, allowing T cells to penetrate and destroy the cancer cells. Our new findings suggest a different kind of immune cell, called macrophages, may hold the key.

Macrophages (green) engulfing melanoma cells (purple).

Yuki Keith, CC BY The housekeepers we’ve been ignoring In 1908, Russian zoologist Ilya Mechnikov was awarded a Nobel Prize for the discovery of phagocytosis (“cell eating”) in the immune system, which is carried out by cells he called macrophages (from the Greek for “big eaters”).

These cells engulf and clear away the debris caused by tissue damage and cell death. They are often regarded as the body’s silent, no-fuss housekeepers. However, their role in cancer has often been overlooked.

Unlike other immune cells that move through the blood and patrol the whole body, macrophages are “tissue-resident” and stay in one place. A microscopic view of a melanoma tumour growing in the skin shows CD169 macrophages in green and yellow forming a biological boundary wall around the tumour.

Keith et al. / Garvan Institute, CC BY Earlier studies of the role of macrophages in cancer assumed these housekeepers were all the same. But when we looked closely in the skin, it became clear that there were many different kinds of macrophages living in different layers.

One particular kind of macrophages (recognised by a protein called CD169) lives in a deeper part of the skin, called the hypodermis. We found that these macrophages arranged themselves around the edges of a melanoma tumour, as if they were trying to wall it off.

When we depleted the macrophages, the melanomas grew bigger, suggesting they were constraining the growth of the tumours. Watching cancer cells being eaten alive To understand what these CD169-positive macrophages were actually doing, we used an advanced imaging technique called intravital two-photon microscopy.

This allows us to watch biological processes unfold in living tissue in real time. What we saw was surprising: the macrophages were “nibbling” and actively engulfing live melanoma cells. While we had seen macrophages eat dead cells in our lab before, we had never seen them eat a live melanoma cell in a model organism.

What was even more surprising was that this immune attack was happening without the need for T cells, or antibodies made by another kind of immune cell called B cells – the immune players most commonly credited with fighting cancer.

We also confirmed this is not something that just happens in the lab.

Our colleagues at the Melanoma Institute Australia analysed samples from human melanoma patients and found similar populations of CD169-expressing macrophages on the edges of the tumour, suggesting they may play a similar protective role there.

Calling in the cavalry – implications for therapies Macrophages don’t just clear away debris. They can also alert the immune system to danger. After they have digested the debris, they can display it like a biological “red flag” to direct T cells to find and kill the cancer cells.

What makes a macrophage decide whether to silently dispose of debris without alerting the immune system, or wave the red flags to activate the immune system, is still unclear. Because the CD169-expressing macrophages are strategically positioned around the tumours, we suspect they may hold the key.

Macrophages are widespread in most solid tumours – including glioblastoma, breast cancer and many others. This is an army already in place waiting to be mobilised.

Our next step is to understand precisely how these macrophages eat live cancer cells and how they can communicate the danger to T cells, so we can harness this population with new treatments.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/first-video-of-immune-cells-eating-live-skin-cancer-in-real-time/

A road in Anmatjere, Northern Territory, near the Arafura Rare Earths Nolans mine Abstract Aerial Art/Getty It’s been a significant month for Australia’s ambitions to become a critical minerals superpower, while balancing its relationships with China and the United States.

Last Monday, Treasurer Jim Chalmers announced he had ordered six investors with links to China to sell off shares in Northern Minerals, an Australian rare-earths company developing the Browns Range project in Western Australia. Then, on Thursday, mining company Arafura Rare Earths announced its planned Nolans rare earths mine in the Northern Territory would go ahead.

This was after the federal government committed to purchase 500 tonnes of rare earths from the project for Australia’s Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve. Both moves matter. One signals a big shift in how Australia screens foreign investments, moving from vetting transactions one by one to strengthening ongoing surveillance of foreign ownership and influence.

The other shows how Australia, aligned with the US, is moving to build its own critical minerals capability. But this isn’t without risks. For the US, kicking out Chinese investment is a straightforward win for national security.

But Australia also has to work out if it can build and run these expensive projects without Chinese participation. Key components for EVs, wind and weapons The Northern Minerals Browns Range project, located in northern Western Australia, is strategically important because it contains heavy rare earths – particularly dysprosium and terbium.

