Carolyn S – Evening Report

“Roots” (2016): persistence of power… and the enduring spirit of resistance

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 10 Aug 2016 03:52:08 +0000

Review by Carolyn Skelton – Roots (2016) My first post on the 2016 TV miniseries, Roots, highlighted the brutality of silvery, and the ways the US slave masters aimed to erase the true identities and history of African chatel slaves in the 18^th and 19^th centuries. A theme of the miniseries is the importance of naming, and how the slaves maintain their true names and by telling and re-telling their family line and stories to each new generation. In episodes 3 and 4 we follow the life of Chicken George (Regé-Jean Page) the son by rape of Kunte Kinte’s (Malachi Kirby) daughter Kizzy (Anika Noni Rose), and an Irish slave owner, Tom Lea (Jonathan Rhys Meyers) in North Carolina. Tom came from a poor Irish American background, and considers he has been successful when his fighting cocks gain him enough money to buy a farm and slaves. He is never accepted by the wealthy, powerful and bigoted Anglo men in the area: they consider themselves Tom’s superior. Chicken George has a way with words, using an evangelical style of oratory to captivate white people as he successfully trains and manages Tom’s fighting roosters. Like Tom, the young George sees the acquisition of money as the best way to achieve freedom, and equality. George later reconsiders, and chastens Tom for his hollow belief in the soulless power of money. Money, and the evils associated with it, are another recurring theme in the series. After a lost cock fight, Tom Lea is bankrupted. This results in George being sold to an Englishman, and taken to England for over 20 years, leaving behind his wife Matilda (Erica Tazel) and several children. In the final episode of the series, it is a bewildering moment for Kinte’s descendants and the community of slaves, when they slowly come to realise that the Civil War has ended, General Lee has capitulated, and they are no longer slaves. Chicken George’s wife Matilda says, she won’t be dancing in celebration as she has lost so much: 3 children sold to distant slave owners, and her, now liberated husband, back in the US. [caption id="attachment_11049" align="alignleft" width="300"] Roots (2016): Chicken George, Matilda, Marcellus (Michael James Shaw), Kizzy. [Black Film website][/caption]George had to leave his family because vicious white men use loopholes in the law to brutally exert their power over black people, whether they are slaves or not. If George had stayed with his family he would have been tormented, re-enslaved, or killed. An older, wiser and reformed George joined the struggle to support and protect other black people. Towards the final episode, following the end of the US Civil War and the abolition of slavery, we see the liberated slaves take the first tentative steps to negotiating their their terms for selling their labour to their previous slave masters. Roots: the next generations This matches the history outlined in Steve Fraser’s 2015 book*. The abolition of slavery was replaced by what often was referred to as “wage slavery”, with a large number of young black men, and some poor white men, in the south of the US, working for little money in harsh, prison-like conditions. A high proportion of black such men ended up in prison. There they became cheap labour for the developing enterprises of the rapid industrialisation of the US, and the rise of capitalism (Fraser, pp. 50-3).

“And while young African American males languished in industrial and agricultural prison camps, black women (if they weren’t also working in prisons, sometimes as unpaid prostitutes), once the helpmates of their husbands on small family plots, found work instead as wage earners in canning and tobacco factories, as domestics, in mechanized laundries and textile mills, and in the fields.” (Fraser, p.53)

High unemployment was a frightening reality. The US’s early phases of industrialisation developed on the backs and bodies of the poor, a high proportion of them being black people.

“… 35,000 workers died each year in industrial accidents, many of them skilled mechanics.…

“The bones of thousands of workmen were encased in the concrete of dams and bridges…” (Fraser, pp. 56-57)

The history of the subordination, discrimination and bigotry endured by the majority of African Americans since the Civil War, shows how the legacy of the past impacts on the present and future. Some of this is shown in the 1979 TV series Roots: the next generations, available on youtube (see also imdb). [caption id="attachment_11047" align="alignleft" width="300"] “Roots: the next generations” (1979) – poster, youtube. Tom, top left.[/caption] In episode 2 of Roots: the next generations (1979), Chicken George and Matilda’s son Tom Harvey (Georg Stanford Brown) has been proud to be able to vote every election after the Civil War. Then, a new generation of white men conspire to prevent black people from voting with vote registration rules targeting African Americans. This includes the requirement to have paid poll tax, and to be literate. Tom fronts up the registration office, shows his poll tax records, and maintains his dignity in front of the sneering white men, while haltingly reading part of the Tennessee constitution he’s given. They then disqualify him from registering because he is unable to explain the meaning of the piece he has read. The legacy of African American slave history in the present In the past few weeks, some in the US have tried to use similar methods of targeting African Americans with rules to prevent them from registering to vote. (Se The Guardian 3 August 2016 and The New York Times 31 July 2016 ) Those kinds of actions, plus the statistics that show African Americans continue to be over-represented in the poorer sections of society, while also being victimised by the police and other institutions, shows how the legacy of brutalising slavery, still continues into the present, as does resistance to it in the #blacklivesmatter movement. (See, for instance, the post by The Political Scientist showing the persistence of poverty experienced by African Americans over generations.) Berklee Black Lives Matter perform a beautiful version on Nina Simone’s “Four Women”, bringing the past into the present, highlighting the continuing impact of slavery, and long-term oppression of black people into the 21^st century. The refrain in Nina Simone’s song is “What do they call me? My name is…”. At the end of Berklee Black Lives Matter’s version the reprise the refrain for 3 of the women by highlighting that the name is what “they call me”. The powerful diminish and hide the true identities, experiences and histories of slaves and their descendants in the way they name them. In covering the song, the Berklee women retell the history of this oppression and resistance to it. https://youtu.be/eDF3RLSI07s * Fraser, Steve, The Age of Acquiescence: The life and death of American resistance to organized wealth and power, New York, Boston, London, Little Brown and Company, 2015.]]>

Feature and Video: Pride Protests Police

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 24 Feb 2016 04:26:02 +0000

Feature & Video by Carolyn Skelton.

The 2016 Auckland Pride Parade celebrated 30 years since gay male sex was made legal in 1986.

The parade provided a positive face to LGBTI people, but glossed over many inequalities, and much brutal discrimination that still impacts on LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual transgender, intersexed) people. See RNZ’s September 2015 report on continuing discrimination. No Pride in Prisons protested against police inclusion in the parade, because of the harassment and brutal discrimination of LGBTI people by the police and prison system. My video of the parade and protest Pride parades, once called Gay Pride, arose out of protests against brutal oppression and discrimination of gay men. In 1969, gay men at the Stonewall Inn in New York, retaliated against police harassment. Riots and demonstrations followed. Gay liberation gathered steam throughout the 1970s and 80s. Gay Pride marches were protest marches on which LGBTI people bravely outed themselves in public, at a time when they risked discrimination at school, at work, in housing, on the streets, and all walks of life. In Auckland Hero Parade was an annual event from 1992 to 2001. It’s demise was due to funding and debt problems. In 2012, National Party MP Nikki Kaye began working towards a new Pride Parade, with the support of the PM, John Key. The rationale for the parade focused on social and economic benefits, with the boost to tourism and the economy being foregrounded. The latest Pride Parade seems to be doing OK with funding. A lot of this is probably due to the sliding-scale of fees from participants in the parade. [See the entry requirements] Commercial enterprises pay the highest fees (minimum of $5,000). The only requirements are that they do not have a record of discriminating against queer people, and that they express support of the Rainbow community. They are in fact, commercial sponsors that benefit from the brand association with Pride. It is likely they are focussed on attracting business from the better off LGBTI people. Rainbow community groups or individuals pay a minimum of $200, and charities, government or political groups pay $500 (base fee). This commercialisation and corporatisation of the parade, while promoting positive images of queer people, tends to marginalise the less powerful LGBTI people: those on the precarious edge of social and economic life. Continuing harassment, brutalisation, discrimination, and negative social impacts, are played down. No Pride in Prisons focus on some of the most marginalised and voiceless of LGBTI people: those who are on the receiving end of violence and brutal treatment by police and prison staff. Consequently they object to police being able to march in the parade, albeit to represent lesbian and gay police. The police participation straddles a fault-line in the Pride entrants’ requirements. They are there to represent LGBTI people positively, while the police force as a whole has a patchy record of treating queer people badly. Minister of Police Judith Collins turned up to support the police and march in the parade with them. Again, this sits uncomfortably with the Pride parade requirements. Collins did vote for the marriage equality bill. But her record generally is not that supportive of the Rainbow community. She is on record as positively supporting Cameron Slater and his WhaleOil blog, while not being in any way critical of the blog’s record of the use and condoning of homophobic language and verbal abuse. At Pride 2016, the Labour Party celebrated the fact that it was Labour MP Fran Wilde’s 1986 Bill that resulted in the legalisation of gay male sex (it had never been illegal for lesbian sex). The Labour Party celebrated this in Pride 2016. No Pride for Prisons organised a march from Karangahape to Ponsonby Road, which anyone could going, free of cost. Some of the protesters got onto the street, which resulted in the parade being delayed. This protest got a lot of attention from people with cameras, including the press. Meanwhile, many in the crowd expressed their disapproval of the protesters, cheering the arrival of the police. Some of the parade motorcyclists tried to make noise to drown out the protesters. The protesters chanted “We won’t be silenced” A woman explained to me why she joined the protest: “So last year I came to watch the Pride Parade with my mates. I was so upset because it was the ANZ, the BNZ and all the banks, and then it was the army, and then it was corrections, and then it was the police. And I just felt like the whole thing had been over-taken. And whereas, you know, 20 years ago, it used to be the whole community marching down the road. Now it’s become a spectacle for people who watch from the sidelines.” The banks, various businesses, the army and corrections were all in the parade this year.

