In a spectacular triumph, Britain’s Green Party has won the Gorton and Denton byelection in Greater Manchester.

Local plumber Hannah Spencer has now become the party’s fifth MP — a historic victory for the ascendent Greens, who ran a campaign of national hope and international solidarity against Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

The byelection result is also a huge upset in Britain’s political status quo.

The Labour party, which won the seat with more than 50 percent of the vote in 2024 and held the seat for many years, was pushed into third place behind Reform UK. No more.

After coming third behind the Greens and Reform, questions over the future of the party’s leader, Prime Minister Keir Starmer, now grow increasingly urgent.

Meanwhile, Reform UK came second. On their own terms, a result.

Clear defeat by Left
And yet, a clear defeat by the Left. Its candidate, Matt Goodwin, along with the party as a whole, will now be taking stock, disappointed that a major target constituency has rejected them.

The Greens stormed the seat and Spencer won a majority of more than 4000 despite a race sullied by dirty tricks and cynicism from a Labour Party that appeared desperate at every turn.

Tactics included an invented electoral organisation and misinformation over polling. A last ditch effort to transport Starmer to the constituency may have amounted to a final and fatal backfire.

This is the second byelection loss to the Green Party since Labour’s general election victory in 2024.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

French Senators have endorsed a Constitutional amendment text regarding New Caledonia’s future political status.

Two-hundred and fifteen senators (mostly an alliance between right and centre-right parties) voted in favour, and 41 voted against.

The four-hour sitting was marked by a lengthy address by French Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu, who supported the text, saying a status quo on New Caledonia was “not a viable option”.

He said to leave things as they were would amount to “abandoning France’s republican ideals, social progress and the renewed construction of peace” in the French Pacific territory.

“This [Bougival] agreement is not perfect”, Lecornu conceded, “but it is the best we have collectively come up with in four years of negotiations.”

Lecornu said the extra package contained some sizeable chunks dedicated to “strengthening (New Caledonia’s) attractiveness” (330 million euros) through the creation of trade free zones, tax exemptions for future investing businesses and another 500 million euros dedicated to support the crucial nickel mining and processing industry.

But not without conditions.

“A credible transformation plan was currently in the making,” Lecornu explained.

“To support and accompany, yes, but to fund losses indefinitely, no.”

The vote comes almost two years after unrest and riots in May 2024, leaving 14 dead and more than 2 billion euros in material damage, as well as hundreds of businesses looted and destroyed.

Since then, New Caledonia has struggled to put its economy (which suffered a reduction of its GDP by 13.5 percent) back on its feet.

Trigger issue
The main triggering factor for the 2024 riots was a legislative process before the French Parliament in a bid to modify conditions of eligibility for New Caledonian citizens at local elections.

These elections are important because they determine the members of the three provinces (North, South and the Loyalty Islands), membership of the territory’s Parliament  (Congress), and members of New Caledonia’s government and its president.

The process was eventually aborted after initially peaceful protests (organised by one of the main components of the pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) — Union Calédonienne, and its Field Action Coordinating Cell — degenerated into riots.

During the same sitting, French Senators have also endorsed another amendment that once again postpones the date of New Caledonia’s provincial elections to 20 December 2026 at the latest.

The crucial poll has already been postponed three times since its initial scheduled date of May 2024.

The Senatorial vote is only the first step in a longer legislative path for the text on New Caledonia, based on the transcription of talks that were held in July 2025 and in January 2026.

The meetings, which respectively resulted in texts dubbed “Bougival” and “Elysée-Oudinot”, were initially endorsed by a large majority of New Caledonia’s parties represented at its local Congress.

But since August 2025, the FLNKS has withdrawn its support, saying the proposed agreements do not represent a credible path to the full sovereignty they demand.

Over the past few weeks, intense lobbying has taken place both in New Caledonia and  Paris, both on the pro-independence and the pro-France side of the political chessboard, in order to win over French MPs.

“Kanaky-New Caledonia has already paid a heavy price because of the [French] government’s stubbornness,” he told senators.

The text tabled in the French Parliament proposes to establish a “State of New Caledonia” within the French realm, as well as a correlated New Caledonian “nationality” (tied to a pre-existing French nationality), as well as a new process of gradual transfer of powers from Paris. But at the same time it rejects any future use of referendums (an instrument regarded by Paris as “divisive”).

Between 2018 and 2021, as prescribed by the 1998 Nouméa Accord, three referenda have been held regarding New Caledonia’s self-determination. They resulted in three rejections of independence, even though the last poll — in December 2021 — was widely boycotted by the pro-independence movement.

“It is because of these three votes, which say ‘yes’ to the French Republic, that this very republic must deploy its economic and social ambition, regardless of the future outcome of political talks”, pro-France Les Loyalistes leader Sonia Backès commented on social networks.

Another prominent pro-France politician, New Caledonia’s MP at the National Assembly, Nicolas Metzdorf, said Tuesday’s vote was “a first step”.

But the text, just like in 2024, also touches on the conditions of eligibility to gain the right to vote at local elections.

Until now, under the ageing Nouméa Accord (1998), the right to vote at local elections is “frozen” to a special roll that includes people born in New Caledonia or residing there before 1998, among other conditions.

“Unfreezing” the electoral roll would mean allowing some 12,000 more people born in New Caledonia and another 6,000 people who have been residing for at least an uninterrupted 15 years.

‘Waiting for stability’
Opponents to the project, just like in 2024, argue that this opening would contribute to diluting the indigenous voice at local political elections.

The other Senator for New Caledonia, Georges Naturel (regarded as pro-France, Les Républicains party) abstained because “deep inside, I know this Constitutional reform will unfortunately not bring the stable and long term political solution New Caledonia needs”.

Socialist and Green Senators also abstained, saying any future comprehensive agreement has to include everyone, including the FLNKS.

Otherwise, “there is no lasting solution to ensure peace, stability and development”, Socialists leaders argued last week in an op-ed in national daily Le Monde.

They went even further saying that the text currently under scrutiny, as it stands, is “ominous” and “dangerous”.

The move, already announced last week by the Socialists, was designed to give the government “the opportunity to suspend debates on the text and call for provincial elections at the end of May or beginning of June 2026, instead of the now re-scheduled December 2026).

According to this scenario, this would then be followed by a new round of discussions, involving newly-elected members of New Caledonia’s Congress.

