By Arturo López Levy
Oakland, California.

I don’t remember when I started listening to Silvio Rodríguez’ songs. It must have been during college prep, once I was grown up and wanted to be able to express things better so that the ones that I loved would be more receptive to what I had to say. Since then, I have followed Silvio as a friend that he never knew he had. Sometimes I agreed with him, sometimes I disagreed, but I always admired his art and the way he used his own voice without echoing others. In the United States, at my universities, Silvio helped open doors for me with other Latin Americans who knew his songs.

When I met him in person in Washington, DC, as the Cuban embassy re-opened in 2015 after the reinstatement of diplomatic relations, he honored me with an embrace and a finger to my chest, saying that he had read my writing. Today I had the opportunity to interview him and discuss his talent without false equivalencies (to remind us of Jorge Mañach), but also without feigned formalities. For some inexplicable reason, the refrain “guajirito soy” kept running through my head. Following are the questions posed by an admirer and the responses of an artist and follower of Martí who was kind enough to answer them.

Silvio, you have sung about love in its most sublime and all-encompassing forms—love of a woman, nature, the family, one’s mother, wife, children, your town, San Antonio de los Baños, our heroes, Martí, Agramonte, and Cuba, the homeland. You have sung of love for Latin America, an identity, and humanity “homeland is humanity.” How do you mix all of those loves? Is it just a matter of feeling, or—in the style of your blog Segunda cita—as an intellectual public figure who rationalizes his passions?

I once heard Alfredo Guevara say that nations of people, out of their need for an identity, start by taking an inventory of themselves: their geography, their flora and fauna, the physical and spiritual characteristics of their people, etc. Over the years I came to realize that even more happens to those of us with a vocation to sing, because we begin by describing what surrounds us—both objectively and subjectively. Both reactions are a self-recognition of what makes consciousness: a sort of totemic act that consists of naming things. We all know that the world exists, because we see it, we feel it. But some of us need to sing about it so that reality can take on a life of its own and perhaps become complete.

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Also, although like everyone else I was born with intellect, I have never seen myself as an intellectual. I have always had a sort of vocation to be a communicator. Segunda cita was an accident, one finding that led to others. Its highest form of expression was when it became a community, with all the complexities that involves. That, in a way, was its purpose, because during the first months I did not put any limits on it and there were all kinds of comments, some of them vulgar and offensive. That led me to moderate the blog, although internally I regretted some of the openness that was lost. Then I began to insist on  candor combined with respect for others. And little by little, that spirit impregnated the space. Obviously, I was the first one who had to learn. It may be that I’ve tried to rationalize some passion (that is human), although I also try to explain why.

What does it mean to love Cuba in the 21^st century, the supposed time of globalization and internationalization? How important is it for your children, grandchildren, and those who may follow to know that “In Tampa your grandfather spoke with Martí,” the Apostle of Cuban independence?

I have that privilege because my grandfather Félix’s father, Pancho Domínquez, was one of the Cuban cigar rollers who worked in the harvest in Tampa every year at the end of the 19^th century, a time when a million cigars were manufactured in that Floridian city every year.

My grandfather never told me why he was in Tampa; I learned many years later from Dr. Beatriz Marcheco and her DNA studies. My grandfather only told me that while he was at a warehouse in Tampa as a child, a gentleman had asked him why he was in the country, and he answered that his father worked in a certain cigar factory. The gentleman smiled and told him that this was a coincidence, because a few days later he was going to visit his dad’s workplace to speak to the workers.

My grandfather always ended the story by saying, “And that kind man was José Martí.”

It is true that the times, periods of history, can color our loves and perceptions of things. This is much more so today, given the quantity and quality of so much content. But in addition to the overwhelming variety that technology offers us, the fact is that no one can be born today and say that their grandfather met Martí in Tampa. Surely that is why I sang about it, slightly envious of my Grandpa Félix.

You once said that you did not see Cuba “as an altar or a cathedral that one goes to.” Does being Cuban imply some responsibility? Do we Cubans have some defect that you feel you share? What do you think of the position in Cuba establishing an equivalency between being a patriot and being a revolutionary?

I have never understood such sanctification. It may be because of my way of seeing what is essential, in addition to the blindness implied in the concept of “sacred,” something untouchable. Everything that is respected, even that which is venerated, is so for more or less profound reasons which certainly can be explained.

Obviously, there is diversity in being Cuban, and I imagine this is more or less the same for any nationality. The intensity, I believe, depends on each person’s background. There are lives and circumstances that obviously determine one’s supreme adherence to oneself, to oneself above all else. There are others who do not so much feel that way, or who relegate this to another plane because they see themselves as part of a collective whole, as if the common fate were real life. The latter is something like a honeybee with a hive mentality. As for myself, I feel good when I see myself as part of a whole—a people and their history. In this I find an explanation that partially helps to explain the great mystery of life. I believe that this greatly helped my family with its modest mark on our national history. It also helps that when I was ten years old I read Emilio Roig’s Introduction (published 1953) to “La Edad de Oro” by Martí called “Martí y los niños. Martí niño.” (Marti and the children. Marti, the child.)

Finally, I believe there can be patriotic sentiments that do not agree with aspects of the Revolution or the Cuban government. But I do not believe that those who ask for  blockades or interventions against their own country can be patriots.

Several academics have written that New Latin American song, of which Nueva Trova was an essential part, was an important source of an alternative culture—not only alternative to oligarchic power and right-wing military dictatorships, but also to a more traditional left. What did it mean for you to be part of that movement? What did you experience when singing in those countries after the openings at the end of the 1980s, as a result of pacts and political compromises?

Fortunately, from a very young age I liked to read history, literature, and scientific texts. Having participated in the Literacy Campaign** helped me understand that the country was expanding intellectually. This awareness helped me a few years later when I began to write songs. I prepared my first themes during my years of military service, without having debated anyone about such a job. That is why it was so gratifying when I left the army and began to discover young people who had done the same as I. Little by little, we created an esprit de corps, a sense of ourselves as a generation, which the press also began to perceive and to write about.

Casa de las Américas contributed greatly to our consolidation and the continuation of our generation of troubadours. Not only did it allow us a space in which to perform our songs, but we also furthered our knowledge of Latin America. For example, the first time I heard a Violeta Parra record was in Haydeé Santamaria’s house. Thanks to that connection, we were able to share with intellectuals such as Mario Benedetti, Roque Dalton, Julio Cortázar, and many others, without mentioning the privilege of listening to conversations with Lezama or José Zacaría Tallet, whom I even visited.

Later, Alfredo Guevara invited us to found the Grupo de Experimentación Sonora (Musical Experimentation Group) and work for the Cuban Cinematography Institute. By this time, Pino Solanas included my song “La Era Está Pariendo un Corazón” in his documentary “La Hora de los Hornos.” One day Isabel Parra visited me and we began to sing together. Daniel Viglieti arrived and recorded his record “Trópicos” with our group. We provided accompaniment for Soledad Bravo on the song “Santiago de Chile,” for a documentary by Juan Carlos Tabío. And at the Cuban Cinematography Institute we did a two-week-long identity concert which we called Cuba-Brazil.

In September of 1972 Noel Nicola, Pablo Milanés, and I were invited by Gladys Marín to the IV Congress of Young Communists of Chile. There we sang every night at the club belonging to the Parra family, along with the most well-known singers and bands, including, of course, Víctor Jara. That was a tremendous experience, not only professionally, but also in terms of commitment. The coup occurred one year later and we experienced a very tense moment in that revolution, which was painful in many ways because the left was criticizing Allende as much as the right. We were also tested personally, because more than once we were surprised by street demonstrations that were disbursed with clubs and tear gas.

In 1974 Noel and I were invited to 7 Días con el Pueblo, a new song festival put on by a trade union in the Dominican Republic. There we met Mercedes Sosa, whom we had seen in Havana, and we met Catalonian Francesc Pi de la Sierra and Spaniards Ana Belén and Víctor Manuel. The brothers and sisters who hosted us were Sonia Silvestre and Víctor Víctor, and we were fortunate to hear the very young Luís Díaz. Los Guaraguao of Venezuela were there. And the stadiums, that were always full, roared, “Joaquín Balaguer, a murderer in power!” while the police stood by powerlessly. When it all ended a colonel correctly told us we had 24 hours to leave the country.

Starting in 1975 we began to visit Mexico more than once a year. We participated in almost all the events organized by  Uruguayan exiles. The first to play was always Alfredo Zitarrosa, and the band Sanampay was always there, comprised primarily of exiled Argentinians and some former members of Herque Mapu (Hebe Rosell and Naldo Labrín). That is where we were when Tania Libertad arrived from Peru. We were friends of the extraordinary Amparo Ochoa, Oscar Chávez, Marcial Alejandro, and Gabino Palomares. And we saw people come to interpret the transcendence of Eugenia León and Guadalupe Pineda.

I never managed to meet Violeta Parra personally, but I was able to approach Yupanqui in Berlin in February of 1985 when we both played at the Festival of Political Song sponsored by Free German Youth in what was still the GDR. I saw him in a concert he gave at a theater along with my friend Ángel Parra, who accompanied him on some pieces because arthritis kept Yupanqui from moving his fingers. Later we saw each other a few times in Buenos Aires and on one of those occasions Eduardo Aute accompanied me. A few months before his death, Don Ata honored me by attending one of my concerts at the Gran Rex, which I of course dedicated to him.

It is quite true that we did all of that very pleased to be part of anti-imperialist Latin America, with a very strong cultural and historical identity. I still carry that satisfaction with me. I can say that it is one of the experiences I am most grateful to have had.

