Carolyn Skelton – Evening Report

Scaring the menz, taming the wimmin

Selwyn Manning — Tue, 21 Feb 2017 02:46:13 +0000

Social and economic (in) justice II (click here for part one of this series) Part One on social and economic justice, ended with this: Such unequal access to power occurs throughout our society: in institutional and political policies, economic arrangements, and social practices (such as those described as part of rape culture). The whole system, and social attitudes that support it, needs changing from the bottom up. This system damages the lives and well-being of many people, including many women, people of colour, LGBTI people, and those on low incomes. In this unequal power system, social and economic (in)justices are frequently intertwined. There is an urgent need at the moment to decrease economic inequalities, to provide everyone with a living income, plus affordable, safe and secure housing. Social injustices are embedded within these economic injustices. In the course of her long participation in political and social justice campaigns and movements, Angela Davis was seen as a notorious enemy of the US state. She was charged with “aggravated kidnapping and first degree murder”, imprisoned for a period, but eventually acquitted. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8sLIDscuc-M She’s also a respected academic and writer. Davis is no namby-pamby chardonnay feminist, whining because some man slighted her at a corporate board meeting (as anti-identity politics stereotyping would have it). Davis was a leader of the Communist Party of the US in the 1960s, supporter of the Black Power Movement, and continues to be a very vocal campaigner against the prison-industrial complex. She argues for a complete change of society, not just for a contained shift towards equal rights before the law, as she describes the civil rights movement. In a 2014 interview Davis said: At the time of its [Black Feminism’s] emergence, black women were frequently asked to choose whether the black movement or the women’s movement was most important. This was the wrong question. … We are still faced with the challenge of understanding the complex ways that race, class, gender, sexuality, nation and ability are intertwined—but also how we move beyond these categories to understand the interrelationships of ideas and processes that seem to be separate and unrelated. In a more recent article on Black Lives Matter, Davis said:

I was once asked to finish the statement, “My feminism is…” It didn’t take me long to come up with an answer. I’m a gay, black woman. My feminism is intersectional. … experiences in life are shaped by the intersection of class, race, gender, sexual orientation and identity.

The public face of feminism tends to focus on extremes: it includes those who want to convince harsh opponents, while working to increase equal opportunities within the current system; and also includes those who, like Angela Davis, are very outspoken, may seem shockingly radical, and to many may appear to be jarringly, in-your-face and uncompromising. Others, in an attempt to convince people potentially antagonistic to change, may become tame, and non-threatening. Consequently they are in danger of becoming neutralised and contained within the patriarchal capitalist system. This poses a dilemma on the most effective way forward. Some women who support social justice campaigns, don’t like the “feminist” label because, as mentioned by Davis, it is seen as white women’s thing. Annette Sykes, for instance, talks about wahine toa and mana wahine: Since the election of president Trump, debates about social justice issues have intensified among progressive or left wing people in NZ. Many of us have been attacked online for promoting “identity politics”, and often dismissed as authoritarian “identitarians”. We are told to back off and focus solely on economic injustices. We are told by some we are damaging and splitting the left, even as they try to split the core matters of the left (economic and social justice) into two unequal parts. Like Catriona MacLennan, I don’t like the term “identity politics”. Too often it is used as a stick to attack those who speak out on social justice issues, as for instance often happens to those who are critical of our society’s all pervasive rape culture. Masculine and corporate dominated, capitalist culture is damaging to life, social networks, and ultimately the economy. Others have produce in-depth, well-sourced, evidence-based arguments for a left politics on this topic. See for instance the 2014 article “Economic Inequality or Social Justice for Everybody?” by Victor Baez and Yasmin Fahimi. Many blame feminism for watering down the class struggle in the post 1980 neoliberal era. In fact, feminism has also been diminished in the same period. Social justice campaigns were not the cause of this, but another casualty of neoliberalism. Feminism has been commodified into marketable, images and lifestyle for women. Campaigns for empowerment of women throughout society, have been narrowed to individualistic, often sexualised representations of empowerment, while women struggling on low incomes have been marginalised, and too often demonised. Many women and men on the left do understand the enormous damage done by both economic and social injustice, and the way they are interwoven. And we will not be silenced. Sleater-Kinney’s song is is a jarring riot girl response to the way feminism was commodified towards the end of last century (lyrics here) Sleater-Kinney #1 must have https://youtu.be/uIP0iIxHLY4]]>

From austerity to pussy grabbers

Selwyn Manning — Tue, 14 Feb 2017 04:56:15 +0000

On economic and social injustice (click here for part two of this series) I give money to street beggars (the visible sign of a broken political, economic and social system); lean towards the socialist edge of social democracy; marched in anti-TPPA protests; am pro trade unions and workers rights; desperately want affordable housing and a living wage for all – and I am a feminist. Like many others, I care about issues of economic and social (in)justice. There is a recurring argument made on social media (and sometimes mainstream media) that somehow I can’t be for all those things: that I am either active and/or vocal against our current system of economic injustice (an end to poverty and a too wide income and wealth gap), or I support “identity politics” (feminism, anti-racism, anti LGBTI or disability discrimination) – or worse, I am one of those now burdened with the clumsy label “identitarian”, with cult-like, right wing connotations. (See also the post on The Standard, “We are all ‘identitarian’ now”.) This is a label many detractors use to slap down those speaking against injustices that damage women, LGBTI people, people of colour, and many others. As with all social justice movements, feminists come in a range of political shapes and sizes. I can’t speak for all of them, nor do I want to. They range from the liberal feminists like Judith Collins and Paula Bennett who support corporate capitalism, to left wingers like Sue Bradford, Marama Davidson, and Metiria Turei. In spite of all the evidence to the contrary, on and offline, of a feminist presence in everything from the anti-TPPA struggle, campaigns against homelessness and for the living wage, somehow all feminists are self-serving “identitarians”. It’s claimed our (allegedly) ill-judged comments and whining, are diverting the left from the only authentic struggle. We are accused of splitting the movement, and damaging the possibilities of left-leaning parties re-gaining the government benches later this year. Social and economic injustices are situated within a system where power is unevenly distributed. In 21^st New Zealand way too many Māori and Pacific Island women are struggling to survive and to support their whanau. Too many of them are on low incomes, un- or under-employed, while experiencing housing unaffordability, single parenthood, rising costs for essentials, and institutional discrimination. They make up a significant part of the precariat. Social and economic justice are united by being about power, uneven access to it, and its damaging impact on the lives of many people. Many people from the least powerful groups have responded by participating in political campaigns. For instance, women have played a leading role in resistance to the Glen Innes resistance to selling of state houses, to make way for expensive housing for the well-off. This is explained in a video posted by the Accompany Collective March 2016.

“We shall not be moved”: Tāmaki tenants discuss the privatisation of their state homes

In the video, the people, many of whom are women, and/or Maori or Pacific people, explain how their lives, well-being, health and community have been damaged. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oSoqgYsYbjM Internationally in recent decades, women have taken the brunt of damage done by austerity politics. A 2015 article in the Guardian says that,

The UK risks widening gender inequality because of austerity policies that disproportionately affect women, a coalition of charities has warned. …

Cuts to government spending and services by the Tory-Liberal Democrat coalition government had already hurt women, said Fair Deal. Half of housing benefit recipients are single women, while one in four women are in low-paid and insecure work. The number of lone parents claiming jobseeker’s allowance rose from 7,000 in 2008 to 159,000 in 2013. Nine out of 10 single parents are women. Those factors leave them particularly vulnerable to spending cuts. In 2014, the UK slipped eight places down the World Economic Forum’s (WEF) gender gap index. At 26, it is now placed below most European countries, the United States and even the Philippines. This is the bottom level of a system in which some sections of society have more power than others, and where white men tend to dominate the higher levels. [caption id="attachment_13971" align="alignnone" width="300"] From Peoples Cube[/caption] Some do it while demeaning and abusing women, showing how our culture encourages, and enables many (though not all) men to exercise power over women. [caption id="attachment_13970" align="alignnone" width="256"] From Twitter: ponytailgate[/caption] Such unequal access to power occurs throughout our society: in institutional and political policies, economic arrangements, and social practices (such as those described as part of rape culture). The whole system, and social attitudes that support it, needs changing from the bottom up. All of these aspects of society are strongly inter-connected. Moana Maniopoto who has been described as “one of the most significant voices in Maori music”, has also participated in political campaigns such as that against the TPPA, and for workers rights. This song has been described as a “feminist anthem”. Moana And The Moahunters – Black Pearl (original 1990 video!!!) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=89wvsthbjWg To be continued in part two.]]>