The protesters chanted:

“Army of the rich, enemy of the poor”

“It’s not your parade”; “Shame, shame, shame”; “Whose got the power- We’ve got the power – What kind of power? – People power”. There were some small signs of protest in the parade. Surfers had a placard on their float that said: “No Way TPPA”. Many carried the current NZ flag, indicating their preference in the upcoming referendum. I saw no alternative candidate flags. The main focus of mainstream news reports of the 2016 Auckland Pride parade, was on the protest. They like drama and conflict. Gains were celebrated in Pride 2016. No pride for Prisons carried on the tradition of the original Gay Pride protests, representing those still suffering discrimination.]]>

The Commons & breaking the consensus: social movements, resistance & social change conference II

Selwyn Manning — Thu, 18 Feb 2016 04:10:11 +0000

Analysis by Caroline Skelton. At the Social Movements, Resistance and Social Change II Conference in Auckland last year, there was much talk of the “commons”, and also of the need for the left to embrace dissensus as a way to challenge the status quo, especially that of the current “neoliberal” consensus. See my earlier report on the conference. The importance of the Commons to the political left There was much discussion of the “commons” (crucial natural and cultural resources available equally to everyone). Such analyses incorporated aspects of the labour movement, union and work-based politics with issues of environment and climate change. The foregrounding of environmental issues is a way in which class-based left wing politics of the 21^st century differs from much of that from earlier in the 20^th century. The environment is a common good that sustains us all: climate change impacts on everyone. The focus on the world we all share, makes a sharp difference in values, ethics and approaches between left (valuing the commons and how it means we must all work together collaboratively and share resources) and right (valuing private property, competition and individual efforts ,while dismissing the notion of the commons). Various conference papers focused on research related to collaborative ways of working. As with the collective actions in Italy (referred to in my earlier conference report) examples were provided of existing practices that could be developed to move beyond the current destructive politics of the right: practices that need to be nurtured, and developed in a move away from the status quo of vast inequality gaps, life-damaging poverty, unaffordable housing, inadequate incomes, precarious living, and unsustainable environmental policies. Rancière, the police order, and dissensus A few presenters talked about the “police order” and Rancière’s writings on consensus and dissensus. Rancière was critical of the way any consensus marginalises some groups of people, meaning their voices are rarely heard, or at least not heard positively. Dissensus comes from actions that will disrupt the consensus and provide a space for the previously silenced people to be heard Tim Lamusse’s presentation used the example of protest and the attempts by authorities to silence the protesters: “Contesting heteronormativity: Queer politics of intelligibility, speech and protest at the 2015 Auckland Pride Parade.” Once gay pride parades were protest actions against marginalisation, brutal abuse, and suppression of LGBTI voices. Now the parades seem to embrace the social, economic and political status quo in many ways. At the 2015 parade, a group, No Pride in Prisons, protested against police inclusion in the parade, and as a result were treated harshly by the police and/or security guards. After the parade, Lamusse was reported to have said, on behalf of No Pride in Prisons:

“we wanted to highlight the fact that the queer, Maori and Pasifika communities are disproportionately harassed and targeted by police.”

The group claimed that three protesters were assaulted by police. Michael Field reported on claims that a transgender protester got her arm broken, as did LudditeJourno. And Chris Trotter pondered on the “corporate slickness” of current Pride parades. [The featured image is taken from that post] In Lamusse’s conference paper, the police force was part of his analysis of the consensus maintained by the police order. However, the police order does not necessarily relate to judicial institution. It’s any institution or process where consensus dominates, pressuring and enticing people towards certain kinds of behaviour, attitudes and beliefs. For more on Rancière see Eugene Wolter’s post: “Who the fuck is Jacques Rancière”, and the Jacques Rancière blog. Possibly the interest in Rancière was partly due to the current “neoliberal/neoconservative” consensus, which has resulted in socially, politically and economically destructive inequalities of income and wealth. This consensus has been embraced to some extent by left wing parties today. Today, with the focus by most political parties on attracting the votes of “middle New Zealand”, those living precarious lives – the unemployed, underemployed, working poor, sick and disabled – tend to be treated negatively, and/or their voices are silenced, their experiences become invisible. The consensus needs to be broken for left wing politics to gain wider acceptance once again, and be incorporated into a swelling grass roots movement of movements. It’s easy to see why Rancière’s theories have gained some attention from those involved visual arts (as reported here), and for those looking for imaginative ways of giving visibility to those whose voices have been marginalised and suppressed. The recent rise in popularity of the likes of the Scottish Nation Party, UK Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn, and the “socialist” US Democrat primaries candidate Bernie Sanders suggest the beginnings of a break from that consensus. [caption id="attachment_9165" align="alignleft" width="300"] Image from scoopnest and NZ Herald.[/caption] The throwing of the fake dildo at Steven Joyce in protest at the way the TPPA is “raping our sovereignty” is such an imaginative action of dissent.Peter Jackson waving the NZ dildo flag was part of John Oliver’s response to the dildo incident and Steven Joyce. The widespread and diverse responses to this act provide a lot of material for evaluating the success of such actions in breaking the neoliberal consensus, and contributing to a way forward for the political left. ]]>

Waitangi Day, Bastion Point – a place to take a stand

Selwyn Manning — Mon, 08 Feb 2016 19:22:56 +0000

On Waitangi Day, 6 February 2016, I decided to honour the history of Bastion point by going to a Waitangi Day Festival there. The event notice for it said it was from 10.00am to 6pm, that “Kiwi reggae favourites, House of Shem are headlining” and invited the public to, “… join Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei, as we celebrate Waitangi Day Festival 2016, in conjunction with Auckland Council. Commemorating the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi by Māori chiefs and representatives of the British crown on 6th February 1840, join Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei to celebrate the occasion with this free event.” The website for New Zealand History: Nga korero a Ipurangi o Aotearoa, has a summary of the history of Bastion Point. My video shows some moments from the festival: https://youtu.be/2iFp5UIhCTs It wasn’t the best of weather for an outdoor event, especially in the morning, so I arrived early afternoon. There was a small crowd in front of the stage in the rain. There was a very welcoming, and infectious sound of a man and woman on stage rapping, immediately drawing me in. I was ready to rock. The rain showers came and went. That and the strong wind made filming a pretty trying task. But the audience wasn’t bothered, continuing to dance and sway throughout the showers: the warm wind soon dried us out. Numbers of people increased as the weather improved. The first performance that I really watched was that of Majic Paora. She honour the history of Bastion Point, and her Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei connection. The occupation of Bastion Point began on 5 January 1977 – read about it here:

“Joe Hawke led an occupation of Takaparawhā (Bastion Point reserve), Auckland, to protest against the Crown’s decision to sell land that Ngāti Whātua maintained had been wrongly taken from them.