French Minister for Overseas Naïma Moutchou reacted to the Senate’s vote, saying New Caledonians “have gone through tiring months and are now waiting for stability and useful decisions regarding their day-to-day lives”.

Moutchou admitted the proposed process and associated calendar was “very imperfect and in parts very unsatisfactory . . . but it is indispensable. To stop this constitutional bill now would mean to close the door to the ongoing process since Bougival [talks],” she told a French Senate committee on 17 February 2026.

“We have to give this imperfect process a chance because it has the merit of providing visibility to local stakeholders,” she said.

In the Lower House, opposition ranks are much stronger and therefore debates and process are expected to be much rockier, with the open support of large blocks of opposition, including far-left LFI (La France Insoumise, Unbowed France).

Another significant and openly declared opponent is the far-right Rassemblement National (RN).

Others include the Socialists, the Greens, the Communist Party, according to latest reports.

Later, since this is a Constitutional Amendment, both Houses of Parliament are expected to be summoned and to be endorsed validly, the Constitutional Bill needs to receive the support of three fifths of the joint sitting (called a Congress, held in the city of Versailles).

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

As Tonga’s 26 newly elected representatives turn to choosing a prime minister among them, one potential candidate is identifying economic development and raising the standard of living as necessary priorities for the next government and its leader.

Lord Fakafanua was re-elected as a nobles’ representative for Ha’apai in last week’s general election.

He spoke to RNZ Pacific after the results were announced and outlined a range of areas he believed Tonga’s next prime minister and cabinet needed to focus on.

“There are a few low-hanging fruits available to Tonga, a few policy decisions that we don’t have to spend taxpayers’ money on — they can immediately show dividends and improve people’s lives, and especially lower the cost of living,” Fakanua said.

“In the last few weeks, we’ve experienced a shortage of fuel, and I think a lot of people will be looking towards how a new government will handle energy security and [consistency of] supplies that people are getting the services that they require from the government.

“And there’s always the issue of unemployment and job opportunities.”

Fakafanua, who has held the position of Parliament’s Speaker since 2017, would not explicitly confirm whether he wanted to be prime minister, but also said he was not excluding himself from the race.

Experience as Speaker
Speaking to RNZ Pacific, he drew on his experience as Speaker when asked about his regional ambitions should he become prime minister.

“I don’t want to pre-empt anything right now, but I just have to say that if given the opportunity, I think it would be important for the Pacific to stand as a unit, especially in this polarised world.

“There are certain priorities that the Pacific holds dear, and climate change is one of them. And of course, that’s something that us in the Pacific hold as an existential threat.

“So something like that is a commonality that we can find working together would prove very beneficial, not just for Tonga, but also for the region.”

Currently, the country is under a caretaker government as negotiations between the newly elected representatives take place for a prime minister. Once a prime minister is selected, they go on to pick a cabinet for approval, and appointment by the King.

Fakafanua was among the nine nobles who won a seat in the election, while caretaker prime minister Dr Aisake ‘Eke and his predecessor Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni were among the 17 people’s representatives elected.

Both ‘Eke and Hu’akavameiliku, alongside Fakafanua, have been touted as potential prime ministers for the next four-year parliamentary term. RNZ has requested interviews with ‘Eke and Hu’akavameiliku.

Another potential candidate
Meanwhile, another nobles’ representative — Lord Tu’ivakano — has also been flagged as a potential candidate for prime minister. Tu’ivakano is a former speaker and was also the first prime minister following Tonga’s 2010 constitutional reforms.

Fellow noble Lord Vaea told Pacific Media News he believed a noble as prime minister would provide stability for the government and country that had been lacking under prime ministers who were peoples’ representatives.

“It’s time to have a noble in,” Vaea said.

“Over the last four elections, PMs have had great difficulties controlling, that’s why I recommend that we go back in with the nobility.”

But not everyone is convinced.

Teisa Pohiva, the daughter of the late pro-democracy movement leader and prime minister ‘Akilisi Pohiva, has warned Tongans to be wary of a potential shift in power back to the nobility and monarchy.

“It’s as if slowly they’re coming back for the executive powers of the country, something that we’ve fought for so long for the people to be given the authority to run the country, the executive powers with due consultation with the monarchy, with His Majesty,” Pohiva said in an interview with PMN.

Crown Prince influence
She highlighted the position the Crown Prince held in ‘Eke’s government as both minister for foreign affairs and defence. He was appointed to ‘Eke’s cabinet as a minister outside of parliament. Under the constitution, the prime minister is permitted to appoint up to four ministers in this capacity.

“Personally, I would urge the representatives of the people, whoever is elected into Parliament, to stand together, try and put the differences aside and stand together and keep the prime minister position within the people,” Pohiva said.

“There’s nothing more important for us but performance and accountability to the people of Tonga.”

Under the current system, only nobles vote towards their nine representatives to Parliament, while the general public have a separate election process that results in the 17 peoples’ representatives.

Both voting processes take place on the same day and make up the general election.

The setup was implemented through the 2010 constitutional reforms which increased the number of people’s representatives in the legislative assembly from nine to 17.

Prior to that, the balance of power in the executive branch sat with the nobles, the King and his Privy Council, with the number of people’s representatives set at just nine.

For now, Tonga’s newly elected 26 representatives will be discussing who they believe would be best to lead. They will vote for the position by secret ballot, which must be won by a majority.

Under the constitution, the vote will be repeated if no one gains a majority, with the candidate who wins the least number of votes eliminated from the next round.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Two new noble representatives have been elected in Tonga, according to results announced today in Nuku’alofa.

Lord Dalgety, chairman of the Tonga Electoral Commission, announced the results of the nobles election at the Palace Office in the Tongan capital shortly after midday.

The two newly elected nobles are Lord Veéhala in Eua, who secured 20 votes, and Lord Ma’afu in Tongatapu, who received 12 votes.

Lord Veéhala, a senior military officer with His Majesty’s Armed Forces, replaces Lord Nuku, who was eliminated from the election on Wednesday due to ongoing court cases.

Lord Ma’afu continues the tradition of his family being represented in parliament, with his late dad, the previous Lord Ma’afu, having been a nobles representative over a number of years.

Voting continues for the general public to elect 17 people’s representatives, who will join their nine nobles counterparts in the Legislative Assembly.

Speaking after the result was announced, the re-elected nobles’ representative for Ha’apai, Lord Fakafanua played down reports he had his eye on becoming the next prime minister of Tonga.