You were just in Mexico where, for several nights, you filled the National Auditorium singing “El Necio” (the Fool), once dedicated “to Fidel, now to Andrés Manuel [López Obrador].” What did Fidel Castro, and the opportunity to speak to him, mean for your personal story as a Cuban? How do you view the New Left in the hemisphere, often called the pink tide, for whom AMLO of Mexico is a central figure?

In the late 1950s, the people were very much against the dictatorship. Imagine, the revolution triumphed one month after I turned 12. We learned about Fidel from Radio Rebelde, which we listened to very softly some nights. Fidel was a great symbol. For some reason, I never saw him as a god; I always understood him to be a special man, but a man just the same.

The first time I was close to him was in 1961, when he came to send off those of us working in the Literacy Campaign who were leaving from Varadero to the far reaches of Cuba the next day. I was directly below the podium; little by little I made my way up. I recall my astonishment upon seeing that his beard was reddish brown and not black, as it looked in photographs. There I heard everything he told us about the importance of our mission and for the first time, I felt like part of something big, something more than just myself.

I exchanged a few words with him in 1984 when Pablo and I returned from our first trip to Argentina, which received a lot of coverage in the Argentine press and other places. Casa de las Américas gave us a reception upon our return, and all of a sudden, he showed up. He stayed for a long time, engaging in a fraternal exchange with everyone. At the end, they took a few photos and the next day we were on the front page of Granma.

I learned from my friend Julio Le Riverend that in 1968 Fidel had asked what happened to me at the so-called “little Congress” prior to a Congress on Education and Culture that was held that year. Alfredo Guevara later corroborated that Fidel had said that taking an artist’s job away was not right (I had been kicked out of a cultural agency), and that if there was some kind of problem, it should be discussed.

Later I had other opportunities to talk to him, particularly towards the end of the 1980s when I prepared a plan to build better recording studios in Cuba. One day I was surprised to receive an invitation to a lunch Fidel was giving for Rafael Alberti. In the middle of the lunch Fidel asked me if I could stay a bit afterwards, and I said yes. It was to ask me about the studios I said I wanted to have built. That was the beginning of all that was done afterwards.

“El necio,” to some degree, is a song about Fidel. He is a man who at times seems to act illogically, whose arm could not be twisted, whose moral clarity could confront any adversity. I say “to some degree” because El necio also includes a lot about my own journey and how I see certain things. And in what many people see as strength and determination, I describe as someone who simply accepts his destiny, the factors from within and without that converged to write one’s story. I believe that I express this quite clearly when I say,

I do not know what destiny is,
As I went along, I was what I was.
God over there, may be divine,
I will die as I lived.

One topic that is quite present in your blog Segunda cita is the economic, trade, and financial blockade that successive U.S. governments have maintained against the Cuban people. I admire your clear position that it is a fundamental cause of the problems in Cuba. This matters, because today the regime change strategy imposed from outside, which is upheld by some supposedly moderate sectors, is to minimize its relevance and advocate for alleged flexibility on issues of sovereignty. How important do you think AMLO is—who has a flexible relationship and even integration with the United States—to the issue of Latin American dignity when he demands total opposition to the blockade with no concessions?

There are many interpretations around the blockade and why Cuba has so many problems. There are the extremes: those who blame everything on the blockade, and then those who blame the Cuban government. But when those who maintain the blockade discover any measure the provides breathing room to Cuba, they say it is providing oxygen to the regime so they eliminate it. This leaves no doubt that they know Cuba would be better off without the blockade. It exposes the depth of malice in their intentions and the monstruous scope of their practice. Gabo [García Márquez] was right when he called the blockade against Cuba genocide.

I dedicated “El necio” to Andrés Manuel because he has dared to defend Cuba like few others. And because defending us is to defend the right of any nation to be as it wishes to be and to resolve its internal problems without interference or harassment from anyone. AMLO is a living example of the spirit of Juárez, who said that “respect for the rights of others is peace.” Bolívar, Martí can be found in him, as they were in Fidel.

And it would not surprise me if the ultra-left were to call Andrés Manuel pseudo left. The troubadours of my generation were called the same by extreme leftist Cubans when we defended the Revolution with rock rhythms, such as in “Cuba va.”

During the Obama years you gave memorable concerts all over the United States. I saw you live at the mythical Paramount Theatre in Oakland and later at Carnegie Hall in New York, that paragon of U.S culture, where you played to packed auditoriums. What was typical of your notable presence there were the Latinos and Cubans who sang along with your songs. What do you think of the proposition that the United States is now a Latin American country, too?

Pete Seeger attended the second concert we gave in Carnegie Hall. He had turned 90 a year earlier and I was not able to attend his tribute because my visa did not arrive on time. We had a very special exchange later on that night, which was the last time I saw him. He told me that he knew that Latin America and Cuba could not make progress because of the interventionist policy of his country’s government. He was very ashamed of this and visibly moved. I know that many other U.S. citizens feel this way, although one does not need to be so lucid to have feelings of equity and respect for one’s neighbor.

I do not doubt that the United States, to some degree, is also a Latin American country today. It is likely that some day this ingredient may come to have a positive influence on its policies. But it is obvious that many Latinx people that go there do so because there are not enough opportunities in our countries. That is why, the more opportunities we have at home, the less people need to migrate and the fewer tensions there are with the United States over migration. That was the approach Andrés Manuel had with Trump when he talked about building his border wall. I have more faith in that approach, at least for now, than any positive influence that may stem from having a large number of our people over there.

You were present during the ceremony when the Cuban Interest Section in Washington, DC turned into an embassy, where we met for the first time. What vision do you have about the role of patriotic emigration on the future of Cuba and its relationship with the United States? Would you give a concert in Miami some day?

I believe that the future of Cuba includes the responsibility to help of all those who love her. This happens in any family. Those who make a commitment, those who express solidarity, are those who respond to problems constructively. I am capable of respecting and working with those who do not think like me. I hope that this grows.

As for a concert in Miami, are there poor neighborhoods there? I would like to have a concert there, in a neighborhood

On at least one occasion, in 1986, Carlos Alberto Montaner tried to incite Pablo Milanés and you to change sides and place your artistic success at the service of the regime change strategy imposed from the outside. You answered, “No one pays us to defend what we believe in. Every day we do a rigorous but necessary examination of our own consciences, and if we disagree with something, just as when we agree, we sing and assume the task in Cuba and wherever necessary.” Has it been hard, this “need to live without a price,” at the same time that you conduct “a rigorous but necessary examination” of your conscience? Have you ever thought of alternatives?

Living in Cuba, materially speaking, can be tough for anyone, Arturo. Even for those who have enjoyed some success and have some money. If you live in Miami or Madrid, no one questions your good fortune.

Back in 1961 (when I was 14 years old) we began to experience shortages, particularly of medicines. We got momentary relief when members of Brigade 2506 [Cuban Exiles caught at the Bay of Pigs] were exchanged for supplies. But the material limitations the Cuban people have suffered, all kinds of inconveniences, shortages in daily life, would suffice to write a series a thousand times juicier than The Sopranos, or even the Bible; the crucified one would not be one man but a whole population.

As for the circulation of ideas, this has also been complicated. The ultra-defensive mentality brought on by so many acts of aggression and some formulaic interpretations of what a socialist society should be, creates conflict. There have been compulsive periods, times which mark the lives of many people and which bring us down.

The truth is that throughout time, in all countries and systems there have been good people and less good people. There are intelligent beings and non-intelligent ones everywhere. In all settings there are honest, altruistic people who are in solidarity with others; there are also mediocre, opportunistic and corrupt people. It never occurred to me to blame the Revolution for a bad time I may have experienced. Ever since I was young, I have realized that these are matters of human beings, circumstances. One day you get kicked, but the next day someone kisses you.

Starting with oneself, there is nothing perfect in this world, sometimes not even the ideas that seemed best at a previous time. Factors that raise questions always arise, sowing doubt, expanding our perspective. This occurs naturally, without outside intervention. But just imagine what is provoked by a project for the emancipation of a small country that is challenging the most powerful and vicious interests on the planet.

We were recently talking about such issues on Otra cita (https://otracitasc.blogspot.com), the blog that continues where mine, Segunda cita, left off. We came to the conclusion that thinking is very important, but what we do after we think is even more important.

In the US, without excluding Miami, there are Cuban emigrants who hold patriotic values. The right wing has tried to construct an identity that requires taking on their bitterness and hatred, but many, including those who were born there, feel a dual identity because they are from there but also from Cuba to multiple degrees. Being a North American does not invalidate their being Cuban, and vice-versa. I have cousins in Miami who left Cuba in the 1950s and 1960s who had to listen to your songs with their car windows closed during times of intolerance. Is that no longer necessary? How important is the cultural exchange between the United States and Cuba, as well as between Cubans in Cuba and those in the United States in terms of a rapprochement?

I do not have the slightest doubt, and I said this several times when there was distrust over Obama’s openness, that with this exchange Cuba’s interests would win out. What I am saying is that in the United States they have a distorted image of what Cuba is, even more distorted than what Cubans may think of the US. And I think that is why most of the US administrations do not allow their citizens to go to Cuba. They don’t like what might result from that exchange because the Americans could arrive and meet people who are fun, friendly, well-educated, and appealing. In addition to any economic benefits we might get from such an exchange, how could they continue to justify their policy of suffocating a population like that?