The occupation began after the government announced plans for a housing development on former Ngāti Whātua reserve land. The land had been gradually reduced in size by compulsory acquisition, leaving Ngāti Whātua ki Orākei holding less than 1 ha. Police evicted the occupiers after 506 days. Following a Waitangi Tribunal inquiry and recommendations, much of the land was returned to or vested with Ngāti Whātua.” Majic talked of all the ways music was important, and sang soulful songs of struggle, love, fun and unity. From there on it was reggae all the way. This Majic YouTube video begins with a homage to Bob Marley https://youtu.be/lyMpwlw8R6c The MC urged people to dance to the sound of recorded music between the live acts. He got the crowd going with his requests for people to dance, and many happily obliged. Bob Marley’s birthday was celebrated with some recordings of his songs. The view out across the Waitemata was, as usual, spectacular, with the sight of rain showers coming towards us across the harbour. Next on stage was 1814, with some great sounds and rhythm – perfect for a relaxed afternoon outdoors – and people kept dancing and moving. Here’s their YouTube version of Ring of Fire: https://youtu.be/kOSDynBCiXw The final act was House of Shem. Before they began, Carl Perkins said:

now is the time – we need to stand – against the TPPA.

The House of Shem set was very worthy of the headline status. Here’s the House of Shem & Big Mountain “Hard Road” official video: https://youtu.be/41iw3DY_7b4 An excellent community, family-friendly day, honouring and celebrating the day, respecting the place, and remembering struggles past, present and future.]]>

The TPPA and women: spot the difference

Selwyn Manning — Fri, 05 Feb 2016 03:20:39 +0000

Analysis by Carolyn Skelton. The potential impact off the TPPA on women, especially women of colour, gets very little coverage in the mainstream media. The agreement poses very strong risks for women, who are over-represented in low income jobs and as receivers of state benefits. Sometimes pictures really do tell the story that requires a lot of words to explain. Spot the difference: The feature image from the Malaysian Insider is of the member state representatives who signed the TPPA in Auckland on February 4th [NZ time]. There are two women and 10 men. Trade minister s TPPA Oct 2015 and Jan 2016: [caption id="attachment_8965" align="alignleft" width="351"] From Auckland News[/caption] [caption id="attachment_8967" align="alignleft" width="342"] Leaders from the TPPA member states 2010: From Wikipedia[/caption] [caption id="attachment_8966" align="alignnone" width="364"] Leaders from the TPPA member states: From Newstalkzb[/caption] [caption id="attachment_8953" align="alignnone" width="534"] Image by Del Abcede.[/caption] Compare the gender balance in the above leaders’ photos with that in the photo essay by Del Abcede, of the February 4 protests against the TPPA in Auckland, published on Asia Pacific Report. Women have been playing a strong role in opposing the TPPA, while the people negotiating are largely men, along with those in powerful corporations. This rundown of the TPPA on Scoop, by the US Trade Representative in Oct 2015, has only one specific section referring to women: “… and economic growth, including helping women build capacity and skill, enhancing women’s access to markets, obtaining technology and financing, establishing women’s leadership networks, and identifying best practices in workplace “ The focus is on women in leadership, “markets”, finance-acquisition, and workplace practices. Inequalities in the 21^st century result in extreme hardship for mothers of young children, and single mothers. Low paid workers are over-represented by women, and especially women of colour. The US Trade Representative’s press release highlights the TPPA’s provisions for protecting worker rights and labour relations, which are a step in a positive direction: “… a prohibition on the worst forms of child labour; and elimination of discrimination in employment. They also agree to have laws governing minimum wages, hours of work, and occupational safety and health. Each of the 12 TPP Parties commits to ensure access to fair, equitable and transparent administrative and judicial proceedings and to provide effective remedies for violations of its labour laws. They also agree to public participation in implementation of the Labour chapter, including establishing mechanisms to obtain public input.” So far so good. Excellent to see such things get consideration and a positive statement of intent. However, these promises are qualified by this:

“The commitments in the chapter are subject to the dispute settlement procedures laid out in the Dispute Settlement chapter.”

Any issues with respect to failure to provide for workers rights as laid out above, are to be dealt with by negotiation between parties. There is not authority with the power to resolve disputes, or hold member states to account in the interest of workers. In contrast, ISDS provisions give powerful international corporations the right to challenge the laws of member states that protect the rights of workers, in the interests of powerful employers. In contrast, a June 2015 advisory for the US National Organisation of Women outlines why the TPPA is a feminist issue. It looks to the impacts of past US trade agreements and identifies a pattern whereby when wages are lowered, women, especially women of colour are hit hard. They tend to work in low pay occupations such as retail, food service, nursing homes and day care. The advisory refers to statements by Senator Elizabeth Warren. The advisory summarizes: “Through a thorough investigation of how the United States implemented the labor provisions of in-place free trade agreements, the Government Accountability Office found “persistent challenges to labor rights, such as limited enforcement capacity, the use of subcontracting to avoid direct employment… [and] violence against union leaders” in many countries with existing agreements. Specifically, the Department of Labor found that ten countries that had free trade agreements with the U.S. (Colombia, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, Jordan, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, and Peru) continue to use child labor and force labor to produce their goods, regardless of international laws in place to prevent it.” The advisory concludes on the basis of the evidence available, that the TPP will not protect worker’s, especially women workers’ rights, wages will be driven down, unemployment will rise, and there will be less access to affordable health care. The TPPA has largely been negotiated by powerful men and corporations, and it doesn’t look that good for women: especially women of colour and those on low incomes.]]>

Bowie Retrospective part 3: feminism, music an a’ that

Selwyn Manning — Tue, 02 Feb 2016 04:20:44 +0000

Feature by Carolyn Skelton. For many LGBTI people, and others feeling alienated from today’s society, David Bowie’s innovative performance and music struck a chord. As I said in my previous pieces, he was not the only one who provided such connections and inspiration. Bowie’s song “Rebel, rebel” celebrates androgyny as an act of rebellion. https://youtu.be/eF551z9KlA8 The increasingly fragmented music scenes since the 1970s include a complex tapestry of mainstream and alternative influences. The 2^nd wave women’s movement was in full swing when Bowie first came to prominence in the UK in the 1970s. UK Women’s Liberationists were both influenced by and reacted against the mainstream music industry. This resulted in a lot of the music of the UK movement seeming to be lost to posterity. Bowie’s name was mentioned several times in the 1970s and 80s Women’s Liberation magazine, Spare Rib [searchable archives of the magazine here]. They are mostly positive, especially with respect to his androgynous style. Articles tend to value the way Bowie challenged the aggressive masculine posturing that had become quite dominant in mainstream rock music. A 1973 article reports on a concert at Earls Court with a photo of Bowie dressed only in his undies, and says: “Who can explain the phenomenon of this frail androgyne… It is known that he’s not at all well, but sadly it seems he’s made his choice and opted for a meteoric existance. ” The monthly magazine also focuses on women’s music and the fact that female androgyny and drag kings, didn’t get as much attention as male performances of androgyny, as mentioned in this 1983 article. In recent decades, NZ’s Topp Twins have also done a fair amount of political, songs as well as some gender bending and androgyny. [caption id="attachment_8854" align="alignleft" width="300"] From CranesAreFlying blog[/caption] https://youtu.be/ULLnrJsA6CY A 1979 Spare Rib article by Lucy Toothpaste, is critical of the way rock music is dominated by the macho posturing and misogynist lyrics of “cock rock”, while women artistes are promoted or tolerated so long as they are not too threatening to the gender status quo. Consequently, according to Toothpaste, many feminist musicians prefer jazz, folk, funk or other less macho forms, and reject the commercial music scene. However, Toothpaste also argues that rock has “an energy and enthusiasm” that is “potentially subversive”. See for instance X-Ray Spex’s late 1970s, Oh Bondage Up Yours: https://youtu.be/ogypBUCb7DA The Spare Rib archives provide valuable evidence of the alternative women’s music scene that existed in the 1970s and early 1980s in London. Women’s liberation musicians tended reject individualism and the promotion of stars, as well as having a collaborative approach. This can be seen in the linked 1983 article about the Holloway Allstars, a group of men and women which included musicians from some all women bands like Sisterhood of Spit. Members of these bands include Lydia D’Usteybyn and Laka D’Asical – pseudonyms, probably thumbing their noses equally at pretentious style and patriarchal naming practices, and that would not be out of place in some 21^st century online forums. A video of the Holloway Allstars: https://youtu.be/fOW_xE15bxo Guest stars was a women’s band that included some of the same women mentioned in the above linked article. They are seen here promoting a reunion performance in 2013: https://youtu.be/OQPwViZjSgs This Spare Rib page of 1983, refers to a Guest Stars Gig and a benefit for Greenham Common. In the 70s and 80s, it is likely that the unwillingness to embrace both gendered and corporate dominated music trends rendered them unappealing to many outside the women’s movement. If not for the following website, most of this music would now be lost: Women’s Liberation Music Archive: feminist music making in the UK and Ireland in the 1970s and 1980s. The page at this link provides details about Sisterhood of Spit, which included some of the Guest Stars’ line-up and a link to the audio file of one of their songs. The archives show much of the socialist themes running through the 70s and 80s UK music scene, from songs and/or gigs in support of the miners’ strike, and the protests against the US nuclear base at Greenham Common, to Carol Grimes, Mau Mau song that critiques European imperialism. Grimes performed with mixed male and female bands, plus some of the continually morphing women only bands. The soundcloud has audio of Bad Habits’ Greenham song, which has a Reggie beat: Increasingly in the 80s, Thatcherism deliberately undermined the strong grassroots, left wing and alternative networks in UK cities. At the same time, in the mainstream entertainment industry, and girl-power style appropriated elements of feminism. Queer style and a sexualised form of female empowerment became highly sale-able, as seen with Madonna. Here Madonna pays homage to Bowie and his influence on her by performing “Rebel, Rebel”: https://youtu.be/lnBwJQnHH8o In the article by Lucy Toothpaste linked above, she identifies the appropriating processes of the mainstream music industry as seen in the 1970s. Since then, the corporate dominated media became ever more sophisticated in appropriating rebellion. They sell it back to the people as fashion, and as accessories to individualised identities. So, where to now for music and cultural productions generally that challenge the status quo, socially and politically?]]>