“Roots” (2016): persistence of power… and the enduring spirit of resistance

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 10 Aug 2016 03:52:08 +0000

Review by Carolyn Skelton – Roots (2016) My first post on the 2016 TV miniseries, Roots, highlighted the brutality of silvery, and the ways the US slave masters aimed to erase the true identities and history of African chatel slaves in the 18^th and 19^th centuries. A theme of the miniseries is the importance of naming, and how the slaves maintain their true names and by telling and re-telling their family line and stories to each new generation. In episodes 3 and 4 we follow the life of Chicken George (Regé-Jean Page) the son by rape of Kunte Kinte’s (Malachi Kirby) daughter Kizzy (Anika Noni Rose), and an Irish slave owner, Tom Lea (Jonathan Rhys Meyers) in North Carolina. Tom came from a poor Irish American background, and considers he has been successful when his fighting cocks gain him enough money to buy a farm and slaves. He is never accepted by the wealthy, powerful and bigoted Anglo men in the area: they consider themselves Tom’s superior. Chicken George has a way with words, using an evangelical style of oratory to captivate white people as he successfully trains and manages Tom’s fighting roosters. Like Tom, the young George sees the acquisition of money as the best way to achieve freedom, and equality. George later reconsiders, and chastens Tom for his hollow belief in the soulless power of money. Money, and the evils associated with it, are another recurring theme in the series. After a lost cock fight, Tom Lea is bankrupted. This results in George being sold to an Englishman, and taken to England for over 20 years, leaving behind his wife Matilda (Erica Tazel) and several children. In the final episode of the series, it is a bewildering moment for Kinte’s descendants and the community of slaves, when they slowly come to realise that the Civil War has ended, General Lee has capitulated, and they are no longer slaves. Chicken George’s wife Matilda says, she won’t be dancing in celebration as she has lost so much: 3 children sold to distant slave owners, and her, now liberated husband, back in the US. [caption id="attachment_11049" align="alignleft" width="300"] Roots (2016): Chicken George, Matilda, Marcellus (Michael James Shaw), Kizzy. [Black Film website][/caption]George had to leave his family because vicious white men use loopholes in the law to brutally exert their power over black people, whether they are slaves or not. If George had stayed with his family he would have been tormented, re-enslaved, or killed. An older, wiser and reformed George joined the struggle to support and protect other black people. Towards the final episode, following the end of the US Civil War and the abolition of slavery, we see the liberated slaves take the first tentative steps to negotiating their their terms for selling their labour to their previous slave masters. Roots: the next generations This matches the history outlined in Steve Fraser’s 2015 book*. The abolition of slavery was replaced by what often was referred to as “wage slavery”, with a large number of young black men, and some poor white men, in the south of the US, working for little money in harsh, prison-like conditions. A high proportion of black such men ended up in prison. There they became cheap labour for the developing enterprises of the rapid industrialisation of the US, and the rise of capitalism (Fraser, pp. 50-3).

“And while young African American males languished in industrial and agricultural prison camps, black women (if they weren’t also working in prisons, sometimes as unpaid prostitutes), once the helpmates of their husbands on small family plots, found work instead as wage earners in canning and tobacco factories, as domestics, in mechanized laundries and textile mills, and in the fields.” (Fraser, p.53)

High unemployment was a frightening reality. The US’s early phases of industrialisation developed on the backs and bodies of the poor, a high proportion of them being black people.

“… 35,000 workers died each year in industrial accidents, many of them skilled mechanics.…

“The bones of thousands of workmen were encased in the concrete of dams and bridges…” (Fraser, pp. 56-57)

The history of the subordination, discrimination and bigotry endured by the majority of African Americans since the Civil War, shows how the legacy of the past impacts on the present and future. Some of this is shown in the 1979 TV series Roots: the next generations, available on youtube (see also imdb). [caption id="attachment_11047" align="alignleft" width="300"] “Roots: the next generations” (1979) – poster, youtube. Tom, top left.[/caption] In episode 2 of Roots: the next generations (1979), Chicken George and Matilda’s son Tom Harvey (Georg Stanford Brown) has been proud to be able to vote every election after the Civil War. Then, a new generation of white men conspire to prevent black people from voting with vote registration rules targeting African Americans. This includes the requirement to have paid poll tax, and to be literate. Tom fronts up the registration office, shows his poll tax records, and maintains his dignity in front of the sneering white men, while haltingly reading part of the Tennessee constitution he’s given. They then disqualify him from registering because he is unable to explain the meaning of the piece he has read. The legacy of African American slave history in the present In the past few weeks, some in the US have tried to use similar methods of targeting African Americans with rules to prevent them from registering to vote. (Se The Guardian 3 August 2016 and The New York Times 31 July 2016 ) Those kinds of actions, plus the statistics that show African Americans continue to be over-represented in the poorer sections of society, while also being victimised by the police and other institutions, shows how the legacy of brutalising slavery, still continues into the present, as does resistance to it in the #blacklivesmatter movement. (See, for instance, the post by The Political Scientist showing the persistence of poverty experienced by African Americans over generations.) Berklee Black Lives Matter perform a beautiful version on Nina Simone’s “Four Women”, bringing the past into the present, highlighting the continuing impact of slavery, and long-term oppression of black people into the 21^st century. The refrain in Nina Simone’s song is “What do they call me? My name is…”. At the end of Berklee Black Lives Matter’s version the reprise the refrain for 3 of the women by highlighting that the name is what “they call me”. The powerful diminish and hide the true identities, experiences and histories of slaves and their descendants in the way they name them. In covering the song, the Berklee women retell the history of this oppression and resistance to it. https://youtu.be/eDF3RLSI07s * Fraser, Steve, The Age of Acquiescence: The life and death of American resistance to organized wealth and power, New York, Boston, London, Little Brown and Company, 2015.]]>