In “Llegué por San Antonio de los Baños” you sing of Martí’s vision that “homeland is humanity” that starts where we are born. One area in which we Cubans could cooperate despite our differences is by improving our towns and cities, countryside, rivers, dams, and beaches. For example, in China and Vietnam many emigres contribute a lot and even invest in and collaborate with their hometowns and the land of their ancestors. How important is what you call “the universal detail of my native region” to be “a little bit better and much less selfish?”

“… But the universal detail
of my native region
was a man
opening a trail on the clock.”

This means that everywhere we have something basic in common: we are born as human beings and the succession of generations gives us the opportunity to learn and improve.

I have lived my 75 years in Cuba and can affirm responsibly that here we are more than ready to share with any nation, of course including with the United States of America.

It is impossible to compare us with China or Vietnam. No bank in the world will give a loan to Cuba because the United States, thanks to its extraterritorial laws, would impose millions of dollars in fines. There are very few shipping companies that dare to send ships with supplies to Cuba, because the US would then prohibit those ships from entering its ports. China is a very wealthy country with many natural resources. Vietnam is smaller but also rich. It endured plunder, indignities, and wars, but it is not currently blockaded and trades freely with the world, even the United States. We Cubans have been denied that for over 60 years, and when we have been allowed to trade, we are forced to pay in cash with suitcases full of dollars.

We distribute our doctors and vaccines around the world. Thousands of professionals from the third world have been educated at our universities. For decades Cuba has been showing that it is a civilized country, that it works on the basis of peaceful coexistence—we promoted and hosted the Colombian peace talks. However, Cuba has been stigmatized by an imperial government with a long history of abuse in many places.

I am quite aware that we need to be a little bit better (and sometimes more than a little bit) in some ways. But it is up to us to fix our shortcomings and it is inadmissible that we be blackmailed for that, as if we were a stain. For this reason, out of basic decency, I will first of all close ranks with my people who have been subjected to systematic torture for six decades. Some US leaders are lacking not a little bit, but a large dose of humanity. I hope that our descendants over there will understand this and decide to act accordingly.

Arturo López-Levy is a Senior Research Fellow at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA). He is a professor of international relations and politics at Holy Names University in Oakland, California, and author of “Raúl Castro and the New Cuba: A Close-up of Change.” Twitter, @turylevy.

This interview was translated from the original Spanish by Jill Clark-Gollub, COHA’s Assistant Editor/Translator.

By William Camacaro
New York

“There will be some who will remember Ramsey Clark as an outsider. There are many more who remember him as a friend of justice, the oppressed, the exploited, and the rule of law. Perhaps he himself would like to be remembered merely as someone who used the law to help others.”

Curtis Doebbler, International Law Attorney

During the heat of the Gulf War under the George H. Bush administration, I had the opportunity in New York to meet an extraordinary human being: Ramsey Clark. It was an event to protest the State Department and Pentagon’s arrogantly labeled “Operation Desert Storm.”

Ramsey was a quixotic figure admired by everyone on stage at the event. This former U.S. Attorney General, incredibly, opposed U.S. intervention in Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. On that occasion he gave a detailed speech about the conflict unfolding before our eyes, a war in living color brought into our homes courtesy of CNN. But we saw no blood or dead bodies, only fireworks in what looked like a Nintendo video game in which very little “collateral damage” was shown. It was a long-distance war for which television viewers were kept far removed from the pain and suffering of the Iraqi victims.

Ramsey Clark—a fighter for social movements

Ramsey Clark was an extraordinary anomaly within the U.S. establishment. A lawyer by profession, he rose to be Attorney General, an office which placed him at the forefront of many important struggles for civil and human rights. After leaving the pinnacle of power, he embraced progressive causes around the world, even if it brought him into direct confrontation with U.S. hegemony. This included his opposition to the strategy of applying illegal unilateral coercive measures (sanctions) against countries that did not fall in line with Washington’s foreign policy.

The second time I met Ramsey Clark I knew that he was traveling to Iraq to serve as a defense attorney for Saddam Hussein in a trial imposed by the Western world to convict almost the entire Iraqi cabinet—proceedings that many experts in international law considered illegal. Ramsey also opposed the death penalty as a matter of principle. I was able to overcome my feelings of intimidation before this renowned figure, and approached him. I asked, “Don’t you think it will be very hard for you to accomplish anything in that kangaroo court?”

He answered, “Yes, but it would be worse to do nothing. We must march into battle even though we know we will lose. We must go knowing that we are on the side of truth and justice.” We looked at each other and smiled.

At the top of the U.S judicial system

Ramsey served his country as the 66^th U.S. Attorney General from 1967 to 1969 during the Johnson administration. In his previous post as Assistant Attorney General he had been pivotal in the drafting of some of the most important environmental and civil rights legislation produced by any generation before or since. He contributed to the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and legislation that later inspired the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency  (EPA).

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After leaving public office, he ran for President of the United States in 1972 and for Senate in 1974 and 1977. He was the son of Supreme Court Justice and former Attorney General, Tom C. Clark. Ramsey also founded the International Action Center with the idea of building a platform for social justice and creating a more just and equal world.

His activism took him to such countries as Vietnam, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Palestine, Sudan, and many others that were under attack or faced potential aggression from the United States, putting his life in danger countless times.

Lauded the world over

Ramsey opposed the Vietnam war from the outset and remained steadfast in his opposition to unilateral coercive measures imposed by the United States around the world.

He was awarded the Gandhi Peace Prize in 1992^[1] and the United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights on December 10, 2008, the sixtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.^[2] He was also given the International Courage of Conscience Award from the Peace Abbey Foundation.^[3]

All of this not only garnered Ramsey tremendous admiration, but also the antagonism of those in the Establishment whom he challenged incessantly.

Solidarity with Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela

In Latin America he became very engaged in solidarity with Nicaragua, Cuba, and Venezuela. In 1984 the Sandinista government sued the United States at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the United Nations’ highest court, for its support of the contra army. But Washington withdrew its recognition of the Court’s jurisdiction. The case had both political and legal ramifications for the United States. Ramsey Clark served as an advisor at that time to a young attorney named Paul Reichler who was leading the case.

When he travelled to Nicaragua Ramsey stayed in the home of the revered priest and former Foreign Minister, Father Miguel d’Escoto, who had also served as President of the United Nations General Assembly. They were close friends. On these visits Fr. d’Escoto arranged gatherings with Latin American leaders, and the two of them worked together on a variety of issues for over 40 years, including the situations of Cuba and Nicaragua.

Personal memories of a meeting with a young Nicolás Maduro

Some of my personal experiences speak clearly to the very human nature of Ramsey Clark. In 2000 a young man just elected to the new National Assembly of Venezuela arrived in New York and asked me to arrange his itinerary. The first meeting that the newly elected Bolivarian legislator had in New York was with Ramsey Clark, at his law firm on 12^th Street in downtown Manhattan. This young legislator, Nicolás Maduro, was delighted with this very fraternal conversation with the former Attorney General. And I was able to arrange this even though I had contacted Ramsey at the last minute. He not only received us, but indulged us in a lengthy conversation about almost everything happening in Latin America.

Solidarity with Venezuela based on respect for the rule of law

Ramsey was a leading figure in solidarity with the Bolivarian Revolution of Venezuela at many key moments. His support was not ideological, but based on principle. He refused to accept the illegal sanctions policy or any interventionism that violated the sovereignty of other countries. For this reason, he did not hesitate to defend the people and denounce wrongdoing.

On November 8, 2005 at the historic Town Hall of Times Square, New York, we held the biggest event the United States had seen in support of the Venezuelan Revolution, called “Night of Solidarity with Bolivarian Venezuela.” The large venue was near capacity and a Miami Herald journalist in attendance wrote, “Chávez must have a lot of supporters to fill a venue like that in the heart of Manhattan… it must mean that the Bolivarian Revolution has thousands of followers.”

On Saturday, September 23, 2006, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, who was part of Venezuela’s delegation attending meetings at the United Nations, was detained by authorities at JFK International Airport for 90 minutes as he was boarding a plane to return home. I was broadcasting live on Radio Pacifica at that time when the Foreign Minister’s assistant called me to explain the situation. I immediately called Ramsey and told him what was happening, asking whether he could help us and go to the Venezuelan mission to the UN. I did not expect him to be able to help at that late hour with such a sudden request, but I was to learn that day about his commitment and devotion to justice. Arrive he did. I was shocked to see him waiting calmly, unrecognized by the Venezuelan diplomats scurrying to and fro. When then Foreign Minister Nicolás Maduro arrived, he saw Ramsey and greeted him outside the Venezuelan mission. Roy Chatterton, who was Venezuela’s ambassador to the OAS at the time, served as interpreter for them as they found a quiet place to talk about what to say or not say to the press. The future President of Venezuela listened attentively. Ambassador Chatterton ended it by saying, “A very important suggestion.” Ramsey’s opinions were highly regarded.

Later, on September 13, 2013, I invited Ramsey to another protest, this time before the United States’ diplomatic mission to the United Nations. He attended, without fail, as always. At that event we were going to deliver a document denouncing U.S. intervention in Venezuela. I asked Ramsey if he would mind wearing a tricolor coat with the colors of the Venezuelan flag. He responded, “If I am going to represent Venezuela, I had better put on that coat and it will be an honor.” From a distance we were able to observe the disgruntled face of the First Secretary of the U.S. Embassy to the UN.

Ramsey accompanied us in countless activities, not only in New York city, but also in Washington, DC and Boston. He was an unconditional ally.