Bowie reflections part 2: rocking revolutions?

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 20 Jan 2016 03:01:39 +0000

Feature by Carolyn Skelton. In retrospect, as I stated in part 1, Bowie both was part of, and was critical of the highly visual, performance-focused video and digital culture, that came with the intensification of consumerism in the 1980s and 1990s. In the late 1950s and 1960s, masculine-dominated rock music promised rebellion, and possibly revolution for ordinary working people. This gave way to the folk influenced, anti-materialistic, no-frills-style counter-cultural music, often highly critical of the social and political status quo. David Bowie provided a further counter-point to this with his androgynous performances, in tune with the rise of the gay and women’s liberation movements. https://youtu.be/4B5zmDz4vR4 But since the 1960s, in spite of all this rebellious pop culture and rock music, income and wealth inequalities have grown and there seems to be a backlash against social and political gains for women (see an Amnesty International NZ report on Evening Report ) Meanwhile the future looks daunting for large numbers of young people; ideals of collaborative, egalitarian approaches to music seem highly marginalised by the corporate music industry; and popular culture now seems to have a questionable, possibly ineffectual role in any social revolution. A look back at the direction of David Bowie’s career highlights some of the inter-related political, cultural, social, media and technological changes from the 1960s to the present day. The early 1970s, when Bowie was performing the bisexual rockstar Ziggy Stardust (1973), was the time when gay liberation was gaining some traction, albeit from the margins of society. The Kinks released their song Lola about a romance between young guy and a “transgender woman” in 1970; Joan Baez outed herself as bisexual in 1972;and Bowie did so in 1976, only to retract that in 1983 and claim he had always been a closet heterosexual. It was seen as a major breakthrough to the mainstream when the Tom Robinson Band performed “Glad to be Gay” (released on vinyl 1978) on TV. This video of a Tom Robinson Band TV performance in 1977 includes “Glad to Be Gay”. https://youtu.be/kVIcn4BvQ84 In the early 80s, around the time when Bowie was successfully going mainstream, Boy George was out and very popular, while an increasing number of mainstream music artists were known to be gay or bisexual: Holly Johnson of Frankie Goes to Hollywood, and Marc Almond were known to be gay; Morrissey was ambiguously “asexual” (later he calls himself “humansexual”); and rumours abounded about George Michael’s (then) closeted homosexuality. In the late 70s and early 80s in London, many of us aligned with the Women’s Liberation Movement were very critical of the masculine dominance of the music industry. While we tended to like Bowie’s androgynous style, some of us were also concerned that the music industry, including queer pop/rock, tended to be dominated by men. A vibrant alternative women’s music scene was embedded in the London (and UK) Women’s Liberation Movement, which was in turn, embedded in wider leftwing and alternative networks. This provided entertainment for activists, as well as being performed at or after political events. More importantly this music contributed to the social bonding, nurturing and maintenance of activist communities. Nevertheless, this music was also influenced by developments in the mainstream music industry. Many UK feminists and queer women were into the music of K D Lang, Dusty Springfield, Joan Armatrading, and the Eurythmics. Songs like “Gloria Gaynor’s “I will survive” and Sister Sledge’s “We Are Family” were popular at women’s discos, inspiring a lot of exuberant dancing. With the on-going changes in pop and rock music trends, some Bowie, punk and the new romantics’ songs, were enjoyed by many in the Women’s Liberation Movement, but at times seemed to be part of a parallel universe. Annie Lennox’s androgyny in “Love is a Stranger” had particular resonance with some women I knew. https://youtu.be/vyqww0RScMs In this Lennox looks to be strongly influenced by Bowie style androgyny of the 1970s – a woman performing a male performing in a feminised style. This seems to have been fairly prevalent at the time. However, it looks like it was Tina Turner and an Ikete that taught Jagger some of his strut and vamp moves. https://youtu.be/1eedJBiFyhk Feminist music of the 70s and 80s in the UK was influenced by the masculine and corporate dominated music industry, even while trying to provide a more critical, resistant, collaborative, inclusive and socialist form of creativity. Part 3 will further consider the role of music in political activism and social critique: lessons for today from recent history? Featured image from http://www.iwanttobeanalt.com/]]>

Bowie reflections part 1: riding the tsunami

Selwyn Manning — Mon, 18 Jan 2016 04:47:31 +0000

Feature by Carolyn Skelton. I was saddened to read of the (to me) unexpected death of David Bowie. A decent, humane man, he was talented and innovative. His songs had been part of the soundtrack to my life for a few decades – taken a little too young. Bowie has a substantial and loyal fan following. And the death of those familiar to us, can remind us of our mortality. Nevertheless, I was surprised by the extent of the reported outpouring of grief by a seemingly large section of the public. Was this partly due to the amplifying effect of social media? Bowie wasn’t the most radical, nor the youngest, to go too soon: Joplin and Hendrix died closer to the height of their most radical and productive years. The fatal shooting of John Lennon was extremely shocking. Immediately after his death, I spent a few days listening in stunned disbelief to Lennon’s song catalogue being played endlessly on the radio. https://youtu.be/njG7p6CSbCU Freddie Mercury’s death was extremely upsetting. He was one of the publicly known casualties in the earlier days of AIDs, when victims were subjected to unbearable prejudices. Mercury also made something of an artwork from his dying with his “These are the Days of our Lives”: https://youtu.be/oB4K0scMysc already wasted and weakened, celebrating life’s good times, wanting to experience it all again one last time, as he gently rails against the dying of the light. Bowie’s long career, and his self-reflections, provide some insights into changes over recent decades. He benefitted from the shift to music videos and digital media, and the related intensification of consumer culture. I am one of those who Gordon Campbell referred to as preferring some kind of “authenticity” in art and popular culture; for me in the form of “social realism” and direct critique of society and politics: for instance as in the content of songs by Dylan, John Lennon, and Billy Bragg; and in the raspy raw, and soulful voices of Janis Joplin, Nina Simone, and Tina Turner. In contrast, Bowie’s Ziggy Stardust (1972) and Aladdin Sane (1973) performances, seemed to me to be a bit of a diversion from more directly political and social “realist” music that had been strong in the late 1960s. Bowie sought after and embraced stardom. He also critiqued some of its downsides, at the same times as maintaining his primary focus was on individual desires and frustrations. Even while recognising its dangers, Bowie still rode the 1980s tsunami of appearance and performance-focused consumerism. This is well explained by, Alex Needham, in his analysis of Bowie’s time in the US in the early 1970s. He was an alien Englishman seeking US-style pop culture fame. At the same time, he recognised his consumer excesses (especially consumption of drugs) was probably killing him. In 1974, looking wasted and painfully thin, he performed “Young Americans” for TV. In this Bowie delivers a direct and angry attack on youth-oriented US consumer culture, while still being caught in its allure. https://youtu.be/ydLcs4VrjZQ After watching the BBC’s documentary, David Bowie: Five years: the making of an icon, which showed on prime last week, I hypothesised that he had been a bit before his time with his very visually-focused performances. Trailer for the programme: https://youtu.be/l6nsMyj8LI4 Such qualities are part of what Gordon Campbell refers to as Bowie being “our first consciously post-modern rock star.” In the 1960s Bowie says he was told he was too avant garde to be successful. But, in the early 80s, with the rise of music videos and MTV, he came into his own. He went mainstream, having forged a style that others, such as Madonna, learned from. They were provided with a media platform where visual and performance qualities were as important, if not more important, than content, sound, lyrics and voice; and which were a major vehicle for selling an increasingly escalating consumerist lifestyle. It also delivered Bowie to a whole new generation of fans, no doubt expanding his age-diverse fan base. Many of those grieving on social media have pointed to Bowie providing support and confidence to alienated and queer people. I can understand how that would be true for a number of people. But, over the decades, Bowie was as much part of a developing trend with his androgyny, as being the only, or most out-there LGBT music star. There were others for people to gain such solace from. More on this in part 2. Feature image from nosetouchpress]]>

Carolyn Skelton on NZ’s Web Series coming of age: Web Fest 2015

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 25 Nov 2015 03:07:02 +0000

Feature analysis by Carolyn Skelton. A couple of weeks ago, I went to the first NZ Web Fest 2015. It had a diverse and engaging programme. The rise in popularity of online videos follows the increasing use of youtube, and a related decline in viewing of broadcast TV especially among young people. [See Andrew Laxon on NZ Herald 21 Nov 2015] NZ Web series, shows and documentaries – The range of productions and people covered in the Fest included the YouTube international celebrity Jamie Curry of Jamie’s World; https://youtu.be/IYzxhj93ngA web series featured on the NZ Web Series Channel ; fictional web series such as High Road, https://youtu.be/PFONfCsSZn8 AFK, Flat 3, End of Term and more; 3 minute documentaries as enabled by Loading Docs; web shows supported by TV channels such as Maori TV and TV3; and satirical shows like White Man Behind a Desk. Some, like Jamie Curry, started making no-cost YouTube videos with the encouragement of friends, talking about her life, friends and family, and picked up a massive international niche audience. Jamie now has a published book, a manager, and has recently been getting some help with organising ideas from Jaquie Brown. Others, like Chaz Harris, creator of End of Term, had previous experience in TV, film and web series in the UK and NZ. We were given a preview of selected episodes of End of Term. It’s now showing on the NZ Web Series Channel and on YouTube. It is rendered mysterious and intriguing because each episode represents “found footage” of a home-made video recording, and reveals a small amount of information shown out of chronological order. It’s a mosaic, a puzzle, with clues as to the order in the online camera graphic. https://youtu.be/rz3QZlCCCWc [Chaz Harris talks on RNZ with examples of web series] However, while Harris had initially wanted to make a TV or film production, Roseanne Liang, creator of Flat 3 said her team saw themselves, their approach and their content as non-mainstream. She described them as Kiwi Asians with an inclusive feminist and intersectionist philosophy. They have gone for brand partnerships for funding. Laing referred to the defining characteristic of web productions in the US as being where “authenticity is king”, in contrast to TV where “the story is king”. Laing is indicative of the strong participation by women as producers and directors of web series and web shows. https://youtu.be/OgeLHoL6Fxo The Aroha Project also has an alternative focus. It is “part of a multifaceted initiative responding to bullying, alienation and suicide risk amongst young Māori and Pacific LGBT youth.” https://youtu.be/TJ5U-UJsFsk Characteristics and funding models Much of the Web Fest focus was on youth culture, YouTube, and mobile technologies. However, the popular, very Kiwi and Westie accented High Road has a protagonist who is a scruffy aging rocker. The series begins with him running a local radio station at the Piha Camp site. The strongest themes throughout the Web Fest were those of creativity, innovation and entertainment. Multi-platform productions and possibilities for audience interactivity are also highly recommended. Short videos and humour considered to be highly desirable, though not always necessary. It was pointed out that there is an audience for longer documentaries online as seen at Vice Media. Three funding models were presented through these presentations, apart from the no-cost first YouTube videos of the likes of original productions of Jamie’s World: NZ On Air funding; brand partnerships (usually through product placement); Crowdfunding. They all have their pros and cons, but behind each are a specific ethos. Brenda Leeuwenberg from NZ On Air explained the process of applying for NZ On Airt funding for web series. The numbers of applications for this doubled to 109 in the last year. Anna Lawrence and Brent Kennedy on branding and monetising online content. NZ On Air funding aims to give a leg up to new crews and talents (especially among young wannabe filmmakers). They want to encourage productions that will be free at point of viewing. Loading Docs, supported by NZ On Air Digital Fund and the NZ Film Commission, is taking submissions proposals for 3 minute documentaries for funding. I have some misgivings about product placement in that it is likely to influence onscreen meanings to some extent. Proponents of this approach say that they choose partners that support their work. Furthermore, they say that partnerships have a flexibility not usually seen with TV and film commercial sponsorship and product placement: one episode of a web series may feature a Coca Cola product, the next a Pepsi one, or something entirely different. Crowdfunding promises more independence for video-makers by encouraging participation and support from their potential audience – in itself crowdfunding can be a good promotional exercise. 2015 Web Awards The day ended with the announcement of the very worthy winners of the 2015 NZ Web awards. [nominees here] The choices must have been hard for the judges. In keeping with the youth and female focus of online video production, Jamie’s World won the Best YouTube Video Channel. The winner of the Best Web Series (fiction) was High Road and the winner of the Best YouTube One To Watch award went to Ollie Langdon. The Best Web Show (non-fiction) was White Man Behind a Desk. https://youtu.be/E1RL1Y4FFKw I particularly enjoy WMBAD as it provides some much needed home grown political satire. It does not seem to use brand partnerships. –]]>

Hikoi for homes: growing unrest

Selwyn Manning — Mon, 23 Nov 2015 04:16:56 +0000

Feature Report by Carolyn Skelton. At the weekend there were nation wide Hikoi For Homes. The Auckland Hikoi began at Glen Innes, where a large number of State Houses have been sold to private entities. The Hikoi was a response to the current housing crisis, and especially to the way it is impact on renters: the people who tend to be marginalised by the mainstream media, with its continual cheerleading of the house buying boom (or‘bubble’) in Auckland. The strongest focus was on those on the lowest incomes who have no choice but to rent, while rents keep rising above the rate of incomes. The demands of the Hikoi are:

An immediate stop to the sell-off of state and council housing
A $1 billion annual budget for the provision more state, public and not for profit housing
Setting minimum standards for all rented housing
Greater tenure protection for tenants
Rent freeze for five years
A statutory right to be housed
State subsidies for modest income homeownership programmes

Providing more safe, secure, healthy public (state) and not-for profit rental housing will help to take the heat out of the socially and economically damaging housing bubble, both for renters and potential home buyers. Bernard Hickey explains that in the context where many cannot afford the going rate of renting, taxpayers are subsidising landlords through the widespread allocation of accommodation supplements. An editorial in the NZ Herald, warns of growing unrest in response to the housing crisis, but does not provide an adequate explanation for its claim that participants in the Hikoi are misguided. It merely reiterates the mainstream media position that it’s all about enabling more people to buy homes by building more houses – a position that favours the developers, investors and speculators who are benefiting most from the current housing crisis. Around 50% of New Zealanders now live in rental accommodation. The calls for rent controls are gaining impetus. Without rent controls, many tenants will need to seek alternative accommodation if the rent rises to an unaffordable level, whether or not that have security of tenure. Catriona MacLennan explains why this is necessary, giving examples of countries like Germany and the US that have rent caps. ‘New York has rent controls and rent stabilisation for some properties and, from October 12 this year, the Rent Guidelines Board froze rents on one-year leases for stabilised units. In Berlin, new rules introduced on June 1 to limit rent increases in certain areas resulted in a 3.1 per cent drop in the average cost of new Berlin rents within a month. The law aims to put a brake on galloping rent rises which have been making inner city tenements unaffordable.” The Hikoi in Auckland was well attended in spite of some dismal weather – light rain showers throughout, but the biggest downpour held off til the Hiko reached its destination at Orakei Domain. On the hikoi, I remembered a couple of years back when there was a modest attendance at anti-TPPA protests, with little or no MSM coverage. The attendance at the latest anti-TPPA protests have been much larger, the debate has intensified in the MSM, and a slight majority of New Zealanders polled are against it, with only 34% in favour. I suspect the demands of the hikoi will more into the mainstream over the next year and gain momentum in the general population. [caption id="attachment_8223" align="alignleft" width="300"] The Hikoi went through some posh Auckland suburbs[/caption] It’s a matter of a humane and inclusive society that cares for all its members and doesn’t leave some people, including children, no other choice but to sleep in cars, garages and on the streets. There was a significant Green and Labour Party presence with Phil Twyford, Jacinda Ardern, Jan Logie and Marama Davidson on the Auckland hikoi. Auckland Action Against Poverty provided a video record of the Hikoi. https://youtu.be/3YWc9zgMgGw]]>

Into the present past: journey through Helensville

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 28 Oct 2015 03:48:17 +0000

Feature by Carolyn Skelton.

Journey to Helensville

Small town New Zealand, has never been totally isolated or disconnected from the wider world. Helensville is at the northern end of the western branches of the Auckland Transport bus lines. Taking a trip there from Auckland city, reveals some of the vast rural-urban differences within greater Auckland. I got the bus at Karangahape Road, near the Family Bar, where early twentieth century buildings meet 21^st century leisure and commerce. The bus goes past the massive work in progress that is the Waterview Connection, along the north western motorway, which these days is continually under construction. New lanes are being built at a higher level beside the existing lanes. The bus stopped at the Westgate Centre in Massey, also undergoing massive construction – then went on through the semi-rural areas of Kumeu and Waimauku. AT bus drivers tend to be very courteous and helpful to passengers. But as we entered the more rural terrain, a different kind of friendliness is indicated by the way the driver stopped to let off a young guy with a small backpack. I think he was headed to Murawai. There were no bus stops there. The driver told him to just wait on the side road and flag down a bus when it came past. It got more noticeably into farming country as we get closer to Helensville. Then the bus did a circuit of Parakai, past the camp ground and hot springs (Parakai is the reversal of Kaipara, the 2 elements meaning the para fern as food: see Helensville Museum and Pioneer Village website). Helensville – a river runs through it… and a railway line Then, we are taken on into Helensville. It is very much a 21^st century small NZ town; but one where the past continues to live a very contemporary context. It has the same kind of products as Auckland City on display in shops, one of the same supermarket chains, and the same kind of bus shelters. There are far less cars on the roads than on east coast small towns like Warkworth, giving a sense of a slower pace. The town sits beside the Kaipara River, the main means of transport until the first few decades of the 20^th century. The canoes brought the first inhabitants up the river into the area around the 15^th century. Later came the Pakeha and with them the development of the timber and kauri gum industries. In 1862, timber miller John McLeod and his wife Helen built their home out of kauri and named it “Helen’s Villa”. This was the basis of the town’s name. A local resident told me that they like Helensville as it is: non-touristy, and a bit scruffy – a bit hippyish. This 2011 article describes it as “post-hippie”. That article focuses on a lot of the commercial venues: the cafes and craft stores. But there is far more depth of history in the Helensville landscape. Helensville, history and screen productions: past into the present Ngati Whatua o Kaipara is a visible presence in the town, as I could see from signage on buildings as I walked up the main street, Commercial Road. Almost opposite the Ngati Whatua o Kaipara community building is the old Post Office Building. This building moonlights as the Brokenwood Police Station in the Brokenwood Mysteries. Towards the end of the final episode (#8) to season 2 of the TV series, DSS Mike Shepherd drives out of the Brokenwood Police Station and turns right into Commercial Road. In fact, he should have turned left to where he is next seen driving down Garfield Road, past what was once the Regent Picture Theatre. I walked that route. This connects past screen history, with the more recent use of Helensville as a filming location. The theatre building, now a second hand shop, wears its faded glamour well. There’s posters from movies past on display, such as those for the Titanic. Picture shows came early to Helensville. Mrs Mongomery travelled the Kaipara are with her carbide picture plant (Men Came Voyaging by C.M. Sheffield, 2011: 159). The Montgomeries were touring the Auckland region with the Kinematograph shows as early as 1900, eg showing moving images of bull fighting and the Transvaal War. Perry’s Pictures showed films in the Helensville Foresters Hall, such as indicated by this 1912 newspaper article, featuring “Billy the Kid”. Later became the Star Picture Theatre, located, I’m told, at 20 Garfield Road, a couple of premises up from the Regent Theatre. Stewarts Hall was built during WWI and later became the Lyric Theatre. It burned down in 1939, and the Regent Theatre was built on the same site in 1941 (Helensville Heritage Study: Volume II The Register: for the Rodney District Council, 1994). On the opposite side of the road, beyond the wet muddy banks of the Kaipara, the aptly named Grand Hotel can be seen. Beyond that is the Railway Station Museum and the Railway Station, itself a living museum piece. I felt I was in a mid 20^th century movie, or a Woody Guthrie song as I watched 2 men walking off down the railway tracks beside the silent railway carriages. I then walked along the Riverside Walkway, to the Helensville Museum, where I learned that many screen productions had been filmed in the area. Helensville featured as the town of Cobham in the 1980s TV series, Mortimer’s Patch. Helensville has always been linked to the wider countryside and world, through transport routes and the ever changing technologies of communication. It has a unique character and a rural, small town feel, while being far from isolated. It continues to play a significant role in contemporary media. ]]>

Engaging left wing activists & academics: social movements, resistance, change conference II

Selwyn Manning — Tue, 27 Oct 2015 02:40:20 +0000

Article by Carolyn Skelton. The 2 days I spent in September, at the conference (Social Movements, Resistance and Social Change II: Possibilities, Ideas, Demands) at Auckland University of Technology were excellent value. I found all the presentations to be thoroughly engaging and thought provoking. This was the second such conference. It is related to Sue Bradford’s research on left wing think tanks, and the establishment of the Counterfutures journal. These arise out of a need to develop a body of sound research, writing and other forms of communication to strengthen left wing political activities and movements in NZ. Accessibility and breaking down barriers One aim of the conference was to be accessible to all, so there were no registration fees, no elaborate lunches and no Wi-Fi connections. The latter was also a good move because the lack of online distractions encouraged more interaction between conference attendees. The only drawback was that the conference was held on weekdays, meaning some workers were unable to attend. The conference was part of significant first steps towards breaking down the barriers between activists and academics. It will take more time for the aim to be fully achieved. Some papers were highly academic, and probably not directly very useful or relevant for many activists. Others were more likely to engage and stimulate both activists and academics. There is much research being done in Universities that provides important insights and practical guides for left wing activists. However, too often academic frameworks and their implicit biases take researchers in directions that service the interests of increasingly market-oriented universities: for instance, focus on the theories and methods that are most fashionable at the time; critiquing from a standpoint of existing international approaches to research and theory, with one eye on publications to supporting their university’s international ranking; and prioritising unique academic arguments over the knowledge and practices developed through active political engagement. From conversations with participants, I gathered some of the issues about connecting the two camps were directly addressed on the Thursday – the day I was not able to attend. Field work: activism in Italy For me one of the standout papers I did attend, “Social change, resistance and collective action in Italy,” addressed some of the relevant issues. It was a report on the Massimiliana Urbano ‘s field work with such political groups as infoaut and the globalproject network. Ethnographic research, especially when it pushes boundaries of existing research methods, is an important way to forge links between social research and community activities. Urbano looks to be pushing those boundaries with her PhD research at Otago University. Urbano recounted some of the political activities she participated in: for instance “making tomato sauce at the recovered factory in Ri-Maflow in Milan” (from her conference abstract).

Video on Ri-Maflow:

See also Urbano’s talk on the factory for Dunedinfreeuniversity.

The buildings of the factory occupied by Italian activists were still very useful, though the activists had to provide their own means of production. Occupying premises abandoned in the face of the cycles of capitalism seems to be alive and well in Italy. When she returned to NZ after her Italian field work, Urbano found herself blocked and wondering whether to continue. Seemingly stalled, she eventually decided on a way forward, rejecting the most usual approaches to ethnographic research, which tend to give more power to the researchers. She favours being an observant participant, a reversal of the more conventional participant observation. She also rejected the academic approach of trying to represent activists, and/or decide for them better forms of practice. Urbano argues that the activists know what they are doing. Consequently her approach is one of engagement. Such an approach is considered to prioritise reciprocity: where academics and activists learn from and support each other. This is the cutting edge of development productive relationships between activists and academics. Urbano’s paper at the conference lent itself to comparisons with activism in NZ. Squatting as direct political action: Italy, UK, Aussie, NZ At the conference, there was some mention of how, in Italy, people occupy or squat in empty houses: often ones land-banked by wealthy speculators and investors. I wondered why this isn’t done in New Zealand. Like many Kiwis living in England in the 1970s and 80s, I had experienced being in communities where residential squatting was seen as very acceptable, common and largely legal, possession being regarded as nine tenths of the law. See for instance the discussion on this on Public Address. In Australia, the women’s refuge movement made its first substantial steps through breaking and entering, and then squatting a property in Sydney in 1974. It became Australia’s first women’s refuge from domestic violence. Subsequent investigation has pointed to some of the reasons why there is no major movement for occupying the 22,000 empty homes in Auckland, as indicated by the the last census. The laws here against squatting are very strong. In the UK, much squatting had been within the law until David Cameron’s governments tightened up on the relevant legislation to make squatting illegal in 2012. There seems to be a small amount of squatting going on in NZ. However, the reports on it indicate it’s not being done as a consciously political act, but by those at the precarious and desperate edge of society, unable to find legal affordable housing.

In part two I will respond to some other topics raised at the conference.

–]]>

Fear & the ‘fool’: “The Great American Scream”

Selwyn Manning — Mon, 28 Sep 2015 02:48:39 +0000

A local play critiquing US-influenced media – Analysis by Carolyn Skelton. The Great American Scream, recently at Te Pou Theatre (the new Auckland home for Māori theatre in New Lynn) was thoroughly engaging. I had a lingering impact with some scenes etched in my memory. The play exposes fault lines in US-influenced media that began early in the 20^th century, gradually evolving into the current local and international crisis in mainstream news media. This play is a period piece with a contemporary resonance. Written by Albert Belz (Ngāti Porou, Ngāpuhi, Ngāti Pōkai), it is set on the night that a US radio station broadcast “War of the Worlds”, directed and narrated by Orson Welles. The broadcast was on Halloween night, October 30, in 1938. At the time there were (over-exaggerated) claims that there had been mass panic by large numbers of people. Some people had apparently missed the announcements during Welles’ broadcast, stating that the murderous alien invasion was part of a fictional drama. [Full broadcast on youtube] Belz’s play uses this media event as the centre-piece of his play. It is set in the household of a family, living not far from the site of the (fictional) Martian invasion. The family hear parts of the broadcast, and believe the invasion to be real. As we entered the auditorium, we see the stage is set up as a 1930s living room. It is described well by Tamati Patuwai in his review:

It feels very much like the audience is inside the room and at times claustrophobically so. Reminiscent of the lush Broadway style stage typical of American theatrical standards, …

The radio is always on the set, and is the centre-piece of the performance, along with periodic playing of radio broadcasts. Reading the programme while I waited, with the swing and big band music popular in the 1930s filling the auditorium, the scene is also set for me with this whakaaro from the play’s author:

“The Great American Scream is this writer’s reaction to modern ‘journalism’ and global pack-mentality’; as a witness daily in modern broadcasting and print on issues such as immigration, ISIS and the Ebola Virus.

It is my reaction to fear-mongering in a capitalist society where journalism is driven purely for profit, where the only narrative in global reportage is one of fear designed to increase sales and advertising margins; where ultimately the world is made a little bit ‘stupider’ every day.”

The play begins with expectations that the eldest daughter in the family will receive a marriage proposal at the evening’s Halloween dance. The family becomes transfixed by the snippets they hear of Orson Welles’ reports of the Martian invasion. In their responses to the anticipated end of life as they know it at the hands of the frightening aliens, the family spill some of their secrets: thwarted desires as they attempt to live up to the dominant values of their times. In the process, they make some small steps forwards on gender and racial issues. The play’s critique is delivered with a light touch. The characters remain likeable and sympathetic, even as they are fooled by the radio drama. The families’ panic includes a hilarious nod to the US’s love of guns and to private militias, as the characters scrambles to protect their home territory. The Martians are not the only outsiders that play on the families’ fears. First there’s the intrusion into their domestic space of the sounds from the black man (Ezra) hammering on their roof. In the course of the play Ezra’s demeanour changes from cowed submission, to walking tall, with confidence. 2 vagabonds, Slim and Lennie, are another disruptive intrusion into the domestic scene. When they knock on the door, asking for work, the mother politely directs them to the neighbouring farm. When they ask for food, she unhelpfully invites them to church. They, especially Lennie, perform a role similar to that of one kind of Shakespearean fool: commoners or poor people, often comic, socially disruptive characters who provide a critique of society and those with power. Later Slim and Lennie walk into the empty living room. They ask, what will happen if we have nothing left to lose? And Lennie asks, what will happen if they no longer have anything to fear? They note that they never go to the kinds of dances that the family attends. Dancing together to the radio music, they create a shared fantasy of dancing with a beautiful woman, until a quizzical Ezra interrupts them. In the chaos of the night, the vagabonds gain control: a feared and disturbing presence as they speak of carrying out a misogynistic form of revenge. The social order is restored after Slim and Lennie are scared into submission by a simple Halloween trick. The tramps remain potential figures of disruption and fear – like the homeless, beneficiaries, and unemployed today, so often unfairly demonised by our media. The last word of the play comes from the voice of Orson Welles, at the end of the “War of the Worlds’” broadcast:

“… and remember, please, for the next day or so, the terribly lesson you learned tonight: That grinning glowing globular invader, of your living room, is an inhabitant of the pumpkin patch, and if your doorbell rings and nobody’s there – that was no Martian. It’s Halloween.”

https://youtu.be/JzvCpBFXHnU The NZ news media today Last week on Radio New Zealand National’s Panel, Dita di Boni spoke about the recent axing of journalists from mainstream NZ media. She said that it’s partly political. In keeping with Belz’s views above, di Boni was critical of marketing people interfering in the news room and exerting too much power. http://podcast.radionz.co.nz/panel/panel-20150921-1653-top_journalists_for_the_chopping_block-048.mp3 In the 21st century, in a reversal of the fictional War of the Worlds’ simulated news story, news media borrow from fictional, fear-inspiring dramas in their pursuit of profit and audiences. The “grinning glowing globular invader” in today’s living spaces, is the corporate-dominated news media, focused more on infotainment than informing the public of important Featured image from sott.net

The Great American Scream credits: Albert Belz – writer/Kaituhi Tainui Tukiwhaho – Director/Kaitohu Ascia Maybury – set designer Cast : Johnny Givins – GrandPapa Mike Drew – Slim Ayse Tezel – Mother Jatinder Singh – Ezra Briar Collard – Rosie (daughter) Ben Van Lier – Mr Crompton Josh Harriman – Lennie Francis Mountjoy – Father Abigail O’Flynn – Kate (younger daughter) Reon Gell – George (young son).

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Special Investigation: TPP, Pharmac & Big Pharma: acne drug IV

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 29 Jul 2015 03:00:53 +0000

Investigation by Carolyn Skelton. Negative side effects of isotretinoin In my research of the acne last resort drug, isotretinoin, I came across a couple of issues related to the impact of Big Pharma, Pharmac, and potential impacts of the TPP. I began my investigation of the last resort acne drug isotretinoin, because of evidence of the devastating impact it has had on the lives of some young people. A significant number of women in the US gave birth to deformed babies after using the medicine, in the early days of its use before side effects became obvious. There have also been ongoing allegations, accompanied by personal testimonies of isotretinoin users and people close to them. These include young people, like Olly and Jessie who experienced depression and committed suicide after taking isotretinoin. Other Posts in this Investigative Series:

Costs of medicines to rise under TPP? In researching isotretinoin I have come across issues related to patent laws, and the ability of Pharmac to make it possible for many important drugs to be affordable for most Kiwis. John Key has admitted that the cost of some medicines in NZ will rise under the TPP, but he and Tim Groser are trying to play down the extent of this. See John Key’s reply to question from Andrew little in Question Time yesterday; and the Transcript of Tim Groser on TV3’s The Nation last weekend TPP, drug regulation, drug trials & profit motive They also claim that the TPP will not stop Pharmac from being able to regulate use of medicines. However, with rising costs, and the potential for pharmaceutical multinational companies to contest Pharmac decisions, there are causes for concern about the extent that Pharmac will be able to regulate the use of prescription drugs. The importance on strong regulation of the acne drug was the focus of part III of my series on isotretinoin. Many people in the US unnecessarily suffered adverse side effects of isotretinoin, because Roche Pharmaceuticals rushed to market this drug (brand name Accutane) as a magical cure for acne in order to maximise profits. In the early days of prescribing isotertinoin in the US, many women using it gave birth to children with awful defects. This was covered in part II of my series. Further campaigning is still continuing against the over-use of the drug which can potentially cause depression, psychiatric disturbances, suicidal thoughts, sexual dysfunction and more. It is also relevant that another other drug developed by Roche to combat flu (Tamiflu), was bought up big in many countries. It has turned out not to be the wonder drug as marketed by Roche. Today’s UK Independent article refers to this as an example of the way research evidence is suppressed by drug developers: A campaigning organisation Alltrials is now calling for the results of all drug trials to be made public. They argue that drug companies and academic researchers tend to suppress evidence of adverse reactions to trialed medicines. This week they highlighted news articles about an investors’ group calling for more information about the activities of pharmaceutical companies they invest in: This suppression of research evidence is contrary to the claims of Big Pharma wanting more transparency around Pharmac decisions. See Gordon Campbell on this and other issues with respect to the TPP and Pharmac here; and here. TPP & potential for drug multinationals to dispute NZ decisions More information from Pharmac could make it easier for multinational drug companies to challenge decisions of national agencies like Pharmac. Tim Groser has tried to damp down claims that this will happen with Investor State Dispute Settlements under TPP, as argued here in the Guardian: Key and Groser claim it is no different from other trade deals with China and South Korea in enabling corporates to sue decisions by the likes of Pharmac, and that it hasn’t yet happened. However, these countries are not crucial ones for developing new drugs. The big pharmaceutical corporates are largely based in the US, and to a lesser extent in Europe. And it is these companies that will get more power under the TPP. While Big Pharma can do research that produces some very useful medicines, the good they do can be undermined by the profit motive. National pharmaceutical agencies like Pharmac, need to be able to operate objectively, in the interest of potential drug users, without being pressured by corporate entities. TPP, Pharmac, generics & patent laws The government updated NZ’s Patent Law in 2013, but it looks like the TPP will conflict with some aspects of it requiring the Act to be amended, as suggested by Jack Redfern and Gareth Dixon in August 2014. This possibility is reinforced by John Key’s statement today that the costs of medicines will rise under the TPP, when previously he had denied this would be the case. Curiously, the government did not make changes to the patent law as requested by NZ-based affiliates of multinational pharmaceutical companies (including Roche that initially developed the acne drug) in their 2009 submission to the proposed changes to the 1953 Patent Act. This was, with respect to extensions of patent periods, to Pharmac’s single supplier, price-referencing approach, and to its tendency to wait out patent periods til they can access cheaper generics. The drug companies’ claim was that Pharmac’s processes were undermining the price of drugs internationally, driving down the profits such companies would get. The multinational affiliates claim in their submission, that there are not big financial profits in developing new drugs. Interestingly, they are critical of Pharmac prioritising protection of the public against the potential social costs of patents, at the expense of “property rights” [of patent owners]. They claim the latter should be the main focus of patent laws After Roche’s patent for isotretinoin lapsed, and its marketing of it became suspect, US agencies were less inclined to buy their brand of the drug Accutane. This is where a small NZ pharmaceutical company Douglas Pharmaceuticals, benefited from their generic version of the drug. They became Pharmac’s supplier for the medicine and then were able to sell it in the US. By the time this happened, Pharmac and other medical agencies, concerned with users’ safety, were well aware of the potential side effects, issuing strong warnings. Pharmac is about to move away from Douglas Pharmaceuticals as supplier of istoretinoin. An international corporate that specialises in producing generic medicines, will be Pharmac’s chosen supplier as from later this year. The reason probably is because this company’s NZ branch, Mylan (NZ) can supply the drug (brand name Isotane) more cheaply. Mylan’s CEO has come out against the TPP Itsourfuture reports:

The [TPP leaked] draft would make linkage mandatory, as it is in the US, allowing drug companies to fend off generics by claiming patent infringements, the website reported. It cited Heather Bresch, chief executive of generic drug maker Mylan, as saying mandatory patent linkage would amount to “a recipe for indefinite evergreening of pharmaceutical monopolies.”

See also here. [caption id="attachment_5819" align="alignleft" width="300"] Heather Bresch. Photographer Jeff Swensen for The New York Times[/caption] The New York Times reports,

Bresch has said that “ the current deal was a way for the brand-name drug industry to “maximize its monopolies.”

However, this still means that, under TPP, overseas-based companies like Mylan could challenge NZ authorities and laws (eg to make the patent period longer here), while NZ companies like Douglas Pharmaceuticals could not.

A week of action in NZ against the TPP is planned for August 8-14..

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All our children … stumbling towards (and beyond?) ‘neoliberalism’ pt 2

Selwyn Manning — Wed, 03 Jun 2015 04:30:48 +0000

Analysis by Carolyn Skelton. See also: Part 1 of this two part series. As I said in part 1, ‘Neoliberalism’ is a devious shape-shifter Political and social changes are usually a result of evolution as much as revolution. The so-called ‘neoliberal revolution’ in western countries since the 1980s is part of an on-going struggle. This is largely between the ‘right’ (those with most power) and the ‘left’ (usually those with less power, but critical of the minority with most power). The exact make-up of the ‘left’ and ‘right’ and their policies have always undergone change, from the origins of this left-right naming in the French Revolution. In the ‘neoliberal’ era, many left wing ideals have been deviously co-opted in the service of financial and political elites. The so-called ‘neoliberal revolution’ was as much a culture shift as an economic one: and a reaction to the growing dominance of left wing policies and ideals. In part 1, I described it as a devious shape-shifter. Wendy Brown (2015)* , explains it as something continually changing, taking a variety of shapes, forms and language; and often hiding its true consequences. ‘Neoliberal’ deceptive co-option of left wing narratives As others have noted, with her government’s shift of narratives and related policy changes, aided by an increasingly supportive mainstream media, the UK Tories attracted the votes of a significant section of the UK working class: ones with aspirations to get a bit of the promised rise in the country’s economic fortunes. This was part of the co-option of left wing narratives, as outlined by Trotter. He uses Charter Schools as an example where the government appealed to notions of social justice, freedom, and community empowerment, and

… as the only effective means of raising the educational attainment levels of society’s most disadvantaged groups.

Part of the promise held out to less well-off people by Thatcher’s government, was the possibility to buy their own homes. Thatcher explains this as a way creating a,

greater sort of personal responsibility to a society of which you are a part,

But what now that home ownership is a dwindling dream for an ever growing section of society? The co-option of left wing ideals continues within NZ’s budget 2015: an inadequate income boost, with punitive obligations and no stake in society. The positive take-away of the social security part of the NZ budget 2015, is that it is a response to the strength of the left’s narrative about child poverty and the too large inequality gap: a narrative that has been gradually gaining in strength. Humane values vs ‘Neoliberal’ investment culture & social bonds This is all part of an on-going struggle during which there has been stealthy cultural shift, as explained by Wendy Brown – towards values where everything is measured and monitored in financial and monetary terms; and where truly humanitarian, and liberal democratic values are being gradually destroyed. It’s a shift that simultaneously changes social and political practices, as well as the ways we think and talk about ourselves and others. Another version of this can be seen in the government’s planned pilot of ‘Social (Impact) Bonds’. As well as being a further step in privatisation of public services, it reduces human beings, their needs and difficulties, to monetary measures and profit seeking values. Instead of fully rounded human beings engaged with others in a social context, individuals become units of investment, which will be measured against a tick list of benchmarks- people treated as though they are mini-businesses in a world of powerful corporates. In the struggle for a more humane world, it is necessary to remember that (so-called) ‘neoliberalism’ is a devious shape shifter. The way forward is through shared responsibility for the society we all inhabit, and for the future world of all our children. * Brown, Wendy, Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution, New York, Zone Books, 2015 ]]>