‘Always rumours’
“That didn’t come up, and you know, leading up to a general election there are always rumours coming around,” he said.

However, he did not rule it out completely.

“Everything is a bit premature right now because it is up to the 26 members, so once we know who is in there then it will be something that we will look forward to,” he said.

“There are many possibilities. There is still some time now before we have to go through that process.”

Election results for Tonga’s Nobles Representatives

Va’vau (2 representatives)

• Incumbent Lord Tuiafitu 5 votes (re-elected)
• Incumbent Lord Tuilakepa 5 votes (re-elected)
• Lord Luani 3 votes
• Lord Fulivai 1 vote

Ha’apai (2 reps)

• Incumbent Lord Fakafanua 6 votes (re-elected)
• Incumbent Lord Tuihaangana 6 votes(re-elected)
• Lord Tuihaateiho 2 votes

Eua – (1 rep)

• Lord Lasike 1 vote
• Lord Veéhala 20 votes (newly elected)

Tongatapu – (3 reps)

• Lord Lasike 6 votes
• Lord Ma’afu 12 votes (newly elected)
• Lord Tu’ivakano 8 votes (elected)
• Lord Vaea 10 votes (elected)

Ongo Niua (1 rep)

• Lord Fotofili (won unopposed)

Polls have closed in Tonga for the 2025 general election.

The preliminary results are expected to be available tonight.

The return of the writs of election to the King is scheduled for December 4.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

With just three weeks to go before Tongans head to the polls, the debate over election issues is heating up.

Under the spotlight are the role of the palace in the country’s democratic process and calls for voting rights for overseas-based Tongans. The state of the economy and access to health care are also being examined.

Tongan political scientist Dr Malakai Koloamatangi said for many Tongans, bread-and-butter election issues remained important.

“People are just wanting to get on with life, and they want the best conditions . . .  for them to get a job, put their kids through school, a roof over their heads, vehicles and to meet their obligations around social [and] cultural [customs].”

Dr Koloamatangi, who is the registrar at the Tonga National University, believed voters wanted to see policies that addressed increasing living costs and fuel shortages, which have caused significant disruptions to daily life.

“We’re not seeing abject poverty in Tonga but things like wages need to be raised in order to meet the rising cost of the standard of living.

“And we’re still having issues with petrol and oil not arriving on time. So big queues at the gas stations and so on.”

Scrutiny over palace role
A former political adviser, Lopeti Senituli, said the role of the palace and its noble representatives in Parliament was under increasing scrutiny.

The Tonga Parliament is made up of noble and people’s representatives. On polling day, regular voters cast ballots to elect 17 people’s representatives to Parliament, while the kingdom’s nobles vote for nine noble representatives.

Senituli said King Tupou IV’s displeasure over the behaviour of previous noble representatives to Parliament was well known.

“Some of them have not performed like a noble, have not acted like a noble. Some of them, for example, have been investigated for being involved in drug smuggling from America,” he said.

He said candidates would be acutely aware of the power dynamic between the palace and Parliament, particularly since former Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni resigned in December last year ahead of a vote-of-no confidence.

Hu’akavameiliku reportedly clashed with King Tupou VI over key ministerial portfolios that were traditionally held by the monarchy.

“The King is, to put it mildly, not happy with the noble representatives in cabinet in previous governments. And of course, he was not happy with the previous prime minister.”

Top job not guaranteed
Senituli said, while Hu’akavameiliku’s successor, incumbent Prime Minister Dr ‘Aisake Eke enjoyed the support of the king, he was not guaranteed the top job again.

“Winning his actual electoral electorate is guaranteed in my view, but whether or not he can pull together a cabinet made up of 12 supporters from the nine members of nobility and 16 people’s reps is another matter.”

Both Senituli and Dr Koloamatangi believe the provision in Tonga’s Constitution, which states the Prime Minister can nominate up to four cabinet ministers who were not elected representatives, added another layer of complexity to Tonga’s governing processes.

Crown Prince Tupoutoʻa ʻUlukalala was appointed to his cabinet position in Dr Eke’s government through this mechanism. He holds both the foreign affairs and defence force portfolios.

Senituli believed that overlap in power between the palace and executive needed to be addressed as Tonga worked towards becoming a mature democracy.

However, Dr Koloamatangi disagreed, saying it was a long-standing tradition for future monarchs to hold cabinet positions.

“Most of the kings of Tonga, the monarchs, were trained in that way,” Dr Koloamatangi said.

‘Good training ground’
“While their fathers were still on the throne, they were given the responsibilities in government. So I think it’s a good training ground for the Crown Prince.”

Meanwhile, overseas-based Tongans are also keeping tabs on developments, with many calling for voting rights in their home nation. Under current rules, only those who live in Tonga are eligible to vote.

Kennedy Fakanaanaaki-Fualu, secretary for the Auckland Tongan Community organisation, said members of the diaspora like him contributed significantly to Tonga.

“If it wasn’t for the remittances [sent from overseas-based Tongans], Tonga would be in deep, deep trouble,” he said.

“We should be given the right to vote, especially if you’re a Tongan citizen.”

Tonga’s polling day is set for November 20.

About 65,000 people will be eligible to vote. Those casting ballots must do it in person, with no provisions for overseas or absentee voting.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

French MPs narrowly endorsed the postponement of New Caledonia’s provincial elections to no later than 28 June 2026 in a crucial vote in Paris this week.

It comes as newly appointed Overseas Minister Naïma Moutchou prepares to visit the French Pacific territory for more talks on its political future.

The vote took place in the Lower House, the National Assembly, on Tuesday in a climate of division between national parties.

It was a narrow score, with 279 MPs backing the postponement and 247 voting against the “Constitutional organic” Bill.

A final vote (298 for and 39 against) in the other chamber, the Senate (Upper House), on Wednesday in a relatively less adverserial environment, was regarded as a sheer formality.

After this, the French Constitutional Council is to deliver its ruling on the conformity of the text.

New Caledonia’s provincial elections have already been postponed several times: originally set for May 2024, they had to be delayed due to the riots that took place, then were further delayed from December 2024 to November 2025.

As part of an emergency parliamentary procedure, a bipartisan committee earlier this week also modified the small text (which contains only three paragraphs), mainly to delete any reference to an agreement project signed in July 2025 in Bougival (near Paris).