These elements are essential for high-performance magnets used in electric vehicles. They’re also used in offshore wind turbines and advanced defence weaponry. Browns Range is one of the world’s few high-grade heavy rare-earth deposits outside China, and Northern Minerals is Australia’s only developer of this kind of asset.

The company estimates that once in production, this mine could supply about 8% of global demand for these minerals. Ordered to sell The Chinese-linked investors in Northern Minerals, who together own a 17.58% stake in the company, have been given until July 2 to divest.

The federal treasurer didn’t go into specific detail about the reasons for that decision. But he said it was “consistent with advice from Treasury and the Foreign Investment Review Board and is about protecting our national interest”.

Australia’s Foreign Investment Review Board exists to advise the treasurer on whether specific foreign investments are good for Australia. And divestment orders like this are not unprecedented. But the Northern Minerals case illustrates the stringent political conditions attached to financing critical minerals projects when alignment with the US is a factor.

How we got here For Northern Minerals, this pressure hasn’t appeared overnight. The government has been applying it for years. In 2023, Chalmers blocked a China-linked fund from expanding its stake in the firm. Then, in 2024, he ordered five foreign investors to sell their shares in the firm.

This resulted in Federal Court action in 2025 after one investor ignored the order. The message is clear: Australia’s foreign investment scrutiny now extends beyond the question of who owns the majority of a company on paper.

It’s looking at: who else may be making decisions and pocketing profits, despite not being named on paper (something known as “beneficial ownership”) whether investors are passing shares to their own partner companies or allies when ordered to sell (known as “related-party transfers”) who has voting rights and potential board influence.

The fact an investor holds a minority stake is no longer automatically seen as low-risk. Tensions between friends Competition between the US and China on critical minerals is intensifying. The US and its allies are increasingly coordinating efforts to reduce their reliance on China – which still dominates processing globally.

However, the US-led alliance faces deeper fissures than appear on the surface. Washington is prioritising secure mineral inputs for defence manufacturing. Its industrialised allies in East Asia and Europe also want certainty of supply, but they don’t want to completely abandon low-cost, high-purity Chinese inputs.

For Australia, supply-chain security is important. However, it wants more. Its Critical Minerals Strategy document outlines a plan for more domestic processing to generate jobs and boost local industry long-term. That is, Australia wants to outgrow its reputation simply as the “world’s quarry”, to do more with our minerals here instead.

Security is not capability Across US-aligned countries, strategic reserves, guaranteed state buyers and allied export credits are turning rare earths into “credentialed commodities”. That is, their value depends increasingly on where they came from, rather than merely price and purity.

But blocking Chinese investment won’t automatically create Australia’s industrial capability. The Perth-based Lynas Rare Earths illustrates this challenge. In 2025, it became the first non-Chinese operator to separate dysprosium and terbium at industrial scale.

Although its output remains small in commodity-market terms, it proved China’s longstanding technical monopoly is not unbreakable. But the company’s separation processes rely heavily on Chinese specialised equipment and chemical inputs. The lesson for Australia is supply-chain security cannot be achieved through ownership changes alone.

Beijing’s expanding export controls on rare-earth minerals, processing chemicals and refining equipment further entrench its leverage. If security rules are applied too broadly, they could raise costs and complicate investment. Ordering out Chinese investors – after transactions have occurred – also risks unsettling other foreign investors considering investing in Australia.

As a country with deep ties with both China and the US, Australia faces a hard balancing act in protecting its own interests, without putting either major power offside.

Marina Yue Zhang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/australia-is-forcing-chinese-investors-out-of-rare-earths-projects-that-creates-other-risks/

As conflict continues in Ukraine, Gaza, Iran and elsewhere, the cost is being recorded not only in deaths and displacement, but also in ruined libraries, mosques, churches, museums, archives and historic neighbourhoods. UNESCO has verified damage to 527 cultural sites in Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion; 164 sites in Gaza since October 7 2023; and damage to the World Heritage-listed Golestan Palace in Tehran following a nearby airstrike.