“Roots” (2016): enslavement and the politics of naming

Selwyn Manning — Tue, 09 Aug 2016 04:07:13 +0000

Review by Carolyn Skelton. See also, Part Two: “Roots” (2016): persistence of power… and the enduring spirit of resistance Roots (2016, TV series) is disturbing but also compelling: a story of horrific brutality endured, and of the resistant warrior spirit, struggling for freedom. It tells of how the past impacts on present and future generations. It shows the best and worst of humanity, and points to the way both continue today. (Episodes 3 and 4 available on demand on TVNZ website for another week.) Alex Haley’s fictionalisation of his search for his African (become African-American) ancestry was first written as a novel (Roots: The making of an American family, 1976 ). It begins with the story of the enslavement of Kunte Kinte, taken from his Gambian home town of Juffure. The family saga was made into an acclaimed 1977 TV series (See PBS on “Miniseries: Roots Special” 2013) The accuracy of Haley’s family history is disputed, but the story and context seems pretty true to the social history of slavery and the continuing struggles of African Americans. Compared with the 1977 TV series, the 2016 version has been updated to include more accurate historical information. The new version characterises Juffure as “a busy commercial trade post” rather than a rural backwater. In 2016 Kunta Kinte is portrayed as a warrior, compared with the more childlike version of 1977. (Caitlin Gallagher on the differences) The 2016 TV series re-make begins with the story of Kunta Kinte (Malachi Kirby), born in Juffre and trafficked as a teenager to Virginia in the 1770s. The story begins in some of the earliest phases of globalisation that accompanied the shift from feudalism, through mercantile trading, to industrial capitalism. (See also Wikipedia on the 2016 version and imdb) The rise of the use of African slaves in the southern states of the US followed from use of Irish, Scottish, English and German people as well as Africans as indentured servants in early 17^th century colonial America. In the 17^th century there was a gradual shift from indentured servitude to the use of Africans as chattel slaves, whereby humans are owned as property and have no personal freedom or rights. (History of Slavery in America, Berkley University) The series shows the lives and struggles of Kinte and his descendants across several decades, until the end of the US Civil War and the abolition of slavery in the 1860s. The politics of naming, the importance of family, and of teaching each generation their family lineage, are recurring themes throughout the generations. So to is the recurring treachery, bigotry, misogynistic rape, inhumanity and brutality endured. It starkly portrays the exploitation and abuse carried out by the slave masters in order to acquire and maintain their wealth, status and power over others. And it shows the ways in which each new generation follows Kinte’s example with brave bids for freedom as well as resistance to enslavement in small and large ways: there are moments of success, but their oppression continues, and sometimes changes with other social and economic changes. (See the History website and the Civil War Trust website) The 2016 series adds the story of Kinte and his contemporaries participation in the American War of Independence in 1782, and his grandson Chicken George (Regé Jean-Page) in the US Civil War (1861-65). Both re-tellings show how the slaves were viciously betrayed by the armies they pledged to support in return for promises of freedom. The black men were cynically used as inadequately armed canon fodder. The family bonds, love, solidarity, support, and the selfless sacrifice to protect others among the community of slaves makes their lives durable. For the viewer this is both distressing and uplifting. Kinte and his descendants endeavour to make the best of the circumstances that enslave them. The first aim is to survive. Individuals make choices about when to fight, and when to be prepared to die to protect others. Those that colonise others as a means to maintain their power and status, do so in part by denying the impact of the legacies of the past on present and future lives. The aim of the slave managers is to make the slaves forget their past lives and heritage, by giving them a slave name, and constructing false, and demeaning traditions for them to follow. Kunte Kinte’s supreme act of resistance is to continue to say his name, “I am Kunte Kinte”, as the slave master viciously whips the skin off his back. Eventually, near death, Kinte chooses to live, and says his slave name, “Toby.” But, as The Fiddler (Forest Whitaker) tells him, Kinte will keep his true name, and the spirit it signifies, inside hm. It is necessary to know your name and lineage to know who you are (and what you can be). In part II I will say more about Roots (2016) and the impact of past oppressions on present and future lives. Nina Simone wrote and sang a powerful song, describing four women, whose lives have been constructed out of the legacy of slavery. Each woman is characterized by a slave naming, first as a lament, then, for the fourth woman, her name is sung with anger and bitter irony. https://youtu.be/4grGAYx9koA]]>

Feature and Video: Pride Protests Police

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 24 Feb 2016 04:26:02 +0000

Feature & Video by Carolyn Skelton.

The 2016 Auckland Pride Parade celebrated 30 years since gay male sex was made legal in 1986.

The parade provided a positive face to LGBTI people, but glossed over many inequalities, and much brutal discrimination that still impacts on LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual transgender, intersexed) people. See RNZ’s September 2015 report on continuing discrimination. No Pride in Prisons protested against police inclusion in the parade, because of the harassment and brutal discrimination of LGBTI people by the police and prison system. My video of the parade and protest Pride parades, once called Gay Pride, arose out of protests against brutal oppression and discrimination of gay men. In 1969, gay men at the Stonewall Inn in New York, retaliated against police harassment. Riots and demonstrations followed. Gay liberation gathered steam throughout the 1970s and 80s. Gay Pride marches were protest marches on which LGBTI people bravely outed themselves in public, at a time when they risked discrimination at school, at work, in housing, on the streets, and all walks of life. In Auckland Hero Parade was an annual event from 1992 to 2001. It’s demise was due to funding and debt problems. In 2012, National Party MP Nikki Kaye began working towards a new Pride Parade, with the support of the PM, John Key. The rationale for the parade focused on social and economic benefits, with the boost to tourism and the economy being foregrounded. The latest Pride Parade seems to be doing OK with funding. A lot of this is probably due to the sliding-scale of fees from participants in the parade. [See the entry requirements] Commercial enterprises pay the highest fees (minimum of $5,000). The only requirements are that they do not have a record of discriminating against queer people, and that they express support of the Rainbow community. They are in fact, commercial sponsors that benefit from the brand association with Pride. It is likely they are focussed on attracting business from the better off LGBTI people. Rainbow community groups or individuals pay a minimum of $200, and charities, government or political groups pay $500 (base fee). This commercialisation and corporatisation of the parade, while promoting positive images of queer people, tends to marginalise the less powerful LGBTI people: those on the precarious edge of social and economic life. Continuing harassment, brutalisation, discrimination, and negative social impacts, are played down. No Pride in Prisons focus on some of the most marginalised and voiceless of LGBTI people: those who are on the receiving end of violence and brutal treatment by police and prison staff. Consequently they object to police being able to march in the parade, albeit to represent lesbian and gay police. The police participation straddles a fault-line in the Pride entrants’ requirements. They are there to represent LGBTI people positively, while the police force as a whole has a patchy record of treating queer people badly. Minister of Police Judith Collins turned up to support the police and march in the parade with them. Again, this sits uncomfortably with the Pride parade requirements. Collins did vote for the marriage equality bill. But her record generally is not that supportive of the Rainbow community. She is on record as positively supporting Cameron Slater and his WhaleOil blog, while not being in any way critical of the blog’s record of the use and condoning of homophobic language and verbal abuse. At Pride 2016, the Labour Party celebrated the fact that it was Labour MP Fran Wilde’s 1986 Bill that resulted in the legalisation of gay male sex (it had never been illegal for lesbian sex). The Labour Party celebrated this in Pride 2016. No Pride for Prisons organised a march from Karangahape to Ponsonby Road, which anyone could going, free of cost. Some of the protesters got onto the street, which resulted in the parade being delayed. This protest got a lot of attention from people with cameras, including the press. Meanwhile, many in the crowd expressed their disapproval of the protesters, cheering the arrival of the police. Some of the parade motorcyclists tried to make noise to drown out the protesters. The protesters chanted “We won’t be silenced” A woman explained to me why she joined the protest: “So last year I came to watch the Pride Parade with my mates. I was so upset because it was the ANZ, the BNZ and all the banks, and then it was the army, and then it was corrections, and then it was the police. And I just felt like the whole thing had been over-taken. And whereas, you know, 20 years ago, it used to be the whole community marching down the road. Now it’s become a spectacle for people who watch from the sidelines.” The banks, various businesses, the army and corrections were all in the parade this year.

The protesters chanted:

“Army of the rich, enemy of the poor”

“It’s not your parade”; “Shame, shame, shame”; “Whose got the power- We’ve got the power – What kind of power? – People power”. There were some small signs of protest in the parade. Surfers had a placard on their float that said: “No Way TPPA”. Many carried the current NZ flag, indicating their preference in the upcoming referendum. I saw no alternative candidate flags. The main focus of mainstream news reports of the 2016 Auckland Pride parade, was on the protest. They like drama and conflict. Gains were celebrated in Pride 2016. No pride for Prisons carried on the tradition of the original Gay Pride protests, representing those still suffering discrimination.]]>

Carolyn Skelton: Why I’m voting for the current NZ flag…. For now.

Selwyn Manning — Fri, 19 Feb 2016 01:31:16 +0000

Opinion by Carolyn Skelton – I will be voting to retain our British colonial-NZ flag, for now, because the whole process related to March’s referendum is fatally flawed. We needed a far more in-depth discussion about the meaning and relevance of our current flag. Furthermore, any change to rid ourselves of British imperial symbols needs to be part of a far deeper restructuring: changing the flag is a superficial exercise that masks our continuing subservience to Queen and empire(s). There hasn’t even been a far reaching and in-depth discussion of our current flag. Some history: United Tribes of NZ Flag The current NZ flag wasn’t the first used to represent NZ/Aotearoa. An earlier one, known as The United Tribes flag was designed in the 1830s. (See about this flag at the NZ History: Nga korero a ipurangi o Aotearoa website *) It was seen necessary as NZ was not a British colony at that time, and ships built here needed a flag to fly and register under. An earlier design was rejected as it had no red in it, and apparently New Zealanders liked red as it was seen as an indication of “rank”. Under British Resident James Busby’s authorisation, Māori chiefs voted on some designs, and a flag was selected. Following some tweaking by some in new South Wales , the British King approved the flag that became known as the flag of the United Tribes of New Zealand. It was considered an important step in encouraging Māori chiefs to act collectively.