The text was supposed to serve as the blueprint for New Caledonia’s future status. It contained plans to make New Caledonia a “State” within France’s realm and to provide a new “nationality”, as well as transferring powers from Paris to Nouméa (including foreign affairs).

The “agreement project” was initially signed by all of New Caledonia’s political parties, but one of the main components of the pro-independence movement, the FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) later said it withdrew its negotiators’ signatures.

The FLNKS said this was because the agreement was not in line with its aim of full sovereignty and was merely a “lure of independence”.

The party has since reaffirmed that it did not want to have anything to do with the Bougival text.

No more mention of Bougival
The bipartisan committee modified the Bill’s title accordingly, introducing, in the new version, “to allow the pursuit of consensual discussions on New Caledonia’s institutional future”.

The modifications to the Bill have been described as a way of allowing discussions and, even though no longer specifically mentioned, to use the Bougival accord as a base for further talks, mainly with the FLNKS.

“This is a political message to the FLNKS, Bill rapporteur Philippe Gosselin (Les Républicains -centre right) said this week

One of the FLNKS key representatives at the National Assembly, pro-independence Emmanuel Tjibaou (who also chairs the Union Calédonienne party, the main component of FLNKS), however maintained his opposition to the modified text.

The postponement was also said to be designed to “give more time” to possible discussions.

The other National Assembly MP for New Caledonia, pro-France Nicolas Metzdorf, said even though the name Bougival was eventually removed, “everyone knows we will continue to talk from the basis of Bougival, because these are the most advanced bases in the negotiations”.

Tjibaou said the slight change can be regarded as “an essential detail” and mark “a new sequence” in future political talks.

“We’re still in the negotiating phase,” he said.

‘Denial of democracy’
However, he maintained his stance against the postponement of the local polls, saying this was a “denial of democracy”.

“The bill was originally designed to postpone provincial elections to allow Bougival’s implementation. Then they remove any mention of Bougival and then they say ‘we vote for the postponement’. What are we talking about? It just doesn’t make sense”, he said.

Tjibaou’s FLNKS has called for a peaceful march on Friday, 31 October 2025, to voice its opposition to the postponement of local elections.

Newly-appointed French Minister for Overseas Naïma Moutchou is expected to arrive in New Caledonia on Saturday.

Since she was appointed earlier this month in the second cabinet of Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu (who was also Minister for Overseas between 2000 and 2022), Moutchou has repeated that her door remained open to further talks with FLNKS and that “nothing can be done” without the FLNKS as long as FLNKS “does not want to do things without the (other parties)”.

In New Caledonia, she said she would “meet all of the partners to examine how an agreement can be implemented”.

Ahead of her trip that will be her baptism of fire, Moutchou also spent hours in video conference talks with New Caledonia’s key politicians earlier this week.

‘Dialogue and respect’
“My approach will be based on dialogue, consistency and respect. Nothing should be rushed. It’s all about refining and clarifying certain points”.

Under the Bougival text, several key aspects of New Caledonia’s future remain highly sensitive. This includes a “comprehensive” agreement that would lift restrictions to the list of people entitled to vote at local provincial elections.

Since 2007, until now, under the existing Nouméa Accord (signed in 1998), only people who were born or resided in New Caledonia before 1998 are entitle to cast their votes for the local polls.

Under the Bougival roadmap, the “special” electoral roll would be “unfrozen” to allow French citizens to vote, provided they have resided for 15 (and a later stage 10) uninterrupted years, as well as those who were born in New Caledonia after 1998.

The change would mean the inclusion of about 15,000 “natives” and up to 25,000 long-term residents, according to conservative estimates.

The sensitive subject was regarded as the main trigger for civil unrest that started in May 2024 and caused 14 deaths, more than 2 billion euros (NZ$4 billion) in damage and a drop of 13.5 percent of New Caledonia’s gross domestic product (GDP).

MP Arthur Delaporte (Socialist party), who backed the modifications on October 27 at the bipartisan committee, assured his party would not support any constitutional reform that would not have been the result of a consensus or could be regarded as a “passage en force”.

The warning is especially meaningful on a backdrop of persistent instability in the French Parliament.

Lecornu is leading his second cabinet since he was appointed early September 2025 — his first was short-lived and only lasted 14 hours.

He has since narrowly survived two motions of no-confidence.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

It was hardly a dream debut for Labour’s long-awaited, much-argued-over tax package for Aotearoa New Zealand.

What was meant to be a carefully choreographed reveal of a capital gains tax (CGT) later this week instead arrived early — leaked to RNZ over the long weekend and hastily confirmed by Chris Hipkins this morning.

In his media conference at Parliament, Labour’s leader downplayed the premature release, saying the details had been circulated widely and could have come from anywhere.

He delivered a stern warning to any leaker, but also said he was not interested in pursuing any sort of investigation.

That is sensible. History shows such hunts usually end badly. Just ask National about Jami-Lee Ross.

Still, the leak will be of some concern to Hipkins.

The party’s internal debate over whether to pursue a wealth tax or CGT has been long and bruising, with strong feelings on both sides.

RNZ understands the caucus vote for a CGT plan was near unanimous – but not quite. And the party’s ruling council and policy council were more divided again.

Hipkins needs those proponents of a wealth tax to now fall in behind the selected proposal.

Unity will be crucial if Labour is to sell yet another version of a policy it has repeatedly failed to convince voters to support.

Containing the risk
Labour knows the political peril of talking tax. It’s been burned before — in 2011, 2014, and 2017.

This time, the party has chosen the smallest possible target: a cautious CGT applying only to property sales, excluding the family home and farms.

The rate would be set at 28 percent, in line with company tax, and would apply to profits made after 1 July 2027.

National disputes the description of “narrow” but compared to the other options on offer, it meets the definition. This does not cover shares, KiwiSaver, inheritances, or personal assets, like classic cars or artwork.

In many respects, it’s little more than an expanded bright-line test — closely resembling the minority view of the 2019 Tax Working Group.

The strategy is clear: keep it simple and sellable.

Labour believes a modest CGT will be more palatable to the public than the more novel and ambitious wealth tax. Capital gains taxes are familiar overseas and no longer as frightening a concept as they once were.

Definition complications
But even the narrowest design can have complications. For example, look to the definition of “family home”.

Labour is using the definition used currently by the brightline test which requires a person to be currently living in that house “most of the time”.

It means that a person who owns just one house, but lives in a rental property elsewhere, would still be taxed if they sold that property.