Support for the independence and sovereignty of Cuba

Ramsey not only supported Venezuela’s sovereignty, but Cuba’s as well. He was a strong critic of the legal proceedings against the “Cuban Five,” denouncing all the judicial irregularities in the trial. “If I were Attorney General today and learned about this propaganda campaign during the trial of the Cuban Five, I would have to dismiss the charges. Any Attorney General should do the same,” he said.

He had always appreciated the Cuban Revolution. He told the press that, “Fidel has shown that a country in the midst of struggle and short on resources can educate, house, and provide healthcare, jobs, and everything that humanity needs. And look at the rest of the world. We need that model.”

Ramsey Clark died on April 9, 2021 at his home in New York city at the age of 93. He was an example of love for one’s neighbor, respect for life, and passion for justice.

As Curtis Doebbler, colleague and friend to Ramsey Clark for some 30 years, put it,

“There will be some who will remember Ramsey Clark as an outsider. There are many more who remember him as a friend of justice, the oppressed, the exploited, and the rule of law. Perhaps he himself would like to be remembered merely as someone who used the law to help others.”

William Camacaro is a Senior Analyst at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs in Washington, DC (COHA).

This article was edited by Patricio Zamorano, Director of COHA

Translation by Rita Jill Clark-Gollub, Assistant Editor/Translator, COHA

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Sources

^[1]  “Ramsey Clark”, https://www.amacad.org/person/ramsey-clark

^[2]  “United Nations Human Rights Prize 2008”, https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NEWSEVENTS/Pages/UNHRPrize2008.aspx

^[3]  “International Courage of Conscience Award”, https://www.peaceabbey.org/list-of-award-recipients/

By Rubén Sierra
From Los Angeles, California

In a world harmed by the severe COVID-19 pandemic, the access to vaccines is being distorted by the rules of the open market and the deep gap between rich and poor nations. As the director of the World Health Organization (WHO), doctor Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, recently said, “the world is on the brink of a catastrophic moral failure – and the price of this failure will be paid with lives and livelihoods in the world’s poorest countries.” In a formal declaration the WHO warns that “in the majority of low and middle-income countries, vaccination has not even started which is a catastrophe as hospitals fill up.”^[1]

The People’s Vaccine Alliance (a coalition of organizations such as Oxfam, UNAIDS and Global Justice Now) accused the three biggest COVID-19 vaccine producers, Pfizer/BioNTech, Moderna and AstraZeneca, of strangling the global supply of vaccines because of their intellectual-property protections. The coalition denounces that these companies plan to produce enough vaccines to cover just 1.5% of the global population during 2021 while they remain “prohibitively expensive for many poor nations.”^[2]

Latin America is currently working hard so its population is not left behind. Far from waiting for the US government cooperation (focused mainly on their own residents), Latin America has diversified its partnerships outside the US area of influence, by also building agreements with Russia and China. And Cuba leads the way to create its own vaccine, the first one from the Latin American continent, while Mexico and Argentina joined forces to take action and save lives.

In a formal declaration the WHO warns that “in the majority of low and middle-income countries, vaccination has not even started which is a catastrophe as hospitals fill up.”

Multiple efforts from a multipolar world

Over 17 million people throughout the region have been infected by the coronavirus^[3] and over 600,000 people have died from the pandemic with Brazil and Mexico having a mortality of 228,795 and 162,922 people respectively.^[4]  In the United States, Pfizer and Moderna COVID-19 vaccines have received regulatory approval. In Latin America, Pfizer and 3 other vaccines – AstraZeneca-Oxford, Sinovac and Sputnik V (from Russia) – have been approved by numerous countries.

These vaccines are arriving in Latin America but at a disproportionate rate compared to wealthier nations. According to the People’s Vaccine Alliance, “90% of people in poor countries won’t be able to get the vaccine in 2021” as the “doses of two of the most promising vaccines have been almost completely bought up by wealthy nations.”^[5]

At the same time, Cuba is in the final trial stages of Sovereign 2 and will be the first Latin American country to produce a COVID-19 vaccine. Mexico and Argentina have recently established the first joint partnership in the region to produce the AZD-1222 vaccine. The efforts of Cuba, Mexico, and Argentina can provide a model for other countries in the region to promote a comprehensive response to the pandemic to supplement the importation of vaccines from abroad. These comprehensive efforts are vital to close the gap of unequal distribution of vaccines between the wealthy and developing nations.

Cuba’s Sovereign 2 Vaccine

Cuba is the first Latin American nation to take the lead in developing a COVID-19 vaccine. The vaccine is being produced by Cuba’s advanced medical community. Specifically, Havana’s Finlay Institute of Vaccines (IFV) and the Center of Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology (CIGB) are developing a vaccine named Sovereign 2.^[6] Cuba’s efforts have been recognized by the WHO. The island nation is the “first candidate in Latin America and the Caribbean to have a vaccine in the clinical phase,” according to José Moya, local representative of the WHO.^[7] As Jenny Larsen of United National Industrial Development Organization points out, Cuba’s vaccine will mark a scientific milestone in Latin America as it enters the final stages of the trial process, “bringing the country one important step closer to producing Latin America’s first vaccine against the virus” which is the result of “[Cuba’s] decades-long investment in its biopharmaceutical industry” despite the economic constraints put on the nation by the U.S. economic blockade.^[8] The U.S. embargo on Cuba has not stalled the rapid development of Cuba’s medical field.

Cuba is the first Latin American nation to take the lead in developing a COVID-19 vaccine

The third and final stage is likely to include the initial inoculation of Cubans. Prensa Latina reports that during this period, Cuban health authorities plan to include 150,000 vulnerable people and residents in high-risk areas.^[9] The Cuban government intends to distribute the vaccine to the entire Cuban population, possibly the first nation to do so. Cuban doctor Vicente Vérez Bencomo said that  “moving to commercial production of Soberana 2, we’re planning to have in the order of 100 million doses during 2021 and we will dedicate an important part of these doses to the full immunization of the country.”^[10] The Cuban government has also introduced the idea to vaccinate all tourists that travel to the island.^[11]

Cuba’s vaccine is attracting interest from several countries in need of the product. Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro said in August of 2020 that the ALBA bloc of eight leftist Latin American and Caribbean countries “supports Cuba’s efforts” while Mexico seeks “to approach Cuba about its vaccine.”^[12] Cuba also intends to continue to provide medical support to developing nations by exporting the vaccine to those countries at zero or low cost. For example, the nation has signed an agreement to carry out trials with Iran’s Pasteur Institute, while Vietnam and Jamaica have expressed interest in importing Cuba’s vaccine.^[13]

Argentina-Mexico Partnership on AZD-1222 Vaccine

Argentina and Mexico have agreed to partner on the mass production of a COVID-19 vaccine named AZD-1222. This is the only joint initiative in Latin America related to the production and manufacturing of a vaccine which uses similar ingredients of the British-Swiss one produced by AstraZeneca corporation and the University of Oxford.^[14] The production and supply chain in the development process will begin in Argentina and end in Mexico. For example, as Sergio Held reports in BioWorld, Mexico’s pharmaceutical company, Liomont SA, will produce the vaccine using ingredients made in Buenos Aires by Mabxience SA, which is also part of Spain’s Insud Pharma Group, and in partnership with AstraZeneca.^[15] The production and supply chain comprises the active ingredient being manufactured in Argentina and sent to Mexico, so that Liomont SA can finish the manufacturing process with the formulation, packing and distribution. The agreement is being financed mostly by the Carlos Slim Foundation.^[16] The partnership is expected to produce 200 millions of doses for nearly the whole region, except Brazil.”^[17] This effort will be in conjunction with the importation of the actual AstraZeneca-Oxford vaccine.

AstraZeneca-Oxford Vaccine

The AstraZeneca-Oxford vaccine is a joint project by Oxford University and the AstraZeneca company. AstraZeneca is a British and Swedish multinational pharmaceutical company based in England. Currently, the vaccine has received regulatory approval in Argentina, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador and Mexico.^[18]

The AstraZeneca-Oxford vaccine is arriving by the millions of doses to Latin America. It is projected that 400 million vaccines will be directed to the most “vulnerable populations.” Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador described the agreement as “good news” for  Latin America.^[19] Argentina and AstraZeneca also expressed optimism about the vaccine. “[As]A new stage in this process begins. We feel hopeful and confident in achieving what we set out to do from the beginning: broad and equitable access, without profit for the duration of the pandemic,” said Agustín Lamas, President of AstraZeneca in Latin America’s division, while an Argentine regulator stated that the vaccine roll-out is “an acceptable benefit-risk balance.”^[20]

Pfizer-BioNTech Vaccine

The Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine is a joint project by the U.S. company Pfizer and German-based company BioNTech. This vaccine has received regulatory approval in Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Uruguay and Panama.^[21] Pfizer has a long track record of producing vaccines for numerous illnesses. For example, the company has a history of “ongoing focus on the prevention of pneumococcal disease” in addition to “advancing vaccines” related to meningitis.”^[22] In Ecuador, health authorities will distribute the  vaccine among the Ecuadorian people older than 18 years.^[23] The vaccination process is also set to begin in Uruguay. Carlos Murillo, Pfizer regional president for Latin America said that Pfizer is “honored to work with the Uruguayan government and to guide our scientific and production resources towards our common objective, providing the Uruguayans with a vaccine against the COVID-19, as quick as possible.”^[24]

Sinovac

The Sinovac vaccine, known as CoronaVac, is produced in China. Sinovac also produces vaccines against hepatitis A and B, seasonal influenza, H5N1 pandemic influenza, and H1N1 influenza, among others.[25] Brazil is the only country that has granted regulatory approval for the Sinovac vaccine.^[26]