“To northern Māori, the United Tribes flag meant that that Britain recognised New Zealand as an independent nation, and thereby acknowledged the mana of their chiefs.”

The Union Jack as NZ flag After the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi in 1840, the Union Jack replaced the United Tribes flag as NZ’s flag: ** “Some Māori, including the Ngāpuhi chief Hōne Heke, believed that Māori should have the right to fly the United Tribes flag alongside the Union Jack, in recognition of their equal status with the government. Heke’s repeated felling of the flagstaff at Kororāreka in 1844–45 was a vivid rejection of the Union Jack as a symbol of British power over Māori. The Ngāi Tahu chief Tūhawhaiki’s hoisting of the United Tribes flag on the island of Ruapuke in Foveaux Strait in the 1840s also symbolised Māori independence.” The Union Jack was used as the NZ flag until the 1950s. Current NZ Flag – imperialist maritime origins The current NZ flag has strong maritime associations.*** A UK law of 1865 declared that all ships of a colonial government must fl a blue ensign with the colony’s badge in it. NZ had no such badge, but one was added in 1965, stamping NZ on it with red letters and a white border. In 1899 the southern cross stars were added as to make a signalling flag– four red stars in a white circle. This was first used at sea, but gradually migrated onshore. Following a rise in flag waving at the outbreak of war in South Africa in 1899, PM Seddon introduce the NZ Ensign Bill in 1900 – pretty similar to our current flag. After some tweaking, the Ensign became a legal requirement for NZ government owned ships, eventually becoming recognised as NZ’s national flag. The national Māori Flag, (also known as the Tino Rangatiritanga /Māori Independence flag), was devised in the 1990s in connection with attempts to inform Maori of breaches of Te Tiriti. **** In 2010 , with some support by the Māori Party, this flag was flown on the Auckland Harbour Bridge on Waitangi Day for the first time. So, the alternative candidate flag for the March referendum, retains the blue and stars from our current flag. These elements are more a reflection of, not just our colonial history, but a narrow part of that history: that of the British and NZ navies. Slapped onto that remnant, is a fern and black colour. In the PM’s promotion of this flag, and the enlistment of selected high profile (ex)All Blacks to promote the flag, provides strong associations of masculine sporting prowess. Thus, the candidate flag represents very selective and skewed elements of our history and culture. Many crucial aspects have are hidden by it: the whole of Māori struggle for sovereignty, independence, equality and rights; plus the struggle for women to gain equality n a very masculine dominated national culture. Flawed process and flag long list The whole process of selecting a candidate flag was flawed, with the PM’s desire for a fern leading public discussions. Among the long list of alternative flags, the ones that seemed to me to represent a broader view of our history and culture/s, were the variously coloured koru ones with stars: not one of them made the long list. Like these ones: Or this with a strong Māori motif, with elements of the United Tribes flag: Instead we got a short list of three fern designs and one colourless, unimaginative koru design representing very little. Change will come, and will acknowledge wider changes, culture and struggles The alternative, referendum, candidate flag brand us commercial-style with strong associations of a rugby and masculine dominated sections of our society – and laughable contains unacknowledged elements of British imperial maritime dominance (blue background to the stars), even while claiming to shed trappings of being a British colony. When we change our national flag, we need a deeper discussion of this long history of changing cultural processes and struggles: we need to acknowledge Te Tiriti, and the first inhabitants of this land; and we need a flag that represents the whole of the country and it’s cultures. References: *’United Tribes flag’, URL: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/politics/flags-of-new-zealand/united-tribes-flag, (Ministry for Culture and Heritage), updated 21-Jan-2016 ** ‘Union Jack’, URL: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/politics/flags-of-new-zealand/union-jack, (Ministry for Culture and Heritage), updated 11-May-2015 ***’The NZ flag’, URL: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/politics/flags-of-new-zealand/maritime-origins, (Ministry for Culture and Heritage), updated 20-Nov-2015 **** ‘The national Māori flag’, URL: http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/politics/flags-of-new-zealand/maori-flag, (Ministry for Culture and Heritage), updated 11-May-2015]]>

The Commons & breaking the consensus: social movements, resistance & social change conference II

Selwyn Manning — Thu, 18 Feb 2016 04:10:11 +0000

Analysis by Caroline Skelton. At the Social Movements, Resistance and Social Change II Conference in Auckland last year, there was much talk of the “commons”, and also of the need for the left to embrace dissensus as a way to challenge the status quo, especially that of the current “neoliberal” consensus. See my earlier report on the conference. The importance of the Commons to the political left There was much discussion of the “commons” (crucial natural and cultural resources available equally to everyone). Such analyses incorporated aspects of the labour movement, union and work-based politics with issues of environment and climate change. The foregrounding of environmental issues is a way in which class-based left wing politics of the 21^st century differs from much of that from earlier in the 20^th century. The environment is a common good that sustains us all: climate change impacts on everyone. The focus on the world we all share, makes a sharp difference in values, ethics and approaches between left (valuing the commons and how it means we must all work together collaboratively and share resources) and right (valuing private property, competition and individual efforts ,while dismissing the notion of the commons). Various conference papers focused on research related to collaborative ways of working. As with the collective actions in Italy (referred to in my earlier conference report) examples were provided of existing practices that could be developed to move beyond the current destructive politics of the right: practices that need to be nurtured, and developed in a move away from the status quo of vast inequality gaps, life-damaging poverty, unaffordable housing, inadequate incomes, precarious living, and unsustainable environmental policies. Rancière, the police order, and dissensus A few presenters talked about the “police order” and Rancière’s writings on consensus and dissensus. Rancière was critical of the way any consensus marginalises some groups of people, meaning their voices are rarely heard, or at least not heard positively. Dissensus comes from actions that will disrupt the consensus and provide a space for the previously silenced people to be heard Tim Lamusse’s presentation used the example of protest and the attempts by authorities to silence the protesters: “Contesting heteronormativity: Queer politics of intelligibility, speech and protest at the 2015 Auckland Pride Parade.” Once gay pride parades were protest actions against marginalisation, brutal abuse, and suppression of LGBTI voices. Now the parades seem to embrace the social, economic and political status quo in many ways. At the 2015 parade, a group, No Pride in Prisons, protested against police inclusion in the parade, and as a result were treated harshly by the police and/or security guards. After the parade, Lamusse was reported to have said, on behalf of No Pride in Prisons:

“we wanted to highlight the fact that the queer, Maori and Pasifika communities are disproportionately harassed and targeted by police.”

The group claimed that three protesters were assaulted by police. Michael Field reported on claims that a transgender protester got her arm broken, as did LudditeJourno. And Chris Trotter pondered on the “corporate slickness” of current Pride parades. [The featured image is taken from that post] In Lamusse’s conference paper, the police force was part of his analysis of the consensus maintained by the police order. However, the police order does not necessarily relate to judicial institution. It’s any institution or process where consensus dominates, pressuring and enticing people towards certain kinds of behaviour, attitudes and beliefs. For more on Rancière see Eugene Wolter’s post: “Who the fuck is Jacques Rancière”, and the Jacques Rancière blog. Possibly the interest in Rancière was partly due to the current “neoliberal/neoconservative” consensus, which has resulted in socially, politically and economically destructive inequalities of income and wealth. This consensus has been embraced to some extent by left wing parties today. Today, with the focus by most political parties on attracting the votes of “middle New Zealand”, those living precarious lives – the unemployed, underemployed, working poor, sick and disabled – tend to be treated negatively, and/or their voices are silenced, their experiences become invisible. The consensus needs to be broken for left wing politics to gain wider acceptance once again, and be incorporated into a swelling grass roots movement of movements. It’s easy to see why Rancière’s theories have gained some attention from those involved visual arts (as reported here), and for those looking for imaginative ways of giving visibility to those whose voices have been marginalised and suppressed. The recent rise in popularity of the likes of the Scottish Nation Party, UK Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn, and the “socialist” US Democrat primaries candidate Bernie Sanders suggest the beginnings of a break from that consensus. [caption id="attachment_9165" align="alignleft" width="300"] Image from scoopnest and NZ Herald.[/caption] The throwing of the fake dildo at Steven Joyce in protest at the way the TPPA is “raping our sovereignty” is such an imaginative action of dissent.Peter Jackson waving the NZ dildo flag was part of John Oliver’s response to the dildo incident and Steven Joyce. The widespread and diverse responses to this act provide a lot of material for evaluating the success of such actions in breaking the neoliberal consensus, and contributing to a way forward for the political left. ]]>

Waitangi Day, Bastion Point – a place to take a stand

Selwyn Manning — Mon, 08 Feb 2016 19:22:56 +0000

On Waitangi Day, 6 February 2016, I decided to honour the history of Bastion point by going to a Waitangi Day Festival there. The event notice for it said it was from 10.00am to 6pm, that “Kiwi reggae favourites, House of Shem are headlining” and invited the public to, “… join Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei, as we celebrate Waitangi Day Festival 2016, in conjunction with Auckland Council. Commemorating the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi by Māori chiefs and representatives of the British crown on 6th February 1840, join Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei to celebrate the occasion with this free event.” The website for New Zealand History: Nga korero a Ipurangi o Aotearoa, has a summary of the history of Bastion Point. My video shows some moments from the festival: https://youtu.be/2iFp5UIhCTs It wasn’t the best of weather for an outdoor event, especially in the morning, so I arrived early afternoon. There was a small crowd in front of the stage in the rain. There was a very welcoming, and infectious sound of a man and woman on stage rapping, immediately drawing me in. I was ready to rock. The rain showers came and went. That and the strong wind made filming a pretty trying task. But the audience wasn’t bothered, continuing to dance and sway throughout the showers: the warm wind soon dried us out. Numbers of people increased as the weather improved. The first performance that I really watched was that of Majic Paora. She honour the history of Bastion Point, and her Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei connection. The occupation of Bastion Point began on 5 January 1977 – read about it here:

“Joe Hawke led an occupation of Takaparawhā (Bastion Point reserve), Auckland, to protest against the Crown’s decision to sell land that Ngāti Whātua maintained had been wrongly taken from them.

The occupation began after the government announced plans for a housing development on former Ngāti Whātua reserve land. The land had been gradually reduced in size by compulsory acquisition, leaving Ngāti Whātua ki Orākei holding less than 1 ha. Police evicted the occupiers after 506 days. Following a Waitangi Tribunal inquiry and recommendations, much of the land was returned to or vested with Ngāti Whātua.” Majic talked of all the ways music was important, and sang soulful songs of struggle, love, fun and unity. From there on it was reggae all the way. This Majic YouTube video begins with a homage to Bob Marley https://youtu.be/lyMpwlw8R6c The MC urged people to dance to the sound of recorded music between the live acts. He got the crowd going with his requests for people to dance, and many happily obliged. Bob Marley’s birthday was celebrated with some recordings of his songs. The view out across the Waitemata was, as usual, spectacular, with the sight of rain showers coming towards us across the harbour. Next on stage was 1814, with some great sounds and rhythm – perfect for a relaxed afternoon outdoors – and people kept dancing and moving. Here’s their YouTube version of Ring of Fire: https://youtu.be/kOSDynBCiXw The final act was House of Shem. Before they began, Carl Perkins said:

now is the time – we need to stand – against the TPPA.

The House of Shem set was very worthy of the headline status. Here’s the House of Shem & Big Mountain “Hard Road” official video: https://youtu.be/41iw3DY_7b4 An excellent community, family-friendly day, honouring and celebrating the day, respecting the place, and remembering struggles past, present and future.]]>

The TPPA and women: spot the difference

Selwyn Manning — Fri, 05 Feb 2016 03:20:39 +0000

Analysis by Carolyn Skelton. The potential impact off the TPPA on women, especially women of colour, gets very little coverage in the mainstream media. The agreement poses very strong risks for women, who are over-represented in low income jobs and as receivers of state benefits. Sometimes pictures really do tell the story that requires a lot of words to explain. Spot the difference: The feature image from the Malaysian Insider is of the member state representatives who signed the TPPA in Auckland on February 4th [NZ time]. There are two women and 10 men. Trade minister s TPPA Oct 2015 and Jan 2016: [caption id="attachment_8965" align="alignleft" width="351"] From Auckland News[/caption] [caption id="attachment_8967" align="alignleft" width="342"] Leaders from the TPPA member states 2010: From Wikipedia[/caption] [caption id="attachment_8966" align="alignnone" width="364"] Leaders from the TPPA member states: From Newstalkzb[/caption] [caption id="attachment_8953" align="alignnone" width="534"] Image by Del Abcede.[/caption] Compare the gender balance in the above leaders’ photos with that in the photo essay by Del Abcede, of the February 4 protests against the TPPA in Auckland, published on Asia Pacific Report. Women have been playing a strong role in opposing the TPPA, while the people negotiating are largely men, along with those in powerful corporations. This rundown of the TPPA on Scoop, by the US Trade Representative in Oct 2015, has only one specific section referring to women: “… and economic growth, including helping women build capacity and skill, enhancing women’s access to markets, obtaining technology and financing, establishing women’s leadership networks, and identifying best practices in workplace “ The focus is on women in leadership, “markets”, finance-acquisition, and workplace practices. Inequalities in the 21^st century result in extreme hardship for mothers of young children, and single mothers. Low paid workers are over-represented by women, and especially women of colour. The US Trade Representative’s press release highlights the TPPA’s provisions for protecting worker rights and labour relations, which are a step in a positive direction: “… a prohibition on the worst forms of child labour; and elimination of discrimination in employment. They also agree to have laws governing minimum wages, hours of work, and occupational safety and health. Each of the 12 TPP Parties commits to ensure access to fair, equitable and transparent administrative and judicial proceedings and to provide effective remedies for violations of its labour laws. They also agree to public participation in implementation of the Labour chapter, including establishing mechanisms to obtain public input.” So far so good. Excellent to see such things get consideration and a positive statement of intent. However, these promises are qualified by this:

“The commitments in the chapter are subject to the dispute settlement procedures laid out in the Dispute Settlement chapter.”

Any issues with respect to failure to provide for workers rights as laid out above, are to be dealt with by negotiation between parties. There is not authority with the power to resolve disputes, or hold member states to account in the interest of workers. In contrast, ISDS provisions give powerful international corporations the right to challenge the laws of member states that protect the rights of workers, in the interests of powerful employers. In contrast, a June 2015 advisory for the US National Organisation of Women outlines why the TPPA is a feminist issue. It looks to the impacts of past US trade agreements and identifies a pattern whereby when wages are lowered, women, especially women of colour are hit hard. They tend to work in low pay occupations such as retail, food service, nursing homes and day care. The advisory refers to statements by Senator Elizabeth Warren. The advisory summarizes: “Through a thorough investigation of how the United States implemented the labor provisions of in-place free trade agreements, the Government Accountability Office found “persistent challenges to labor rights, such as limited enforcement capacity, the use of subcontracting to avoid direct employment… [and] violence against union leaders” in many countries with existing agreements. Specifically, the Department of Labor found that ten countries that had free trade agreements with the U.S. (Colombia, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, Jordan, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, and Peru) continue to use child labor and force labor to produce their goods, regardless of international laws in place to prevent it.” The advisory concludes on the basis of the evidence available, that the TPP will not protect worker’s, especially women workers’ rights, wages will be driven down, unemployment will rise, and there will be less access to affordable health care. The TPPA has largely been negotiated by powerful men and corporations, and it doesn’t look that good for women: especially women of colour and those on low incomes.]]>