Keeping the scope tight also limits revenue.

Labour’s own policy paper concedes the returns will be “small relative to GDP and total tax revenue” – roughly $700 million a year.

And almost all of that will go straight into Labour’s accompanying health policy.

The sweetener: A ‘Medicard’ for GP visits
In a bid to soften any political blow, Labour has paired the tax with a tangible benefit — a “Medicard” giving every New Zealander three free GP visits a year.

By tying its CGT to the health system, Labour hopes to frame it not so much as punishment for property owners, but more as a pragmatic way to fund something people actually want.

It’s no mistake that the policy touches the two issues named most important by voters in polling: the cost-of-living and healthcare.

Labour has also intentionally made the entitlement universal to ensure the widest possible appeal — even if critics argue the money would be better targeted to those most in need.

Speaking of the critics, government MPs were practically salivating today, having eagerly awaited this announcement as a potential turning point in the polls.

Labour’s rise in popularity has come despite having little in the way of a policy platform and the coalition hopes the tide will turn as voters look more sceptically at the alternative.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis branded the proposal a “terrible idea”, warning it would hit small businesses that own property.

‘Tall-poppy politics’
Act’s David Seymour called it divisive “tall-poppy politics”, while New Zealand First declared the rollout “a trainwreck”.

NZ First’s post on social media included a noteworthy kicker, describing the CGT as merely “a foot in the door” for the Greens and Te Pāti Māori.

Hipkins today tried to shut down that attack, claiming that Labour’s tax plan would be the next government’s tax plan.

But he received no assistance from his purported partners, with the Greens insisting they would not be relinquishing their advocacy for a wealth tax.

Expect more heat on that front as the election approaches.

RNZ’s latest Reid Research poll shows the task ahead for Labour: 43 percent in support of a CGT, 36 percent opposed, and 22 percent undecided.

That’s not exactly a decisive mandate – but it’s not dismal either.

After months of indecision, Labour is finally in the policy game.

This may not be how it had hoped to roll out its flagship policy, but the real test will be how well it can sell it over the coming months.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Of 42 referendums, 17 voted to retain Māori Wards in Aotearoa New Zealand’s local elections yesterday, which suggests something about where we are at as a nation — but you already knew that right?

We all know that it’s only recently that we’ve been attempting to teach New Zealand history in our schools.

As a consequence few people understand it — and even less understand Te Tiriti, and our obligations to it — and things like “active protection” not being based on race, but being based on a constitutional foundation which protects the interests of our indigenous.

They are not just the same as some other minority.

There’s a special status to this and we would like to think we can independently maintain it in a so called “liberal democracy” but, as you know, the guardrails are shaky and under neoliberal attack.

We know Education Minister Erica Stanford is working with Atlas plants and one-eyed folk to dilute that effort, and we know history and social sciences are under attack under this government.

They pull the funding for the humanities. That’s the fact.

Not always equitable
While the electoral system may be formally equal (one person, one vote), it does not always lead to equitable outcomes for groups with distinct cultural, historical, and political status — such as Māori.

You try to talk fairness to your average rightwing, under-educated Act voter and they will tell you about fairness based on their own victimhood and “equality” not “equity”.

While Māori are guaranteed representation through the Māori electoral roll at the national level — Māori seats in Parliament — Māori wards are the local government equivalent to me.

Without Māori wards, Māori communities often lack meaningful say in local decisions affecting their lands, resources, and wellbeing, especially given the legacy of colonisation and ongoing disparities.

Nobody at Hobson’s Pledge cares much about that because it does not effect them. Self interest is their bottom line.

Without dedicated representation, Māori voices are often sidelined or overruled as we all have seen, many times and here we go again — as Code Brown is rife in Auckland and celebrations begin with no real mandate after such a low turnout.

Code Brown will tell you otherwise that these results are all about the public voting for “doing a good job” and not “just a pretty face” but in reality it’s about disconnection and the cost of living crisis and double digit rates increases in 18 councils, and who bothers to vote?

Many new mayors
In 18 councils which gave ratepayers a double digit rate increase, 13 elected new mayors — just like that!

Overall, out of 66 mayoral races, 31 councils elected a new mayor

Māori wards ensure there are elected representatives directly accountable to Māori constituents, strengthening democracy, but we’ve seen the erosion of it under this government.

We have all seen how they are pushing all things Māori backwards in a dedicated ideological push to clear the way for foreign investment — and that’s the battle.

Act picked up 10 candidates — but much of that is about who votes, and rather than a swing to the right it’s about rates and low turnout.

Ratepayers tend to get out and vote more than renters, according to Code Brown as we stare at voter turnout in 2025 which appears significantly down compared to 2022 in major cities.

Auckland dropped from about 35.5 percent to about 23 percent. Wellington dropped from 45 percent to around 36 percent. Christchurch also dropped, though somewhat less sharply — and while that’s preliminary, it’s a statement.

Nationwide turnout drops
Overall, the nationwide turnout is looking lower — around 36 percent preliminary results for the 2025 local elections, and offical counts will be known on Friday, October 17.

So in the end, we need to vote out the central government which gave us upward pressure on rates with unaffordable water infrastructure reform — while trying to blame councils —  attacked Māori on many fronts; and eroded progress towards a proper constitutional transformation .

After a recent byelection and now this result — there’s a message to people who do not vote . . . and it’s about the outcomes. You either vote or you get screwed.

I’m sure you already can see the need as some suggest voting should be compulsory like in Australia – and we all saw the gerrymandering by Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Justice Minister Paul Goldsmith about enrolment dates.

Gerard Otto is a digital creator and independent commentator on politics and the media through his G News column and video reports. Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Bougainville’s re-elected President Ishmael Toroama has announced a caretaker government following a formal swearing-in ceremony on Monday in the capital Buka.

The former Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA) commander won more than 90,000 votes in a landslide victory after the election on September 5-6.

The interim Bougainville Executive Council (BEC) will consist of the President, the Vice President Ezekiel Masatt and the Member of Parliament for Atolls Amanda Masono.

In his address, Toroama said the occasion marked an important step in Bougainville’s democratic process, signifying a time of transition, continuity and renewed commitment, according to a statement on the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) Facebook page.

“During this caretaker period, our priority is to safeguard good governance and maintain the trust and confidence of our people,” Toroama said.

The interim BEC will oversee government operations until the full Cabinet of the Bougainville Executive Council is formed.