Some scientists assert that the Sinovac vaccine has produced ambiguous results. Indeed, Brazilian researchers at Butantan Institute reported a “78% efficacy in preventing mild cases of COVID-19”^[27] but later stated that the “overall efficacy rate fell to 50.4%.”^[28] Despite the conflicting efficacy rates, Brazil will continue with the vaccination rollout by Sinovac. São Paulo Governor Joao Doria stated that the Sinovac trials were “a victory for science […] A victory for Brazil.”^[29]

Sputnik V

Sputnik V^[30] is a vaccine produced in Russia and named after the first Soviet space satellite. Sputnik V is claimed to be “the world’s first registered [COVID-19] vaccine” produced by Russia’s Gamaleya Research Institute of Epidemiology and Microbiology under the Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation.^[31] Numerous countries around the world are leveraging their assets to obtain this vaccine. Currently, regulatory approval for it has been granted by Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay, Venezuela^[32] and Mexico.^[33] This signals a growing medical partnership between Russia and Latin America. Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro stated that Venezuela and Russia signed an agreement with Moscow to access 10 million doses of Sputnik V^[34] while Mexico  also has a partnership which includes a provision to train Mexican medical specialists in Russia.^[35] Other countries with historical ties are going even further. For example, the governments of Nicaragua and Cuba have said that Russia could start producing the vaccine at local facilities.^[36] Brazil is another Latin American country that is seeking regulatory approval of Sputnik V.  The process has been delayed but still continues.^[37]

Conclusion

Several COVID-19 vaccines are being imported by Latin American countries. Pharmaceutical companies based in England, Sweden, China, United States, Russia and Germany are partnering with Latin American nations to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

However, the doses from abroad will not be enough to vaccinate the entire Latin American population as wealthier countries have been accused of hoarding most of the vaccines. Because of this, the region has diversified its partnerships beyond the US sphere of influence. The biggest effort comes from Cuba that will be soon the first Latin American country to produce its own vaccine. The island nation is expected to immunize their entire population as well as visitors while exporting doses to developing nations. Mexico and Argentina have established the first joint partnership in the region to produce their own vaccine – AZD-1222 – which will be distributed to Latin American countries. The efforts of Cuba, Mexico and Argentina provide a model for the formation of a regionally comprehensive approach to vaccinate the entire population of Latin America.

Ruben Sierra was a 2008 COHA Research Associate. He studied Caribbean Literature and Music at the Casa de las Americas in Havana, Cuba in 2007. He has over 8 years of experience working with labor unions and non-profit organizations in California.

[Credit photo: CubaDebate]

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Sources 

[1] “Declaration: We must accelerate vaccine equity for all health workers – now,”

https://www.who.int/campaigns/annual-theme/year-of-health-and-care-workers-2021/vaccine-equity-declaration

[2] “How to stop vaccine nationalism from prolonging the pandemic,” https://fortune.com/2021/02/07/covid-vaccine-nationalism-global-south-inequality-coronavirus/

[3] Statista, “Number of confirmed cases of novel coronavirus (COVID-19) in Latin America and the Caribbean,” https://www.statista.com/statistics/1101643/latin-america-caribbean-coronavirus-cases/ (accessed on February 17, 2021).

[4] Statista, “Number of confirmed deaths due to the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) in Latin America and the Caribbean,” https://www.statista.com/statistics/1103965/latin-america-caribbean-coronavirus-deaths/ (accessed on February 17, 2021)

[5] Shumaker, Erin. “Rich countries are hoarding the COVID vaccine: Report.” ABC News, December 9, 2020. https://abcnews.go.com/Health/rich-countries-hoarding-vaccine-report/story?id=74623521 (accessed on February 18, 2021).

[6] Xinhua, “Cuba to deliver 1 million COVID-19 vaccine doses by April.” Xinhua Net, February 5, 2021. http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2021-02/05/c_139723446.htm (accessed on February 14, 2021).

[7] Euronews. “Cuba aims to immunize its population this year with its own coronavirus vaccine.” January 21, 2021. https://www.euronews.com/2021/01/21/cuba-aims-to-immunise-its-population-this-year-with-its-own-coronavirus-vaccine (accessed on February 17, 2021).

[8] Larsen, Jenny. “COVID-19: Long-term support for biotech yields vaccine promise in Cuba.” United National Industrial Development Organization, February 8, 2021, https://www.unido.org/stories/covid-19-long-term-support-biotech-yields-vaccine-promise-cuba (accessed on February 17, 2021).

[9] Prensa Latina. “Cuba details emergency anti-COVID-19 vaccination process.” Prensa Latina Agencia Informativa Latinoamericana, January 26, 2021. https://www.plenglish.com/index.php?o=rn&id=63856&SEO=cuba-details-emergency-anti-covid-19-vaccination-process (accessed on February 16, 2021).

[10] Grant, Will (Cuba correspondent).. “Optimism as Cuba set to test its own COVID vaccine.” BBC News, February 15, 2021. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-56069577#:~:text=Some%20of%20the%20equipment%20at,washed%20walls%20is%20cutting%20edge (accessed on February 17, 2021).

[11] Augustin, Ed & Kitroeff, Natalie. “Coronavirus Vaccine Nears Final Tests in Cuba. Tourists May Be Inoculated.” New York Times, February 17, 2021. https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/17/world/americas/coronavirus-cuba-vaccine.html (accessed on February 16, 2021).

[12] Marsh, Sarah. “Cuba leads race for Latin American coronavirus vaccine.” Reuters, November 12, 2020. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-vaccine-cuba-focus/cuba-leads-race-for-latin-american-coronavirus-vaccine-idUSKBN27S1OX (accessed on February 12, 2021).

[13] Larsen, Jenny. “COVID-19: Long-term support for biotech yields vaccine promise in Cuba.” United National Industrial Development Organization, February 8, 2021, https://www.unido.org/stories/covid-19-long-term-support-biotech-yields-vaccine-promise-cuba (accessed on February 17, 2021).

[14] Held, Sergio. “Latin America awaits COVID-19; race in the region is on.” BioWorld, December 23, 2020. https://www.bioworld.com/articles/501740-latin-america-awaits-covid-19-vaccine-race-in-the-region-is-on (accessed on February 16, 2021).

[15] Ibid.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Horwitz, Luisa. “Timeline: Latin America’s Race for a COVID-19 Vaccine,” Americas Society/Council of the Americas, January 21, 2021, https://www.as-coa.org/articles/timeline-latin-americas-race-covid-19-vaccine (accessed January 25, 2021).

[19] Solomon, Daina & Cortes, Raul, “AstraZeneca set to start making 400 million COVID-19 vaccines for Latam early in 2021,” Reuters, August 13, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-latam-vaccine/astrazeneca-set-to-start-making-400-million-covid-19-vaccines-for-latam-early-in-2021-idUSKCN2591Y1 (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[20] Laing, Aislinn. “Argentine regulator approves AstraZeneca/Oxford COVID-19 vaccine – AstraZeneca,” Reuters, December 30, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-argentina-astrazen/argentine-regulator-approves-astrazeneca-oxford-covid-19-vaccine-astrazeneca-idUSKBN29421P (accessed January 25, 2021).

[21] Horwitz, Luisa. “Timeline: Latin America’s Race for a COVID-19 Vaccine,” Americas Society/Council of the Americas, January 21, 2021, https://www.as-coa.org/articles/timeline-latin-americas-race-covid-19-vaccine (accessed January 25, 2021).

[22] Pfizer, “Developing Vaccines and Immunizations,” https://www.pfizer.com/science/vaccines, (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[23] teleSUR, “Ecuador to Receive 50,000 Doses of Pfizer Vaccine,” teleSUR, January 7, 2021, https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Ecuador-Set-to-Receive-50000-Doses-of-Pfizer-Vaccine-20210107-0004.html (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[24] MercoPress. South Atlantic News Agency, “Pfizer and BioNTech anticipate 2 million doses for Uruguay during 2021,” January 24, 2021, https://en.mercopress.com/2021/01/24/pfizer-and-biontech-anticipate-2-million-doses-for-uruguay-during-2021 (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[25] SINOVAC, Company Profile, http://www.sinovac.com/?optionid=749 (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[26] Horwitz, Luisa. “Timeline: Latin America’s Race for a COVID-19 Vaccine,” Americas Society/Council of the Americas, January 21, 2021, https://www.as-coa.org/articles/timeline-latin-americas-race-covid-19-vaccine (accessed January 25, 2021).

[27] Moutinho, Sofia & Cohen, Jon. “Brazil announces ‘fantastic’ results for Chinese-made COVID-19 vaccine, but details remain sketchy,” Science Magazine, January 7, 2021, https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2021/01/brazil-announces-fantastic-results-china-made-covid-19-vaccine-details-remain-sketchy (accessed on January 7, 2021).

[28] Lee, Yen Nee, “Sinovac Vaccine is 50% Effective – Lower than Announced Earlier,” CNBC, https://www.cnbc.com/2021/01/13/chinas-sinovac-vaccine-reportedly-50point4percent-effective-in-brazilian-trial.html (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[29] Fonseca, Pedro & McGeever, Jamie, “Brazil clears emergency use of Sinovac, AstraZeneca vaccines, shots begin,” Reuters, January 17, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-brazil/brazil-clears-emergency-use-of-sinovac-astrazeneca-vaccines-shots-begin-idUSKBN29M0M3 (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[30] Jones, Ian & Roy, Polly. “Sputnik V COVID-19 vaccine candidate appears safe and effective.” The Lancet, February 2, 2021. https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(21)00191-4/fulltext (accessed on February 18, 2021).