Bowie Retrospective part 3: feminism, music an a’ that

Selwyn Manning — Tue, 02 Feb 2016 04:20:44 +0000

Feature by Carolyn Skelton. For many LGBTI people, and others feeling alienated from today’s society, David Bowie’s innovative performance and music struck a chord. As I said in my previous pieces, he was not the only one who provided such connections and inspiration. Bowie’s song “Rebel, rebel” celebrates androgyny as an act of rebellion. https://youtu.be/eF551z9KlA8 The increasingly fragmented music scenes since the 1970s include a complex tapestry of mainstream and alternative influences. The 2^nd wave women’s movement was in full swing when Bowie first came to prominence in the UK in the 1970s. UK Women’s Liberationists were both influenced by and reacted against the mainstream music industry. This resulted in a lot of the music of the UK movement seeming to be lost to posterity. Bowie’s name was mentioned several times in the 1970s and 80s Women’s Liberation magazine, Spare Rib [searchable archives of the magazine here]. They are mostly positive, especially with respect to his androgynous style. Articles tend to value the way Bowie challenged the aggressive masculine posturing that had become quite dominant in mainstream rock music. A 1973 article reports on a concert at Earls Court with a photo of Bowie dressed only in his undies, and says: “Who can explain the phenomenon of this frail androgyne… It is known that he’s not at all well, but sadly it seems he’s made his choice and opted for a meteoric existance. ” The monthly magazine also focuses on women’s music and the fact that female androgyny and drag kings, didn’t get as much attention as male performances of androgyny, as mentioned in this 1983 article. In recent decades, NZ’s Topp Twins have also done a fair amount of political, songs as well as some gender bending and androgyny. [caption id="attachment_8854" align="alignleft" width="300"] From CranesAreFlying blog[/caption] https://youtu.be/ULLnrJsA6CY A 1979 Spare Rib article by Lucy Toothpaste, is critical of the way rock music is dominated by the macho posturing and misogynist lyrics of “cock rock”, while women artistes are promoted or tolerated so long as they are not too threatening to the gender status quo. Consequently, according to Toothpaste, many feminist musicians prefer jazz, folk, funk or other less macho forms, and reject the commercial music scene. However, Toothpaste also argues that rock has “an energy and enthusiasm” that is “potentially subversive”. See for instance X-Ray Spex’s late 1970s, Oh Bondage Up Yours: https://youtu.be/ogypBUCb7DA The Spare Rib archives provide valuable evidence of the alternative women’s music scene that existed in the 1970s and early 1980s in London. Women’s liberation musicians tended reject individualism and the promotion of stars, as well as having a collaborative approach. This can be seen in the linked 1983 article about the Holloway Allstars, a group of men and women which included musicians from some all women bands like Sisterhood of Spit. Members of these bands include Lydia D’Usteybyn and Laka D’Asical – pseudonyms, probably thumbing their noses equally at pretentious style and patriarchal naming practices, and that would not be out of place in some 21^st century online forums. A video of the Holloway Allstars: https://youtu.be/fOW_xE15bxo Guest stars was a women’s band that included some of the same women mentioned in the above linked article. They are seen here promoting a reunion performance in 2013: https://youtu.be/OQPwViZjSgs This Spare Rib page of 1983, refers to a Guest Stars Gig and a benefit for Greenham Common. In the 70s and 80s, it is likely that the unwillingness to embrace both gendered and corporate dominated music trends rendered them unappealing to many outside the women’s movement. If not for the following website, most of this music would now be lost: Women’s Liberation Music Archive: feminist music making in the UK and Ireland in the 1970s and 1980s. The page at this link provides details about Sisterhood of Spit, which included some of the Guest Stars’ line-up and a link to the audio file of one of their songs. The archives show much of the socialist themes running through the 70s and 80s UK music scene, from songs and/or gigs in support of the miners’ strike, and the protests against the US nuclear base at Greenham Common, to Carol Grimes, Mau Mau song that critiques European imperialism. Grimes performed with mixed male and female bands, plus some of the continually morphing women only bands. The soundcloud has audio of Bad Habits’ Greenham song, which has a Reggie beat: Increasingly in the 80s, Thatcherism deliberately undermined the strong grassroots, left wing and alternative networks in UK cities. At the same time, in the mainstream entertainment industry, and girl-power style appropriated elements of feminism. Queer style and a sexualised form of female empowerment became highly sale-able, as seen with Madonna. Here Madonna pays homage to Bowie and his influence on her by performing “Rebel, Rebel”: https://youtu.be/lnBwJQnHH8o In the article by Lucy Toothpaste linked above, she identifies the appropriating processes of the mainstream music industry as seen in the 1970s. Since then, the corporate dominated media became ever more sophisticated in appropriating rebellion. They sell it back to the people as fashion, and as accessories to individualised identities. So, where to now for music and cultural productions generally that challenge the status quo, socially and politically?]]>

TPPA protests: it’s far from over

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 27 Jan 2016 09:08:50 +0000

Report by Carolyn Skelton. Highlights from the TPPA Don’t Sign meeting in Auckland Town Hall. I am a novice in the filming for and editing of videos, so please excuse the technical quality. https://youtu.be/5suCmPKeiAA The content is very important. The full video of the event, as live streamed on the Daily Blog, will be available online soon. [Edit: Full video now available on the Daily Blog] The TPPA “Don’t Sign” meeting began in Auckland Town Hall on the evening of 26 January 2016. with a welcome from Joe Hawke of Ngāti Whātua He was supported from a group from his iwi, who joined together to sing a waiata. Moana Maniapoto responded, stating that the Ngāti Whātua group had been central to 1978 protests, and drew parallels with the anti-TPPA protests. [See Te Ara for more on Joe Hawke.] Maniapoto said the TPPA had united a diverse range of New Zealanders in opposition to it. The main message from the meeting was that the TPPA was far from a done deal: the campaign against it will continue. Lori Wallach from the Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, explained the process in the US: the president signing an international deal means nothing until it passes Congress; and that possibility was still uncertain, with a long way to go before the outcome is known. Furthermore, Wallach warned that, if the NZ government changed laws to comply with the TPPA before the text is agreed by the US, (and Japanese) legislature, NZ could be screwed. The US Congress could require some parts of the TPPA to be changed before they would agree to it. If NZ changed it’s laws too soon, it could find itself locked into a deal that is increasingly bad for NZ. Jane Kelsey talked of the peer reviewed analyses of the TPPA (available here), and used her rat toy as a metaphor for the dead rats Tim Groser has swallowed in agreeing to the TPPA. See the report from the Pacific Media Centre on the town hall meeting, with a photo of the “dead rat” and a focus on the implications of the TPPA for Māori. Kelsey argued that the newly released “National Interest” document is propaganda, in the National Party interest, written by the people who negotiated the TPPA. The document ignores the downsides. See the MFAT web site for the document, and the full text of the TPPA. Metiria Turei stated clearly, and resoundingly that the Green Party is opposed to the TPPA: that it’s good for big business, but bad for New Zealanders, the environment, and our sovereignty. Grant Robertson delivered a rousing speech that was critical of the TPPA, because it undermines our sovereignty. He highlighted the Labour Party legacy in standing up for the rights of new Zealanders, while also supporting good trade deals. He said the TPPA is not a good deal. However, Robertson failed to state explicitly what the Labour Party will be doing about it. Some see this as an indication of lack of consensus within the Labour caucus on the TPPA. Wayne Mapp argues in comments on the Standard, that Robertson’s speech indicated that the Labour Party would contest the enabling legislation. In the evening of 27 January 2016, Andrea Vance reported that Labour’s Andrew Little has stated they are opposed to the TPPA. In the video, Little states that, in government, they would look to renegotiate the TPPA. [TVOne video available here.] At the town hall meeting, Marama Fox, Māori Party co-leader, delivered a powerful speech. She talked of the Treaty of Waitangi and how it didn’t deliver to Māori the benefits promised by the British. She drew strong parallels with the TPPA, and said to those watching, “Welcome to our world!” Fox said that, if Māori had known in advance how the things would work out for them, they would have lined the borders holding muskets. She talked of how both National and Labour governments had not worked in their interests in the past, and re-iterated the Māori Party view that it is better to be at the table working towards the Māori Party goals. What would the 21st century equivalent be to defending the country’s borders against the new wave of imperialism embedded int he TPPA. (See information about Tabuteau here.) It will be bad for NZ businesses and increase inequalities in NZ. Moana Maniapoto ended with a beautiful and inspiring song of hope. The RNZ audio report of the meeting is here: http://podcast.radionz.co.nz/mnr/mnr-20160127-0741-tpp_critics_meet_-_the_deal_is_not_done_yet-048.mp3 More information about the TPPA Don’t Sign Nationwide meetings on the It’s Our Future site, plus other upcoming events.]]>

Bowie reflections part 2: rocking revolutions?