The president will choose four cabinet ministers, while the remaining 10 will be selected by regional committees.

Assigning portfolios
However, Toroama will assign portfolios to each of them.

This will take place after the swearing-in of the 5th Bougainville House of Representatives on Friday, October 10.

Toroama added that Bougainvilleans had expressed concern over the conduct of some losing candidates, saying their actions undermine Bougainville’s democratic values.

“It is disappointing that several have chosen to express their dissatisfaction in premature and disorderly ways. Such conduct mocks the democratic values enshrined in the Bougainville Constitution and insults the people of Bougainville, who have spoken with unity and purpose through the ballot box,” he said.

“The people have made their choice, they have elected leaders whom they trust to guide Bougainville through the next phase of our political journey, particularly toward our aspiration for independence.

“Leadership is not about personal ambition. It is about service, humility, and accountability to the people who have placed their faith in us.”

He also called on elected representatives to unite as Bougainville enters a new political chapter.

‘Set aside differences’
“Let us set aside personal differences and work together for the greater good of Bougainville. Our people deserve leadership that is mature, united, and focused on building a future that is peaceful, prosperous, and independent.

“The strength of our democracy lies not in how we win elections, but in how we respect their outcomes and continue to serve our people with humility and purpose,” he wrote.

Meanwhile, the Office of the Bougainville Electoral Commission (OBEC) returned the writs for 45 seats on Monday.

Electoral commissioner Desmond Tsianai handed them to the outgoing Speaker Simon Pentanu, marking the end of the electoral process.

The writs included the presidency, 38-single-member constituencies and six reserved regional seats for women and former combatants.

Tsianai said the democratic spirit of the people of Bougainville was a testament to their unity and resilience.

“To every voter who stood in line with patience, dignity, and determination, we say thank you. You have proven once again that the heart of Bougainville beats strong with a belief in peaceful democratic choice and representation,” said.

More women candidates
“We recorded a total of 408 candidates, including a growing and welcome number of women candidates. Some 21 women contested constituency seats, up from 14 in 2020.”

The presidential race featured seven candidates, reflecting a vibrant and competitive democratic environment, he said.

He said the final electoral role included 238,625 registered voters, the most inclusive and comprehensive roll in the history of the autonomous region.

Notably, he added, 14.3 percent of enrolled voters were aged 18 to 24, a significant increase from 8.9 percent in 2020.

“This shows that our youth are claiming their place in shaping Bougainville’s future. Our systems of verification, oversight, and accountability were tested and they held firm.”

Officials will now begin their post-election review, listening to lessons from this election, to improve the next.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Bougainvilleans went to the polls today, keen to elect a leader who will continue their fight for independence.

“There’s a mood of excitement among the people here,” said Electoral Commissioner Desmond Tsianai.

“It is important that this election is successful and credible, because we want legitimate leaders in the government, who will continue discussions with Papua New Guinea over independence,” he said.

Tsianai said there were more than 239,000 registered voters in the autonomous PNG region and he expects a better turnout than the 67 percent during the 2020 election.

“We anticipate voter turnout will increase due to the importance of this election in the political aspirations of Bougainville.”

Tsianai said his office had been proactive, encouraging voters to enrol and reaching out through schools to first-time voters aged 18 and over.

He is adamant Bougainville could achieve a one-day poll, despite the election being rescheduled at the last minute.

Polling pushed back
Polling was scheduled to begin on Thursday but was pushed back a day to allow time to dispatch ballot papers.

In addition, he said, there were some quality control issues concerning serial numbers.

“These are an important safeguard against fraud. We, therefore, took measures to ensure that these issues were rectified, so that electoral integrity was assured.”

The final shipment of ballot papers, which was scheduled for delivery on August 23, finally arrived on September 2, he said.

This did not allow enough time for packing and distribution to enable polling to take place on Thursday.

“The printing of the ballot papers and the delay afterwards was out of our hands, however we’ve taken the necessary steps to ensure the integrity of the process.

The polling period for the elections was from September 2-8, and the office had discretion to select any date within that period based on election planning, he said.

“Rescheduling allowed sufficient time to resolve ballot delivery delays and to ensure that polling teams are ready to serve voters.”

Preventing risk
He said that the rescheduling was done in the interest of voters, candidates and stakeholders, to prevent any risk of disenfranchisement.

“We remain fully committed to delivering a credible election and will continue to provide regular updates to maintain transparency and confidence in the electoral process,” he said.

“We have taken the necessary steps and anticipated that some wards within constituencies have a larger voting population so extra teams had been allocated to those wards so polling can be conducted in a day.”

The dominant issue going into the election remained the quest for independence.

In 2020, there were strong expectations that the autonomous region would soon achieve that, given the result of an historic referendum.

A 97.7 percent majority voted for independence in a referendum which began in November 2019.

However, that has not happened yet, and Port Moresby has yet to concede much ground.

Toroama not pressured
Bougainville’s 544 polling stations will open from 8am to 4pm local time (9am-5pm NZT) in what is the first time the Autonomous Bougainville Government has planned a single day poll.

Some 404 candidates are contesting for 46 seats in the Bougainville Parliament, including a record 34 women.

Six men are challenging Ishmael Toroama for his job.

Toroama recently told RNZ Pacific that he was not feeling any pressure as he sought a second five-year term in office.

“I’m the kind of man that has process. They voted me for the last five years. And if the people wish to put me, the decision, the power to put people, it is democracy. They will vote for me.” he said.

Counting will take place on September 9-21, and writs will be returned to the Speaker of the House the following day.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

A former New Zealand politician says there is a sense of relief in Samoa following snap general election day.

Aupito William Sio is in Samoa to vote and support the communities he has responsibilities for as a chief.

Aupito, the Pacific General Assembly Council of Chiefs chair, told RNZ Pacific, from a busy cafe in Samoa yesterday morning, he felt as if a weight had been lifted off.

“Thank goodness it’s over. For a while, the general public, outside of the Apia township, just felt like we can’t wait to cast our vote and make the decision for these politicians,” he said.

“There was a sense of fatigue throughout the campaigning period, but now I think there’s huge relief.”

Finally, the people have spoken and a decision has been made, Aupito added.

FAST is the same party that won last time with Fiamē Naomi Mataʻafa at the helm.

Now, Fiamē heads the new SUP party and Laʻauli is FAST’s leader.

While the preliminary results provide a “good indication,” Aupito said there are still special votes to be added and women candidates to be considered.