These losses are usually described as attacks on “history”, “civilisation” or “the past” and sometimes as a “loss for all humanity”. But as our new research details, such destruction can also negatively affect communities’ sense of belonging and identity – and erode women’s sense of safety and security amid conflict.

Islamic State’s campaign Islamic State’s campaign across Syria and Iraq from 2013 involved mass violence, human rights abuses and forced displacement. The Islamic State committed genocide against the Yazidi minority, including systematic killings and sexual slavery.

At the same time, Islamic State methodically targeted cultural and religious heritage, including museums, archaeological sites, churches, shrines, cemeteries, mosques and other historically significant and sacred places. UNESCO called this “cultural cleansing”. There was an intentional strategy to destroy cultural diversity through attacks on people identified by their cultural, ethnic or religious background, combined with attacks on their key cultural and religious centres.

We spoke with Syrian and Iraqi women affected by the Islamic State’s heritage destruction. We found such destruction was experienced not only as cultural loss, but as a form of gendered harm. For the women we spoke to, heritage destruction was part of a wider campaign of domination: an attack on their memories, identities and personal safety.

Response to heritage destruction Since Islamic State’s attacks, international responses to heritage destruction have become more extensive. In 2016, the UN Human Rights Council called on states to protect the right of everyone to take part in cultural life, including the ability to access and enjoy cultural heritage.

That same year the International Criminal Court convicted a terrorist leader of the war crime of intentionally directing attacks against historic and religious buildings in Timbuktu, Mali. In 2017, the UN Security Council condemned the unlawful destruction of cultural heritage, recognising it as a threat to global security.

These developments helped to shift heritage destruction from a specialist conservation issue to a matter of human rights, criminal accountability and international security. But they say almost nothing about how women experience heritage destruction in distinctly gendered ways.

What women told us For the women we interviewed, heritage sites were not only places of worship or symbols of the past. They were also spaces where women could gather, support one another and sustain everyday relationships in societies often structured by gendered expectations.

Several women described churches, mosques and shrines as places where they could socialise with other women and support one another through “our joys and sorrows”. These sites presented an opportunity for women to form communities in feminised spaces where gender relations and matters such as courting, marriage and childbirth could be navigated.

Women use heritage sites in ways shaped by social norms around worship, family, mourning, care, sexuality, reproduction and community life. When those places are destroyed, the loss is not merely architectural. It can also remove spaces of female solidarity and emotional support.

One Yazidi woman described shrines as spiritual centres where people bury and visit their dead, pray, gather and hold ceremonies. Destroying these places interrupted ways of mourning, worshipping and sustaining traditions. Other women described the loss in more intimate terms.

A Chaldean Christian woman recalled the destruction of the church where members of her family had been baptised and where she had married. A Sunni Arab woman described the destruction of a mosque as if something had been destroyed “inside me”.

Cultural destruction can be a way of attacking people by destroying the places that anchor their lives, relationships and sense of safety. The women we interviewed connected heritage destruction to fear, displacement and mistrust. One woman explained seeing heritage destroyed made her feel unsafe in her own hometown.

Another said such destruction made her “afraid and scared”, leading her to leave her home and job and migrate to Jordan. This was especially acute for women from minority communities. One Yazidi woman explained her community had “lost the trust” in the Islamic community and no longer felt safe living with them or being present in their areas.

For her, the destruction of what was beloved to the Yazidi community produced an enduring “loss of security”, anxiety and fear that such violence would be repeated. A bigger loss These findings have implications far beyond Syria and Iraq.

In Ukraine, Gaza, Iran and other conflict zones, protecting heritage should not be treated as a luxury that comes after human protection. Heritage sites are used to mourn, pray, gather, educate, remember and rebuild. Rather than treating destruction as a loss for “history” or “all humanity,” we need to ask what it does to those most affected.

Who used this place? Whose memories and culture did it sustain? Who felt safe here? And what happens when all of this is suddenly taken away?

For many women affected by war, when heritage is destroyed, they lose much more than monuments.

Benjamin Isakhan has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Department of Defence and the UK Research and Innovation fund.

Eleanor Childs does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Original source: https://analysis1.mil-osi.com/2026/05/25/when-wars-destroy-heritage-women-lose-more-than-monuments-new-research/