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 20 Jan 2016 03:01:39 +0000

Feature by Carolyn Skelton. In retrospect, as I stated in part 1, Bowie both was part of, and was critical of the highly visual, performance-focused video and digital culture, that came with the intensification of consumerism in the 1980s and 1990s. In the late 1950s and 1960s, masculine-dominated rock music promised rebellion, and possibly revolution for ordinary working people. This gave way to the folk influenced, anti-materialistic, no-frills-style counter-cultural music, often highly critical of the social and political status quo. David Bowie provided a further counter-point to this with his androgynous performances, in tune with the rise of the gay and women’s liberation movements. https://youtu.be/4B5zmDz4vR4 But since the 1960s, in spite of all this rebellious pop culture and rock music, income and wealth inequalities have grown and there seems to be a backlash against social and political gains for women (see an Amnesty International NZ report on Evening Report ) Meanwhile the future looks daunting for large numbers of young people; ideals of collaborative, egalitarian approaches to music seem highly marginalised by the corporate music industry; and popular culture now seems to have a questionable, possibly ineffectual role in any social revolution. A look back at the direction of David Bowie’s career highlights some of the inter-related political, cultural, social, media and technological changes from the 1960s to the present day. The early 1970s, when Bowie was performing the bisexual rockstar Ziggy Stardust (1973), was the time when gay liberation was gaining some traction, albeit from the margins of society. The Kinks released their song Lola about a romance between young guy and a “transgender woman” in 1970; Joan Baez outed herself as bisexual in 1972;and Bowie did so in 1976, only to retract that in 1983 and claim he had always been a closet heterosexual. It was seen as a major breakthrough to the mainstream when the Tom Robinson Band performed “Glad to be Gay” (released on vinyl 1978) on TV. This video of a Tom Robinson Band TV performance in 1977 includes “Glad to Be Gay”. https://youtu.be/kVIcn4BvQ84 In the early 80s, around the time when Bowie was successfully going mainstream, Boy George was out and very popular, while an increasing number of mainstream music artists were known to be gay or bisexual: Holly Johnson of Frankie Goes to Hollywood, and Marc Almond were known to be gay; Morrissey was ambiguously “asexual” (later he calls himself “humansexual”); and rumours abounded about George Michael’s (then) closeted homosexuality. In the late 70s and early 80s in London, many of us aligned with the Women’s Liberation Movement were very critical of the masculine dominance of the music industry. While we tended to like Bowie’s androgynous style, some of us were also concerned that the music industry, including queer pop/rock, tended to be dominated by men. A vibrant alternative women’s music scene was embedded in the London (and UK) Women’s Liberation Movement, which was in turn, embedded in wider leftwing and alternative networks. This provided entertainment for activists, as well as being performed at or after political events. More importantly this music contributed to the social bonding, nurturing and maintenance of activist communities. Nevertheless, this music was also influenced by developments in the mainstream music industry. Many UK feminists and queer women were into the music of K D Lang, Dusty Springfield, Joan Armatrading, and the Eurythmics. Songs like “Gloria Gaynor’s “I will survive” and Sister Sledge’s “We Are Family” were popular at women’s discos, inspiring a lot of exuberant dancing. With the on-going changes in pop and rock music trends, some Bowie, punk and the new romantics’ songs, were enjoyed by many in the Women’s Liberation Movement, but at times seemed to be part of a parallel universe. Annie Lennox’s androgyny in “Love is a Stranger” had particular resonance with some women I knew. https://youtu.be/vyqww0RScMs In this Lennox looks to be strongly influenced by Bowie style androgyny of the 1970s – a woman performing a male performing in a feminised style. This seems to have been fairly prevalent at the time. However, it looks like it was Tina Turner and an Ikete that taught Jagger some of his strut and vamp moves. https://youtu.be/1eedJBiFyhk Feminist music of the 70s and 80s in the UK was influenced by the masculine and corporate dominated music industry, even while trying to provide a more critical, resistant, collaborative, inclusive and socialist form of creativity. Part 3 will further consider the role of music in political activism and social critique: lessons for today from recent history? Featured image from http://www.iwanttobeanalt.com/]]>

Bowie reflections part 1: riding the tsunami

Selwyn Manning — Mon, 18 Jan 2016 04:47:31 +0000

Feature by Carolyn Skelton. I was saddened to read of the (to me) unexpected death of David Bowie. A decent, humane man, he was talented and innovative. His songs had been part of the soundtrack to my life for a few decades – taken a little too young. Bowie has a substantial and loyal fan following. And the death of those familiar to us, can remind us of our mortality. Nevertheless, I was surprised by the extent of the reported outpouring of grief by a seemingly large section of the public. Was this partly due to the amplifying effect of social media? Bowie wasn’t the most radical, nor the youngest, to go too soon: Joplin and Hendrix died closer to the height of their most radical and productive years. The fatal shooting of John Lennon was extremely shocking. Immediately after his death, I spent a few days listening in stunned disbelief to Lennon’s song catalogue being played endlessly on the radio. https://youtu.be/njG7p6CSbCU Freddie Mercury’s death was extremely upsetting. He was one of the publicly known casualties in the earlier days of AIDs, when victims were subjected to unbearable prejudices. Mercury also made something of an artwork from his dying with his “These are the Days of our Lives”: https://youtu.be/oB4K0scMysc already wasted and weakened, celebrating life’s good times, wanting to experience it all again one last time, as he gently rails against the dying of the light. Bowie’s long career, and his self-reflections, provide some insights into changes over recent decades. He benefitted from the shift to music videos and digital media, and the related intensification of consumer culture. I am one of those who Gordon Campbell referred to as preferring some kind of “authenticity” in art and popular culture; for me in the form of “social realism” and direct critique of society and politics: for instance as in the content of songs by Dylan, John Lennon, and Billy Bragg; and in the raspy raw, and soulful voices of Janis Joplin, Nina Simone, and Tina Turner. In contrast, Bowie’s Ziggy Stardust (1972) and Aladdin Sane (1973) performances, seemed to me to be a bit of a diversion from more directly political and social “realist” music that had been strong in the late 1960s. Bowie sought after and embraced stardom. He also critiqued some of its downsides, at the same times as maintaining his primary focus was on individual desires and frustrations. Even while recognising its dangers, Bowie still rode the 1980s tsunami of appearance and performance-focused consumerism. This is well explained by, Alex Needham, in his analysis of Bowie’s time in the US in the early 1970s. He was an alien Englishman seeking US-style pop culture fame. At the same time, he recognised his consumer excesses (especially consumption of drugs) was probably killing him. In 1974, looking wasted and painfully thin, he performed “Young Americans” for TV. In this Bowie delivers a direct and angry attack on youth-oriented US consumer culture, while still being caught in its allure. https://youtu.be/ydLcs4VrjZQ After watching the BBC’s documentary, David Bowie: Five years: the making of an icon, which showed on prime last week, I hypothesised that he had been a bit before his time with his very visually-focused performances. Trailer for the programme: https://youtu.be/l6nsMyj8LI4 Such qualities are part of what Gordon Campbell refers to as Bowie being “our first consciously post-modern rock star.” In the 1960s Bowie says he was told he was too avant garde to be successful. But, in the early 80s, with the rise of music videos and MTV, he came into his own. He went mainstream, having forged a style that others, such as Madonna, learned from. They were provided with a media platform where visual and performance qualities were as important, if not more important, than content, sound, lyrics and voice; and which were a major vehicle for selling an increasingly escalating consumerist lifestyle. It also delivered Bowie to a whole new generation of fans, no doubt expanding his age-diverse fan base. Many of those grieving on social media have pointed to Bowie providing support and confidence to alienated and queer people. I can understand how that would be true for a number of people. But, over the decades, Bowie was as much part of a developing trend with his androgyny, as being the only, or most out-there LGBT music star. There were others for people to gain such solace from. More on this in part 2. Feature image from nosetouchpress]]>