Preliminary results from Friday night show FAST on 30, HRPP with 14, SUP had three and IND sat at four as of midday Saturday.

Last election was much tighter but for now, FAST is on track to win by a solid margin.

With the gap between the winner and those who have lost according to unofficial results significant, Aupito thinks there is a good indication as to the outcome.

Quota system for women
Samoa also has a quota system for women. They must have a minimum of six women in Parliament.

“So, if two women MPs have made this round. It’s likely that four women candidates who did not win in their seats but who still had the highest votes would be added on to the 51 seats,” Aupito said

The women’s seats will not be considered until all court challenges are settled, the election office said.

Traditionally, there have been challenges from losing candidates, who might challenge the winning candidates for something that may have occurred that is not in alignment with the laws during the campaign period.

There is a rule though in Samoa where the losing candidate cannot challenge the vote in court unless they have 50 percent of the winning vote, Aupito explained.

“I am hopeful that the rest of the politicians would see that the people have spoken,” Aupito said.

“The preliminary results give you a clear indication that FAST won the popular vote, and perhaps just to allow them to go through, set themselves up as the new government, while these minor challenges might occur behind the scenes, but very rarely have we seen any significant changes after the preliminary results.”

“Everything ran smoothly today [Friday], there weren’t any issues apart from one,” Toleafoa explained.

People were transporting voters which was not allowed, so the matter had been referred to the police, he said.

Leadership transition
Aupito described how a transition of leadership began back in 2021. The HRPP had been in government for 40 plus years.

“In fact, the prime minister had been the prime minister for 23 years, and now he has continued to remain as the leader of the HRPP and has kept HRPP relevant in the hearts and minds of the population,” he said.

Even in the strength of being a senior politician, was also seen as a weakness as a transitional generational shift began back in 2021.

For the first time ever, ordinary Samoan citizens in the villages made a big statement about what their expectations about leadership were.

“Clearly, they’ve spoken loud and clear,” Aupito said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The dominant issue going into the next election in Bougainville next week is not much different from the last election five years ago.

The autonomous Papua New Guinea region goes to the polls on September 4.

In 2020, there were strong expectations Bougainville would soon be independent, given the result of an overwhelming referendum for independence just months earlier.

That has not happened yet, and Port Moresby has yet to concede much ground.

Most recently, at Burnham in Christchurch in June, little progress was made, as Massey University academic Dr Anna Powles points out.

“Papua New Guinean Prime Minister James Marape referred to Burnham as a spiritual home of the Bougainville peace process,” she said.

“And yet, on the other hand, you have the Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama saying very clearly that independence was non-negotiable, and setting out a number of terms, including the fact that Bougainville was to become independent by the 1st of September 2027.

“If Papua New Guinea did not ratify that, Bougainville would make a unilateral declaration of independence.”

Seven candidates standing
There are seven people standing for the presidency, including long-time MP in the PNG national Parliament, Joe Lera.

He said everyone wants independence, but he wants to see a more conciliatory tone from the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG).

“Now, what the current government is doing is they are going outside the [Bougainville] Peace Agreement, and they are trying to shortcut based on the [referendum] result. But the Peace Agreement does not say independence will be given to us based on the result,” Lera said.

“What it says is, after we know the result, the two governments must continue to dialogue, consult each other and find ways of how to improve the economy, the law and order issues, the development issues.

“When we fix those, the nation-building pillars, we can then apply for the ratification to take place.”

However, Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama has no intention of deviating from the path he has been following.

“It gives us the opportunity whether the national government likes it or not,” he told RNZ Pacific this week.

“It is a national constitution guarantee of the framework of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, and that is how I’m saying to them, whether we come into consultation, we have different views.

“At least it is the constitutional guaranteed process set in by the National Constitution.”

Achieving sovereignty as soon as possible is the driving force for the man who has been leading Bougainville’s campaign, the Independence Implementation Minister Ezekiel Masatt.

He said the signing of the Melanesian Agreement at Burnham was pivotal.

“We must obtain political independence in order to have some sovereign powers, in order to make some strategic economic decisions,” he said.

“Now, given the Melanesian Agreement where Bougainville can achieve some sovereign powers I think that is a great start in the right direction.”

Masatt is standing in the Tonsu electorate in North Bougainville.

Former army officer Thomas Raivet is running for a second time. He is confident that he and his New Bougainville Party colleagues, Nick Peniai and Joe Lera, can be a formidable presence given the impact of preference votes.

“We believe that we can make a difference, because for the last five years, nothing has really happened here and and maybe five years ago, and maybe you go back 10 years, nothing has really happened for us,” Raivet said.

“I see this as an opportunity just to be part of the development of new Bougainville.”

Sam Kauona, who once led the Bougainville Revolutionary Army alongside Ishmael Toroama, is another presidential candidate.

He has run before but says this time he will win because of the Toroama governmment failure to bring independence.

“Because the government, for the last five years, did not achieve what Bougainvilleans, what we, wanted. They were concentrating on one option only. That’s why it wasted the last five years, and we did not achieve anything.”

The vote in Bougainville is being held over just one day for the first time, with results anticipated within a week.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Samoa’s electoral commissioner Toleafoa Tuiafelolo Alexander Stanley told the media the official count kicks off on Monday then next Friday is when official results are expected.

The election, described as the most unpredictable in Samoa’s history, had no clear favourite going in given the governing party had split into two factions, leading to the collapse of caretaker Prime Minister Fiame Naomi Mata’afa’s minority government.

Unofficial results showed Fiame’s former FAST Party in the lead and HRPP not far behind as of last night.

Preliminary election results are still trickling in for Samoa’s snap election.

Fiame’s newly established SUP Party was trailing behind both.

Electoral Commissioner’s update
Results will only be made official when the Head of State issues the writ.

Prepolling and special votes will be counted today.

Voter turnout was not able to be determined as of last night.

There were more than 100,000 eligible voters expected to take part in election 2025.

Toleafoa said counting was done manually.

A mini server has been used to resolve issues that cropped up in the last election.

“O Le fa’aogaga o Le channel, ma Le mea lea e Ta’u o Le Mac box it’s really a mini server o Le solution lea ga fai lea e sao ai faafikauli lea ga Kupu I Le paloka 2021 e le’i iai se Mac box, faamoemoe ā I numbers foi ga le, ga faamoemoe I le kalagoa ai,” Toleafoa told the media late last night.