[31] Sputnik V, General Information, https://sputnikvaccine.com/about-vaccine/ (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[32] Horwitz, Luisa. “Timeline: Latin America’s Race for a COVID-19 Vaccine,” Americas Society/Council of the Americas, January 21, 2021, https://www.as-coa.org/articles/timeline-latin-americas-race-covid-19-vaccine (accessed January 25, 2021).

[33] Reuters Staff, “Russia to supply Mexico with 24 million COVID-19 vaccines, president says,” Reuters, January 25, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/health-coronavirus-mexico-russia/update-1-mexicos-president-thanks-putin-for-vaccine-shipments-idUSL1N2K01CU (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[34] Dogan, Sinan. “Venezuela to buy 10 million Sputnik V vaccines,” Anadolu Agency, December 30, 2020, https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/venezuela-to-buy-10-million-sputnik-v-vaccines/2092954 (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[35] TASS Russian News Agency, “Putin discusses supplies of Russian Sputnik V vaccine with Mexican president,” January 25, 2021, https://tass.com/economy/1248665 (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[36] Bristow, Matthew, “Putin’s Allies Are Ordering Sputnik Vaccine Across Latin America,” Bloomberg, January 7, 2021, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-01-07/bolivia-joins-other-moscow-allies-betting-on-russian-vaccine (accessed on January 25, 2021).

[37] Reuters Staff, “Brazilian approval of Sputnik V vaccine delayed by missing data,” Reuters, January 16, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-brazil-sputnik/brazilian-approval-of-sputnik-v-vaccine-delayed-by-missing-data-idUSKBN29M06X (accessed on January 25, 2021).

By COHA Editorial Board
From Washington DC

The Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA) is pleased to announce its formal nomination of the Henry Reeve Brigade for the Nobel Peace Prize, in a formal submission delivered today January 22 to the Nobel Peace Prize Committee in Stockholm, Sweden. For more than 40 years COHA has provided critical-ethical analysis of US-Latin American relations and has studied the culture, politics, and social programs of Cuba. 

Since its inception, the Henry Reeve International Medical Brigade, sponsored by the government of Cuba, has delivered high quality health care services and medical supplies to hundreds of thousands of underprivileged and underserved populations throughout the world. These services include prevention as well as treatment. Its message is one of human solidarity and peace, building bridges of understanding between different countries, regardless of ideology and cultural background. In that sense, the Henry Reeve Brigade represents the best of international cooperation for the good of humanity.

Established in 2005 to offer Cuba’s medical help to those who suffered the impact of hurricane Katrina in the United States, since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Brigade has distinguished itself as a true leader in both the global North and South, offering emergency assistance. Consequently, COHA believes the nomination is quite timely. Twenty-three countries in Europe, Africa, the United Arab Emirates, Latin America, and the Caribbean requested help amidst this global crisis, and more than 1,500 Cuban health professionals–doctors, specialists, and nurses–have answered the call. Other requests for cooperation are underway, as the Reeve Brigade is today recognized as the only international medical contingent providing a scientific and humanitarian response to the pandemic on a global scale.

COHA also acknowledges the historic role of the Reeve Brigade in taking up the challenge to fight disease under very challenging circumstances, instilling hope in seemingly hopeless situations.  Examples include the medical cooperation provided to Pakistan and Haiti after their devastating earthquakes in 2005 and 2010. The Brigade’s brave role in containing the Ebola epidemic in Liberia and Sierra Leone in 2014-2015 was recognized in 2016 by US ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power, who mentioned it as an example of the positive outcome that cooperation and engagement between Cuba and the United States can bring to the world.

These operations were successful thanks to the outstanding medical-scientific training of the Cuban health professionals, their organizational skills in confronting  natural disasters and health emergencies, and strongly held values of altruism, solidarity, and advancing the common good. The Henry Reeve Brigade has spread a message of hope throughout the world.

“Its 7,400 volunteer health professionals have treated more than 3.5 million people in 21 countries in the face of the worst disasters and epidemics of the last decade,” said the World Health Organization when it presented the Dr Lee Jong-wook Public Health Award at a ceremony for them in Geneva in May 2017 during the 70th World Health Assembly.

Since early 2020, the Brigade has done even more to promote a message of peace. A Nobel Prize for the Henry Reeve Brigade is not only well-deserved, it would raise the profile of this life saving work and perhaps inspire more such efforts in the future.

Signed by COHA members:

Fred Mills, Co-Director
Patricio Zamorano, Co-Director
Jill Clark-Gollub, Assistant Editor/Translator
Danny Shaw, Senior Research Fellow
Arturo López-Levy, Senior Research Fellow
Alina Duarte, Senior Research Fellow
William Camacaro, Senior Analyst
Dan Kovalik, Senior Research Fellow

By Arturo López-Levy
Oakland, California

Unfortunately, the attack on the Capitol by Trump supporters, encouraged by the Inciter-in-Chief, will not be the last act of mischief. Trump is insisting on causing as much damage as possible to the interests and values of the United States on his way out the door. He is not only sabotaging an orderly transition, but persists in obstructing the mandate the American people have given to the incoming administration. On Monday the Trump administration demonstrated that strategy by adding Cuba, without justification, to the list of State sponsors of terrorism, and on Tuesday Trump will celebrate the supposed completion of the wall on the Mexican border. Who knows what price will be paid by the U.S. for the next irresponsible action taken by Trump and his sycophants?

Few of the actors in this disaster movie come close to the role played by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.  After the election Pompeo announced that January would mark “a smooth transition to the second Trump administration.” The dream of a coronation turned into a nightmare. On January 20, 2021 Pompeo will leave Foggy Bottom as one of the last cabinet holdouts simply because he is too shameless to resign. After the uprising against Congress, a branch of government in which he himself has served, Pompeo tried to distract from his own lack of courage with a burst of torpedoes against many of the policies announced by the incoming President and Vice-President. Both Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have made it clear that they believe the policies espoused by President Barack Obama during his last years in office show the most appropriate way for a democratic power to act with dignity towards Cuba and other members of the international community.

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Pompeo’s move actually weakens the fight against terrorism

Including Cuba in the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism is a distraction that seeks to commit U.S. resources to fighting a threat that does not exist. The collateral effect of this irresponsibility is to discredit an American foreign policy tool that might be useful in the international community for pointing out some states that do collaborate with terrorists. Who can take this list seriously when the reasons for including Cuba are so pedestrian? 

The “argument” that Cuba’s alignment with the government of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela makes it a sponsor of terrorism is rather flimsy. The Maduro administration has a seat at the United Nations and in the next few months it is likely to regain recognition by the European Union, which has already described Juan Guaidó as the President of the “outgoing” National Assembly. If the United States wants to draw up a list of Venezuela’s allies, it could start with Russia, China, and several more.

Cuba is condemned for supporting the peace process in Colombia

Pompeo’s second reason for putting Cuba back on the list is that Cuba did not extradite 10 leaders of the ELN (National Liberation Army guerrillas) to Colombia who were in Havana as part of the dialogue between the guerrilla group and the government of Colombia. Norway, a U.S. NATO ally that accompanied Cuba in the peace talks, has reiterated that the security guarantees afforded to the guerrillas were part of the negotiations protocol adopted by the mediators with the consent of the Colombian government. Not only has Cuba not committed or supported any acts of international terrorism according to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) database; Cuba contributed to the peace process in Colombia more than any other state.

If instead of blockading Cuba the Trump administration had continued President Obama’s policy of engagement, which included Bernard Aronson, former Under Secretary of State for Hemispheric Affairs in the George Bush administration (1989-1993) as the U.S. representative, perhaps the dialogue that Norway facilitated between the Venezuelan government and the opposition parties would have made progress with the support of their allies. The same could be said of the dialogue between the ELN and the Colombian government which could have resumed sooner rather than later as the best way to demobilize that guerrilla force and the FARC dissidents who remain armed in Colombian territory. 

The third “reason” Pompeo gave was that Cuba has not extradited some people wanted in the U.S. for acts of terrorism against the U.S. government. One should remember that the extradition treaty signed between Cuba and the United States in 1904 is no longer in force because the U.S. suspended it in 1959 to protect fugitives from the revolution that were primarily associated with the Batista dictatorship. The agreement regulated reciprocal extradition for people who break the law in either country, excluding those involved in non-violent political activity. 

The United States has given refuge to known terrorists

When Presidents Barack Obama and Raúl Castro decided to move the thorny relationship between the two countries into a more manageable space, they agreed to focus on the future rather than relitigating disputes that originated in the Cold War.

For more than six decades, the U.S. has given political asylum to hundreds of people involved in violence in Cuba or even in the United States itself which  its own Department of Justice has labeled terrorism. Under various U.S. administrations, criminals such as Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carriles were not extradited to Cuba, Venezuela, or Italy (the home country of one of the victims of one of the attacks attributed to Posada), nor were they put on trial in the United States, as is required by several conventions against terrorism to which the U.S. is a signatory. Bosch and Posada were the masterminds of the placement of a bomb on an Air Cubana flight that killed 73 passengers.

Noteworthy among the people being charged by the United States and living in Cuba  is the case of Assata Shakur, who is accused of involvement in the death of police officer Werner Foerster in New Jersey while she was a member of the Black Liberation Army. All U.S. extradition requests predate Cuba’s removal from the State Department’s list in May of 2015 and the reinstatement of diplomatic relations between Havana and Washington. After 2010,  The many reports on the inclusion of Cuba in this list, made no consistent mention of Shakur or any other cases. Prominent members of the Congressional Black Caucus, such as Maxine Waters (Democrat from California) have sent letters to the Cuban government and U.S. authorities arguing that the Shakur case was a political vendetta that ignored the context of African-American civil rights groups in decades gone by and illegal activities against them through projects such as COINTELPRO.

The decision to move beyond this history of conflict served the interests of both countries. Pompeo’s selective and unilateral relitigation of the American claims is an exercise in hypocrisy  for the sole purpose of making the future a slave of the past.   

Acknowledging progress in the change of leadership in Cuba

Pompeo’s irresponsible act provides Biden’s new Secretary of State with an easy way to discount out of hand this attempt to twist the official image of Cuba in the United States. The designation’s potential damage to the policy announced by Biden and Harris toward Cuba is considerable. A wrong diagnosis that views Cuba as a threat to U.S. security detracts from a realistic approach that sees the island as a country in the middle of an important economic and leadership transition, with significant consequences for its future and for a potential new start with the United States. Raúl Castro is retiring as head of the Communist Party and Cuban leadership is being passed to the next generation. What sense does it make to face this new reality with an inaccurate diagnosis?

Financial profit at the cost of a failed policy

Treating Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism opens the U.S. courts, particularly those in south Florida, to opportunistic lawsuits in which unscrupulous attorneys will take advantage of the limited sovereign immunity conferred by a country’s appearance on the terrorism list to obtain juicy profits from trials for which Cuba would not be present. These trials could produce multimillion dollar rulings against Cuba, rendering the difficult issue of financial settlements between Cuba and the United States intractable.

One effect of such trials could be to discredit the United States in the eyes of the Cuban people. Although the most recalcitrant sectors of the Communist Party called him a wolf in sheep’s clothing, the first African-American U.S. President left a fresh image of openness to Cuba that transcended the history of conflicts and disagreements. This idea of a change one can believe in contrasts with the imperialist posture of Trump towards Cuba and other issues. The Biden administration should not only resume cancellation of lawsuits under Title III of the Helms-Burton Act, it should also preclude these offensive caricatures of the rule of law—lawsuits against Cuba with limited immunity—from being justified by an unwarranted “terrorist” label. 

Precedents of ideological manipulation of Cuba’s image

If he quickly resumes the path of rapprochement, Biden will show  the difference between an administration stuck in the Helms-Burton imperial framework and the best values of U.S. democracy represented by the open hand Obama extended for dialogue with Havana in 2016. The Cuban people are all too familiar with the attacks, hypocrisy, and lack of civility that characterized imperialist dirty war tactics against Cuba. Gratuitously labeling Cuba a state sponsor of terrorism reminds many Cubans of Operation Northwoods in which the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff proposed false flag acts of terrorism in which alleged Cubans would attack the U.S., giving a pretext for an invasion of Cuba.

Biden should continue Obama’s policy

Despite all this, the image of the first African American President and his ultimate decision to propose a new tack with Cuba created good will toward the United States and the Democratic Party in the eyes of many Cubans. But there is nothing more damaging to soft power than deception. The Biden team should bear this in mind. From the outset it should act decisively as an agent of change, and never as a continuation of Trumpism. Trump’s supporters will try to crucify Biden for whatever he does—be it a small or grand gesture. To quote the president-elect, “It makes no sense to hang yourself on a small cross.” The incoming team should return in grand fashion and  deepen the policy announced by Obama in his Presidential Policy Directive of October 2016.

If the Biden administration wants to communicate that it is serious about combatting terrorism and is throwing its hat in with multilateralism, removing Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism is a litmus test. The idea that Cuba is not a top priority  in  Biden’s agenda is an unsustainable pretext. The State Department has enough experts to seriously examine this issue, and follow procedures to remove Cuba from the list in a relatively short time.  

The incoming Secretary of State, Anthony Blinken, should not simply fall into the traps that Pompeo is laying in his path. Pompeo’s last minute outrageous actions do not reflect well on American diplomacy. The new administration owes nothing to the right-wing Cuban exile community in Florida, that simply wants to manipulate the list to hurt Cuba. It is a matter of basic diplomatic professionalism that the incoming administration reviews the case of Cuba according to technical, non-partisan criteria. Since Cuba was taken off the list in 2015, has the island engaged in sponsorship of any terrorist organization or act? If the answer is no, Cuba should be removed from it immediately.

Arturo López-Levy is a Senior Research Fellow at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA). He is a professor of international relations and politics at Holy Names University in Oakland, California and author of “Raul Castro and the New Cuba: A Close-up of Change.” Twitter, @turylevy.

[Main photo: While the U.S. accuses Cuba of terrorism, Cuban doctors of the Henry Reeve Brigade have been collaborating with several countries around the world to bring medical care to at-risk populations. Credit: Diario Granma Internacional].

Translated by Jill Clark-Gollub, COHA Assistant Editor/Translator       

By Rubén Sierra
From Los Angeles, California

COVID-19 has spread rapidly throughout the world. The pandemic has severely limited the economic activities of developing countries and has even led to periodic shut downs in the most powerful nations. Globally, an estimated 72,650,979 people have been diagnosed with COVID-19 resulting in 1,619,617 deaths.^[1] The pandemic has affected certain countries at a disproportionate rate. According to the most recent data on the pandemic, Cuba has had 10,900 cases and 9,503 have recovered, with 140 deaths.^[2] The US has had about 19.2 million cases, 11,257,711 have recovered with 300,051 deaths.^[3] Nearly 5% of all U.S. Americans have been diagnosed with COVID-19 while a miniscule 0.08% of the Cuban population has been infected. Nearly 90% of Cubans diagnosed with COVID-19 have recovered.

The significant differences in cases and deaths are attributed to a variety of factors. Cuba is a small island nation; its relative seclusion from the rest of the world has prevented a rapid spread of COVID-19. The United States has a population that is 33 times bigger than Cuba. However, these considerations should not ignore the fact that Cuba’s infection and recovery rate is still the lowest per capita in the world and we may be overlooking a key factor in Cuba. Since the Cuban revolution, Cuba’s medical system has been recognized as one of the best and most advanced in the world despite struggling with the constraints of the U.S. embargo.

As the pandemic appears to be uncontrollable and has no end in sight, a U.S.-Cuba medical partnership could benefit the global community let alone both countries. During this uncertain time, countries should prioritize partnerships in order to confront this deadly pandemic. More than ever, this may be the time for the U.S. to put aside an outdated embargo and unite medical resources with Cuba to effectively confront the COVID-19 virus. A medical partnership is not something new in their historical relationship.

A Brief History of US-Cuba Medical Partnerships

The United States and Cuba have found some common ground through medical partnerships. As professor Helen Yaffe points out, “since the 1960s, many U. S. scientists have forged scientific links with revolutionary Cuba” to gain access to Cuba’s medical research on the oral polio vaccine, interferon, which signals proteins to be made and released within the body in response to the presence of several viruses.  Moreover, both medical communities have engaged in the North American Scientific Exchange.^[4] Although conflict remains between both governments, their medical communities have identified the benefits of working together in order to advance our understanding of medical treatment.

Most recently, medical researchers and doctors from both countries have reached historic medical agreements. A joint partnership has been solidified related to Ebola treatment in Liberia and research on a lung cancer vaccine in New York. In 2014, “Cuban doctors and nurses staff[ed] a USAID-funded Ebola treatment unit in Monrovia, Liberia.”^[5] This medical venture was a rare opportunity for Cuban medical professionals to work on U.S.-funded projects. In addition, on September 26, 2018, a United States and Cuban biotech joint venture was established to conduct a trial and deliver CIMAvax-EGF, an innovative Cuban lung cancer immunotherapy treatment, to patients in the United States. Innovative Immunotherapy Alliance SA was set up by Buffalo-based Roswell Park Comprehensive Cancer Center and Havana’s Centre for Molecular Immunology (CIM).^[6] Since the introduction of the joint project, Cuba’s medical innovation has constructively contributed to mainstream medical understanding of immunology.

Medical researchers at Roswell Park were astonished by Cuba’s medical breakthroughs. They found that Cuba’s medical progress has the potential to advance cancer treatment in the field of immunology. For example, Roswell Park President and CEO Dr. Candance Johnson said, “this is a momentous step forward […] we are entering a critical new phase of Roswell Park’s collaboration with […] innovative Cuban scientists. Our goal is to develop these promising cancer therapies as quickly and effectively as possible” to “benefit the greatest number of U.S. patients.”^[7] Despite the political tensions between Cuba and the United States, which is mainly rooted in Washington DC, the U.S. medical and scientific community has recognized Cuba’s medical advances. Cuba’s ongoing history of medical breakthroughs has also been recognized by the global community which has resulted in medical partnerships with over 67 countries.

Cuba’s Health Partnerships in the Developing World

Cuba has been a leader in global health partnerships since the Cuban revolution. “Cuba currently has over 50,000 health professionals working in 67 different countries”^[8] which in 2014 was “a greater number of health professionals than Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), the Red Cross and Unicef combined.”^[9] Cuba leads the world in medical diplomacy as many countries have welcomed Cuba’s exceptional medical professionals. Cuba has made a significant medical impact on every continent. For example, Cuba “has a large presence in 30 different countries in the African continent,” the Middle East, Asia and Portugal and their efforts have been recognized by the World Health Organization (WHO).^[10]

In 2017, “the Henry Reeve International Medical Brigade (HRIMB) of Cuba was awarded the prestigious […] Dr. Lee Jong-wook Memorial Prize for Public Health” by WHO “at a World Health Assembly ceremony […] for its emergency medical assistance to more than 3.5 million people in 21 countries affected by disasters and epidemics since the founding of the Brigade in September 2005.”^[11] Cuba’s medical personnel are more active in countries that need it the most. For example, Cuba sends more medical personnel annually to the developing world than all the G8 countries combined.^[12] Despite Cuba’s limited resources and the never-ending U.S. embargo, Cuba continues to export its vital resource – medical care. Developed countries in Europe are now reaching out to Cuba to partner on a biotechnology response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

European Union-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA)

During the latter part of 2020, Cuba and the European Union (EU) have engaged in a cooperation agreement focused on accomplishing sustainable development goals. Three complex issues have been given priority focus: “(i) climate change, (ii) the path towards an inclusive, knowledge-based economy, and (iii) health systems and the development biotechnology in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.”^[13] Cuba and the EU are partnering to tackle some of the most pressing global issues.

A major focus is pursuing a comprehensive response to COVID-19 in Cuba. For example, “saving lives and mitigating the health impact of the COVID-19 emergency in Cuba” will be “implemented by the Pan-American Health Organization equaling 1.5 million euros to strengthen national capacities to fight the pandemic.”^[14] The idea is that if Cuba is able to significantly reduce their COVID-19 rate then the island nation would be able to focus on assisting with the response in other countries such as the ones in Europe. The European Union recognizes the value of Cuba’s medical personnel. Separate nations within the European Union have already signed agreements to work with Cuba on COVID-19 diagnostics and vaccinations.

Sweden and the United Kingdom Sign Separate Agreements with Cuba

Sweden and the United Kingdom have emerged from the EU to establish independent partnerships related to COVID-19 prevention and response. Sweden has agreed to invest in Cuba’s diagnostic technologies such as SUMA – which enables detection of COVID-19.^[15] The United Kingdom also recognizes the value of cooperating with Cuba on prevention and treatment of COVID-19. Specifically, the United Kingdom is partnering with Cuba on several health projects. The British Embassy is “collaborating with the Cuban Centre for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology (CIGB) […] related to: the clinical trial of an immune enhancer, the development of diagnostic tests for serological antigen detection and the effect of an existing antiviral in COVID-19 positive patients.”^[16]

British diplomats clearly understand the importance of their partnerships with Cuban medical personnel. British Ambassador to Cuba, Dr. Antony Stokes stated that “the pandemic has impacted our economies” while “putting the world’s health systems under pressure […] Cooperation between countries is essential in responding to the challenges posed by COVID-19.”^[17]

Cuba’s COVID-19 Vaccine Trials

Cuba has become a world leader in clinical trials of a potential COVID-19 vaccine. The country is currently developing two vaccine candidates – known as Sovereign 1 and Sovereign 2, and the Caribbean island could become an important supplier to neighboring countries that may struggle to access vaccine supply, according to Reuters.^[18] If the vaccines prove to be safe and effective, the vaccinations “would become available for purchase in the region through PAHO, the America regional office of the World Health Organization (WHO),” said José Moya, the representative in Cuba for the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). ^[19]

The potential vaccines are drawing significant interest from Latin American and African countries. Some countries are currently positioning themselves to gain access to it. For example, Mexico and Venezuela along with the ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America) alliance, which includes 10-member countries such as Nicaragua, Bolivia and Caribbean nations, are interested in importing Cuba’s vaccine.^[20] The government of Ethiopia has also signaled interest in partnering with the island by stating that “Cuba has a good scientific reputation.”^[21]

Conclusion

The COVID-19 pandemic continues to ravage the global community. This infectious virus does not discriminate against poor or wealthy countries. Cases and deaths continue to rise around the world especially in the United States. More than ever, medical communities must come together to seek a comprehensive response to the spread of COVID-19. In response to the growing pandemic, the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has approved the use of COVID-19 vaccines from corporate leaders Pfizer and Moderna. The vaccines are estimated to be 95% effective but many medical experts such as Peter Hotez, virologist and dean of the National School of Tropical Medicine at the Baylor College of Medicine, expects the U.S. to face vaccine shortages and that the country will actually “need four or five different vaccines.”^[22]

Despite historical tensions, clearly manifested in the continued U.S. embargo on Cuba, a medical partnership between the two countries may be essential to overcoming the devastation being caused worldwide by the COVID-19. Both countries have engaged in medical partnerships in the past. Cuba has proven to develop highly effective medical vaccines and treatments that have benefited the United States medical research community such as the oral polio vaccine and now CIMAvax. Currently, countries in Europe, Africa and Latin America are solidifying their partnerships with Cuba regarding a WHO-approved COVID-19 vaccination. It is also acknowledged by U.S. medical professionals at the Baylor College of Medicine that “the Cubans have created two vaccines that sound technologically quite promising.”^[23]

The severity of COVID-19 should make the U.S. embargo obsolete and create the urgency for the U.S. and Cuban medical community to work together for the well-being of our global community.

Ruben Sierra was a 2008 COHA Research Associate. He studied Caribbean Literature and Music at the Casa de las Americas in Havana, Cuba in 2007. He has over 8 years of experience working with labor unions and non-profit organizations in California.

Fred Mills and Patricio Zamorano contributed as editors of this article

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Sources and end notes

^[1] CNN. Tracking Coronavirus’ Global Spread. https://www.cnn.com/interactive/2020/health/coronavirus-maps-and-cases/ (accessed December 14, 2020).

^[2] https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/cuba/ (accessed on December 26, 2020).

^[3] https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/us/ (accessed on December 26, 2020).

^[4] Yaffe, Helen. We Are Cuba!: How A Revolutionary People have Survived in a Post-Soviet World. Yale University Press, 2020.

^[5] Gannon, Seth, and Morrison, Stephen. Health Cooperation in the New U.S.-Cuban Relationship. Health Affairs Blog: Global Health Policy, https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hblog20150429.047389/full/ (accessed December 11, 2020).

^[6] Deck-Miller, Annie. Governor Cuomo Announces First-Ever Biotech Venture Between U.S. and Cuba to Research and Develop New Cancer Treatments. Roswell Park Newsroom, September 26, 2018, https://www.roswellpark.org/newsroom/201809-governor-cuomo-announces-first-ever-biotech-venture-between-us-cuba-research (accessed December 26, 2020).

^[7]Ibid.

^[8] Gonzalez, Mauro, et al. International Medical Collaboration: Lessons from Cuba. US National Library of Medicine, National Institute of Health, December 2016, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5184795/

^[9] Huish, Robert. Why Does Cuba ‘Care’ so Much? Understanding the Epistemology of Solidarity in Global Health Outreach. International Development Studies, Public Health Ethics, Dalhousie University, 2014.

^[10] Gonzalez, Maura, et al. International Medical Collaboration: Lessons from Cuba. United States Library of Medicine, National Institute of Health, 2016.

^[11] PAHO/WHO. Cuba’s Henry Reeve International Medical Brigade Received Prestigious Award. May 26, 2017, https://www.paho.org/hq/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=13375:cubas-henry-reeve-international-medical-brigade-receives-prestigious-award&Itemid=42353&lang=en (accessed December 26, 2020).

^[12] Huish, Robert, and Kirk, John. Cuban Medical Internationalism and the Development of the Latin American School of Medicine. Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 34, No. 6, Aggressive Capital and Democratic Resistance (Nov 2007), New York, 2007.

^[13] European Union External Action Service. EU and Cuba Hold Second Dialogue on Sustainable Development Goals. Press Release, April 12, 2020, https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/89326/node/89326_en (accessed on December 13, 2020).

^[14] European Union External Action Service. EU and Cuba Hold Second Dialogue on Sustainable Development Goals. Press Release, April 12, 2020, https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/89326/node/89326_en (accessed on December 13, 2020).

^[15] World Health Organization. Cuba: Health Authorities and International Partners Exchange Ideas on Opportunities for Cooperation, while Sweden invests in COVID-19 Diagnostic Technologies. (http://stream.nbcsports.com/nfl/watch-sunday-night-football, (accessed on October 13, 2020).

^[16] Government of the United Kingdom. The UK in Cuba: Creating Alliances in Response to COVID-19. British Embassy in Havana, October 2, 2020, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/the-uk-in-cuba-creating-alliances-in-response-to-covid-19  (accessed on December 13, 2020).

^[17] Government of United Kingdom. The UK in Cuba: Creating Alliances in Response to COVID-19. British Embassy in Havana, October 2, 2020, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/the-uk-in-cuba-creating-alliances-in-response-to-covid-19  (accessed on December 13, 2020).

^[18] Marsh, Sarah. Cuba Leads Race for Latin American Coronavirus Vaccine. Reuters, November 12, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-vaccine-cuba-focus-idINKBN27S1OX (accessed on December 14, 2020).

^[19] Marsh, Sarah. Cuba Leads Race for Latin American Coronavirus Vaccine. Reuters, November 12, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-vaccine-cuba-focus-idINKBN27S1OX (accessed on December 14, 2020).

^[20] Ibid.

^[21] Ibid.

^[22] Owermohle, Sarah. U.S. Could Face Months of Vaccine Shortages Amid Global Competition. Politico, December 8, 2020, https://www.politico.com/news/2020/12/08/coronavirus-vaccine-shortage-443839 (accessed December 26, 2020).

^[23] Marsh, Sarah. Cuba Leads Race for Latin American Coronavirus Vaccine. Reuters, November 12, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-vaccine-cuba-focus-idINKBN27S1OX (accessed on December 14, 2020).