Carolyn Skelton on NZ’s Web Series coming of age: Web Fest 2015

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 25 Nov 2015 03:07:02 +0000

Feature analysis by Carolyn Skelton. A couple of weeks ago, I went to the first NZ Web Fest 2015. It had a diverse and engaging programme. The rise in popularity of online videos follows the increasing use of youtube, and a related decline in viewing of broadcast TV especially among young people. [See Andrew Laxon on NZ Herald 21 Nov 2015] NZ Web series, shows and documentaries – The range of productions and people covered in the Fest included the YouTube international celebrity Jamie Curry of Jamie’s World; https://youtu.be/IYzxhj93ngA web series featured on the NZ Web Series Channel ; fictional web series such as High Road, https://youtu.be/PFONfCsSZn8 AFK, Flat 3, End of Term and more; 3 minute documentaries as enabled by Loading Docs; web shows supported by TV channels such as Maori TV and TV3; and satirical shows like White Man Behind a Desk. Some, like Jamie Curry, started making no-cost YouTube videos with the encouragement of friends, talking about her life, friends and family, and picked up a massive international niche audience. Jamie now has a published book, a manager, and has recently been getting some help with organising ideas from Jaquie Brown. Others, like Chaz Harris, creator of End of Term, had previous experience in TV, film and web series in the UK and NZ. We were given a preview of selected episodes of End of Term. It’s now showing on the NZ Web Series Channel and on YouTube. It is rendered mysterious and intriguing because each episode represents “found footage” of a home-made video recording, and reveals a small amount of information shown out of chronological order. It’s a mosaic, a puzzle, with clues as to the order in the online camera graphic. https://youtu.be/rz3QZlCCCWc [Chaz Harris talks on RNZ with examples of web series] However, while Harris had initially wanted to make a TV or film production, Roseanne Liang, creator of Flat 3 said her team saw themselves, their approach and their content as non-mainstream. She described them as Kiwi Asians with an inclusive feminist and intersectionist philosophy. They have gone for brand partnerships for funding. Laing referred to the defining characteristic of web productions in the US as being where “authenticity is king”, in contrast to TV where “the story is king”. Laing is indicative of the strong participation by women as producers and directors of web series and web shows. https://youtu.be/OgeLHoL6Fxo The Aroha Project also has an alternative focus. It is “part of a multifaceted initiative responding to bullying, alienation and suicide risk amongst young Māori and Pacific LGBT youth.” https://youtu.be/TJ5U-UJsFsk Characteristics and funding models Much of the Web Fest focus was on youth culture, YouTube, and mobile technologies. However, the popular, very Kiwi and Westie accented High Road has a protagonist who is a scruffy aging rocker. The series begins with him running a local radio station at the Piha Camp site. The strongest themes throughout the Web Fest were those of creativity, innovation and entertainment. Multi-platform productions and possibilities for audience interactivity are also highly recommended. Short videos and humour considered to be highly desirable, though not always necessary. It was pointed out that there is an audience for longer documentaries online as seen at Vice Media. Three funding models were presented through these presentations, apart from the no-cost first YouTube videos of the likes of original productions of Jamie’s World: NZ On Air funding; brand partnerships (usually through product placement); Crowdfunding. They all have their pros and cons, but behind each are a specific ethos. Brenda Leeuwenberg from NZ On Air explained the process of applying for NZ On Airt funding for web series. The numbers of applications for this doubled to 109 in the last year. Anna Lawrence and Brent Kennedy on branding and monetising online content. NZ On Air funding aims to give a leg up to new crews and talents (especially among young wannabe filmmakers). They want to encourage productions that will be free at point of viewing. Loading Docs, supported by NZ On Air Digital Fund and the NZ Film Commission, is taking submissions proposals for 3 minute documentaries for funding. I have some misgivings about product placement in that it is likely to influence onscreen meanings to some extent. Proponents of this approach say that they choose partners that support their work. Furthermore, they say that partnerships have a flexibility not usually seen with TV and film commercial sponsorship and product placement: one episode of a web series may feature a Coca Cola product, the next a Pepsi one, or something entirely different. Crowdfunding promises more independence for video-makers by encouraging participation and support from their potential audience – in itself crowdfunding can be a good promotional exercise. 2015 Web Awards The day ended with the announcement of the very worthy winners of the 2015 NZ Web awards. [nominees here] The choices must have been hard for the judges. In keeping with the youth and female focus of online video production, Jamie’s World won the Best YouTube Video Channel. The winner of the Best Web Series (fiction) was High Road and the winner of the Best YouTube One To Watch award went to Ollie Langdon. The Best Web Show (non-fiction) was White Man Behind a Desk. https://youtu.be/E1RL1Y4FFKw I particularly enjoy WMBAD as it provides some much needed home grown political satire. It does not seem to use brand partnerships. –]]>

Hikoi for homes: growing unrest

Selwyn Manning — Mon, 23 Nov 2015 04:16:56 +0000

Feature Report by Carolyn Skelton. At the weekend there were nation wide Hikoi For Homes. The Auckland Hikoi began at Glen Innes, where a large number of State Houses have been sold to private entities. The Hikoi was a response to the current housing crisis, and especially to the way it is impact on renters: the people who tend to be marginalised by the mainstream media, with its continual cheerleading of the house buying boom (or‘bubble’) in Auckland. The strongest focus was on those on the lowest incomes who have no choice but to rent, while rents keep rising above the rate of incomes. The demands of the Hikoi are:

An immediate stop to the sell-off of state and council housing
A $1 billion annual budget for the provision more state, public and not for profit housing
Setting minimum standards for all rented housing
Greater tenure protection for tenants
Rent freeze for five years
A statutory right to be housed
State subsidies for modest income homeownership programmes

Providing more safe, secure, healthy public (state) and not-for profit rental housing will help to take the heat out of the socially and economically damaging housing bubble, both for renters and potential home buyers. Bernard Hickey explains that in the context where many cannot afford the going rate of renting, taxpayers are subsidising landlords through the widespread allocation of accommodation supplements. An editorial in the NZ Herald, warns of growing unrest in response to the housing crisis, but does not provide an adequate explanation for its claim that participants in the Hikoi are misguided. It merely reiterates the mainstream media position that it’s all about enabling more people to buy homes by building more houses – a position that favours the developers, investors and speculators who are benefiting most from the current housing crisis. Around 50% of New Zealanders now live in rental accommodation. The calls for rent controls are gaining impetus. Without rent controls, many tenants will need to seek alternative accommodation if the rent rises to an unaffordable level, whether or not that have security of tenure. Catriona MacLennan explains why this is necessary, giving examples of countries like Germany and the US that have rent caps. ‘New York has rent controls and rent stabilisation for some properties and, from October 12 this year, the Rent Guidelines Board froze rents on one-year leases for stabilised units. In Berlin, new rules introduced on June 1 to limit rent increases in certain areas resulted in a 3.1 per cent drop in the average cost of new Berlin rents within a month. The law aims to put a brake on galloping rent rises which have been making inner city tenements unaffordable.” The Hikoi in Auckland was well attended in spite of some dismal weather – light rain showers throughout, but the biggest downpour held off til the Hiko reached its destination at Orakei Domain. On the hikoi, I remembered a couple of years back when there was a modest attendance at anti-TPPA protests, with little or no MSM coverage. The attendance at the latest anti-TPPA protests have been much larger, the debate has intensified in the MSM, and a slight majority of New Zealanders polled are against it, with only 34% in favour. I suspect the demands of the hikoi will more into the mainstream over the next year and gain momentum in the general population. [caption id="attachment_8223" align="alignleft" width="300"] The Hikoi went through some posh Auckland suburbs[/caption] It’s a matter of a humane and inclusive society that cares for all its members and doesn’t leave some people, including children, no other choice but to sleep in cars, garages and on the streets. There was a significant Green and Labour Party presence with Phil Twyford, Jacinda Ardern, Jan Logie and Marama Davidson on the Auckland hikoi. Auckland Action Against Poverty provided a video record of the Hikoi. https://youtu.be/3YWc9zgMgGw]]>