His words have been translated: “The use of the channel and this thing called Mac box it’s really mini server for the solution from what happened in 2021 there was no Mac box we relied on numbers manually to communicate”.

“No one can vote twice. For example, if someone voted in one constituency and then went to another the service would pick it up and flag it.

“That is why it will take a week [next week] to fully count,” Toleafoa said.

Voting is compulsory in Samoa and the Electoral Commission has said people in line at close of polling were allowed to vote.

However, they had warned anyone registered to vote who did not cast their ballot would face penalties.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

A total of 187 candidates will contest 50 seats in Parliament, representing six political parties and 46 independents. The governing FAST Party leads the field with 58 candidates, followed closely by the HRPP with 50.

Caretaker Prime Minister Fiame Naomi Mata’afa’s Samoa United Party has 26 candidates, while the Samoa Labour Party has five.

The Electoral Office says over 400 polling stations have been set up, and some 1300 polling officials and around 500 police officers are on duty to maintain order.

On the eve of voting, the villages were calm, with councils gathering for evening prayers to pray for election day.

The RNZ Pacific team on the ground spoke to voters who cast their votes this morning.

Some expressed happiness at being able to exercise their right to vote, while others were quite patriotic and said they prayed for God to bless the election.

One voter said they just wanted the election to be over.

Polling closes at 3pm local time (2pm NZT).

Meanwhile, the first seat has been declared after early voting ended on Wednesday.

The Office of the Electoral Commission announced Leatinuu Wayne So’oialo as the holder of the Faleata 2 seat.

This is following an earlier Supreme Court decision to disqualify the other nominated candidates due to ineligibility, meaning the electoral constituancy of Faleata 2 is being marked as uncontested.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The President of Bougainville, Ishmael Toroama, says he is not feeling the pressure as he seeks a second five-year term in office.

Bougainville goes to the polls next Thursday, September 4, with 404 candidates vying for 46 seats in the Parliament of the autonomous Papua New Guinea region.

Toroama is being challenged by six others — all men.

He spoke with RNZ Pacific as he continues campaigning in Central Bougainville.

Don Wiseman: Last time you and I spoke before an election, you had just been ushering a rock band around Bougainville. It’s a very different situation for you this time round.

Ishmael Toroama: Yes, indeed, it’s a totally different situation. But you know, principle never changes. Principles of everything, in terms of whatever we do, remain the same. But it changes as environment changes.

DW: What are your key planks going into this election? What are the most important things that you’re telling people?

‘Political independence’
IT: It’s what my government has done in the last five years.

I am telling them, firstly, of the political independence. Political independence has been agreed by the national constitution of Papua New Guinea, amendment on part 14, which gives the people of Bougainville the right to vote for independence referendum.

As our leaders at that time, while they were negotiating with late Kabui [first Bougainville President Joseph Kabui], they told the Papua New Guinea government that if you cannot change your constitution, then we will no longer sign a peace agreement that creates that opportunity for Papua New Guinea and Bougainville.

So what I’m telling them is it has been guaranteed by the national constitution, which created the amendment of part 14, the Organic Law on Peace Building, Bougainville Peace Agreement and the Constitution of the Autonomous Bougainville Government.

In all consultation, national constitution guarantees us to even the consultation, even through the definition of independence, which most Bougainvilleans have voted for, which has been defined by the national government, saying that it is a separate state apart from the state of Papua New Guinea.

And the United Nations must also verify that, and that is the definition which national government has given to the people of Bougainville before the actual voting happened. If you closely look at all consultation, the Bougainville Peace Agreement says after the referendum vote made by the people, the two governments will consult over the result.

What I’m telling my people is that as your fifth president in the fourth House of Representatives, we have made a consultation at Kokopo, Wabag, and in Moresby we signed the Era Kone Covenant. And latest is the Melanesian Relationship Agreement [signed at Burnham, New Zealand, in June this year].

Constitutional guarantee
Having said in order that constitutional guarantee as a guarantor guarantees the people’s right to vote for independence, that is what I’m telling them.

DW: Yes but you’re not carrying Port Moresby with you on this. Are you? You guys are not very much closer to resolution of this problem than you were five years ago.

IT: Well, that is in line with the consultation process. Whatever they say to me, I see that. It has been amended of the national constitution, then it gives us the opportunity whether the national government likes it or not.

It is a national constitution guarantee or the framework of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, and that is how I’m saying to them, whether we come into consultation, we have different views.

At least it is the constitutional guaranteed process censored by the National Constitution.

DW: There are people, including some running against you in this election, who are saying that your approach through these negotiations has been too strident, that you go into these meetings making bold statements beforehand and there’s no room to move, that you’re not giving room for negotiation.

Defining result
IT: If you look at all the consultation that we have consulted. You will look at the consultation which I am saying we are consulting over the result. The Bougainville Peace Agreement says that the consultation should be over the result.

And what is the result? It is the 97.7 percent and who has defined the 97.7 percent — it is the national government of Papua New Guinea.

I understand where they’re coming from, because if you want to retain a political power, you can make all sorts of arguments trying to say that President Toroama has not left room, [made] political spaces available.

But if you closely look at what the Bougainville Peace Agreement says, we are consulting over the result, whether these presidents or candidates are saying that I haven’t made a room.

You just look at every space that we have gone into. And a consultation, as per the Bougainville Peace Agreement, is over the result.

What is the result? It is the independence which people voted — 97.7 percent. We cannot deny the people’s power moving into the referendum saying that we want to govern ourselves. So yes, people’s power.

DW: Except you’re overlooking that that referendum is a non-binding referendum?

Where is it non-binding?
IT: Can you specifically say to me, can you give me a clause within the Bougainville Peace Agreement that it says it is a non-binding.

I’m asking you, you will not find any non-binding clause within the framework of the Peace Agreement. It has been cultivated in there by people that want to drive us away from the exact opposition of the people.

There is no clause within the political peace agreement that says non-binding. There is no clause.

DW: We’re here now, just a week out from the election. How will you go?

IT: I’m the kind of man that has process. They voted me for the last five years. And if the people wish to put me [back], the decision, the power to put people, it is democracy. They will vote for me.

If not, they can choose another president. I don’t get too much pressure, but because it has been described within the constitution of the autonomous government that a president can serve two terms, so that’s why I am running.

But I’m not in a pressure mood. I am all right.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz