The arrest and charging of British-Fijian publisher Charlie Charters has pushed Fiji’s anti-corruption watchdog into fresh controversy.

Charters’ arrest by police last weekend has raised sharp questions about whistleblowers, due process, and political pressure in the Pacific island nation.

The 57-year-old appeared in the Suva Magistrates’ Court on Monday charged with two counts of aiding and abetting.

The Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) alleges he helped an officer of the commission unlawfully release official information, which was then posted on his Facebook account, “Charlie Charters”.

In a statement, FICAC saID the first charge related to posts made between 2 November and 14 December 2025. The second related to a post on 2 February 2026.

Under section 13G of the FICAC Act, it is an offence for an officer or former officer to divulge official information without written authorisation.

Charlie Charters speaking outside the court.             Video: FijiVillage News

Section 45 of the Crimes Act states that a person who aids and abets an offence is taken to have committed that offence and is punishable accordingly.

Stopped at airport
Charters was stopped at Nadi International Airport on Saturday while travelling to Sydney.

He reportedly declined requests from FICAC officers to reveal his sources and spent two nights in custody before being granted bail.

The court imposed strict bail conditions, including surrendering his travel documents and a stop departure order.

A non-cash bail bond of $2000 was set with a surety. The matter has been adjourned to March 2.

FICAC said it had not issued a public comment earlier because the matter was under active investigation.

“It would have been inappropriate and contrary to established investigative practice to discuss a live investigation while inquiries were continuing, irrespective of commentary circulating on social media,” the statement read.

“The matter is now properly before the court and will proceed in accordance with due process.”

Agency challenged
But Charters’ lawyer, Seforan Fatiaki, has strongly challenged the agency’s actions.

He has publicly alleged that the arrest and detention were aimed at forcing his client to reveal his source instead of pursuing a genuine criminal investigation.

“It was made clear that Mr Charters’ arrest and detention were carried out for the sole purpose of extracting that information from him,” Fatiaki said.

“If Mr Charters will not volunteer that information, FICAC cannot lawfully use its powers of detention and arrest to pressure him into giving it.”

Fatiaki described the actions as a gross misuse of FICAC’s statutory powers, particularly the prohibition on departure from Fiji.

The case comes at a sensitive time for FICAC. Fiji’s Judicial Services Commission is reportedly of the view that the appointment of the agency’s current head, Lavi Rokoika, was not legal.

Appointed after sacking
She was appointed last May after the sacking of former commissioner Barbara Malimali.

The High Court has since ruled that Malimali’s removal was “unlawful”.

Fijian Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka has sought to distance his government from the unfolding saga.

“We will not interfere [with FICAC],” Rabuka told reporters in Suva.

He acknowledged Fiji does not have a whistleblower policy but said it needed one. Rabuka added that questions remained about “how do we know that the whistleblower is genuine and the facts that they raised are factual”.

As the case heads back to court next week, many in Fiji and across the Pacific will be watching closely.

For some, it is about whether anti-corruption laws are being upheld. For others, it is about whether those who publish leaked information can do so without fear of being forced to reveal their sources.

Republished from Pacific Media Network News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Philippines police unlawfully targeted protesters with unnecessary and excessive force during anti-corruption marches in September, according to harrowing new testimony gathered by the human rights watchdog Amnesty International ahead of fresh protests planned across the country this weekend.

Ten people interviewed by Amnesty International detailed physical abuse — including violations that may amount to torture and other ill-treatment — by state forces following demonstrations in the capital Manila on 21 September 2025.

The research comes as thousands prepare to return to the streets on November 30 in renewed protests against government corruption, said the Amnesty International report.

“The disturbing evidence we have gathered of unlawful force unleashed by the police against protesters and others on September 21 makes a mockery of the Philippine government’s repeated claim that it exercises ‘maximum tolerance’ during protests,” said Jerrie Abella, Amnesty International regional campaigner.

“Victims have described how police punched, kicked and hit people — including children — with batons as they were arrested, with appalling ill-treatment continuing in detention. The police must change course and respect people’s right to protest on November 30 and beyond.”

Police only stopped beatings “when they saw the media coming”.

The Philippines’ biggest demonstrations in years took place on September 21, as tens of thousands in Manila and elsewhere protested against corruption by government officials, high-level politicians and contractors in flood-control and infrastructure projects.

Isolated incidents
Isolated incidents of violence from some protesters, including setting vehicles on fire and throwing stones at the police, were reported in Manila.

Manila police said they arrested and detained 216 people who were allegedly involved in the violence, including 91 children. Many are facing criminal charges.

However, Amnesty’s research indicates that peaceful protesters and bystanders were also violently targeted by the police.

Rey*, 20, recounted how three men in plain clothes — who he believes were police as they later handed him to uniformed officers — grabbed and punched him in the face as he tried to run away while holding a sign calling on people to take to the streets.

The assault on Rey was captured in a video, by an unknown individual, which he found online and showed to Amnesty International.

“Police in uniform joined in to punch, kick and hit me with their batons. I briefly lost consciousness but woke up to pain as they dragged me by my hair,” Rey told Amnesty International.

He said police accused him of taking part in violence that killed two officers, despite the fact that no police were killed in the protests.

Beating stopped when media came
Rey said the beating only stopped when one officer warned the others that members of the media were approaching. He also described how he and his friend were taken by uniformed police into an ambulance, where they were beaten further.

Omar*, 25, said he was watching the protests with relatives in Mendiola Street, Manila, when he was arrested.

Police accused him of being among those who caused violence, including attacking the police.

While walking with the police who arrested him, Omar said they passed other officers who punched and hit him with batons.

He said he was then held in a tent with about 14 other people, one of whom “had blood dripping from a head wound” which he said was from being hit with a gun by a police officer.

Ahmed*, 17, was arrested alongside his relatives Yusuf*, 18, and Ali*, 19, who all live and do construction work near the protest site.

They said they went out to buy rice and were waiting for police to allow them to pass through a protest area on their way back to the construction site when they were arrested.

‘Hit with batons, kicked’
“The police took us to a tent where they hit us with their batons. They punched us in the face and kicked our torsos,” Ali told Amnesty International. He said they were accused of attacking the police and subsequently detained.

‘I saw people coming out of the tent bloodied and bruised’

Greg*, 18, and Ryan*, 22, were arrested in separate incidents in Mendiola and Ayala Bridge in Manila for their alleged involvement in attacks against the police. Like all those interviewed, they were brought by the police to a blue tent in Mendiola, where police beat them further.

Lawyer Maria Sol Taule, from a legal aid group representing those interviewed, said the “notorious blue tent” served as a temporary holding area for those arrested. While it showed no outward sign of police affiliation, it appeared to be supervised by the police, according to the group’s investigation.

“I was so scared. I saw people coming out of the tent bloodied and bruised. Inside, they made me spread my hands and repeatedly hit both sides with their batons,” said Greg, who showed Amnesty International welts on his back where he said he was struck.

Ryan said police hit him on his head and neck. “They saw me lift my head up and accused me of ‘verifying’ or looking at the faces of police to identify them,” he said. Others interviewed reported being similarly hit following the same accusation by police.

“I told myself, I was done for. I’d never make it out of this tent alive,” said Michael*, 23, who described being punched, kicked and hit with batons by police. He was arrested with his girlfriend Sam*, 21, and their friend Lena*, 22, before all three were detained at a police station. They said they went to the protest just to watch and take videos but were arrested for allegedly committing violence.

Sam and Lena were not hurt but could hear people being beaten nearby. “Even now, I can still hear the cries coming from the tent. I have problems sleeping, imagining how they beat up Michael,” Sam said.

Needed medical treatment
The beatings were so severe that some victims needed medical treatment, according to Taule. She said one individual sustained injuries including a dislocated jaw when he was hit by the police with a baton in the face. Others – including Michael, Sam and Lena – lost their jobs after failing to report to work as they were detained.

All those interviewed maintained they were not involved in the violence of which they were accused by the police.

On November 4, police said 97 individuals had been charged with conspiracy, sedition and other crimes over the protests.

*Names were changed in the Amnesty International report upon request for safety reasons

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The Fiji government looks set to pay around NZ$1.5 million in damages to the disgraced former head of the country’s anti-corruption agency FICAC.

The state is offering Barbara Malimali an out-of-court settlement after her lawyer lodged a judicial review of her sacking in the High Court in Suva.

Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka suspended Malimali from her role on May 29, following a damning Commission of Inquiry into her appointment.

Malimali was described as “universally corrupt” by Justice David Ashton-Lewis, the commissioner of the nine-week investigation, which involved 35 witnesses.

“She was a pawn in the hands of devious members of government, who wanted any allegations against them or other government members thrown out,” Ashton-Lewis told RNZ Pacific Waves earlier this month.

Tanya Waqanika, who acts for Malimali, told RNZ Pacific that her client was seeking a “substantial” payout for damages and unpaid dues.

Waqanika met lawyers from the Attorney-General’s Office in the capital, Suva, on Tuesday after earlier negotiations failed.

Expected to hear in writing
She declined to say exactly what was discussed, but said she expected to hear back in writing from the other party the same day.

A High Court judge has given the government until 3pm on Friday to reach a settlement, otherwise he will rule on the application on Monday.

“We’ll see what they come up with, that’s the beauty of negotiations, but NZ$1.5 million would be a good amount to play with after your career has been ruined,” Waqanika said.

“[Malimali’s] career spans over 27 years, but it is now down the drain thanks to Ashton-Lewis and the damage the inquiry report has done.”

She said Malimali also wanted a public apology, as she was being defamed every day in social media.

“I don’t expect we’ll get one out of Ashton-Lewis,” she said.

Adjournment sought
During a hearing in the High Court on Monday, lawyers for the state sought an adjournment to discuss a settlement with Waqanika.

However, she opposed this, saying that the government’s legal team had vast resources and they should have been prepared for the hearing.

Malimali filed a case against President Naiqama Lalabalavu, Rabuka and the Attorney-General on June 13 on the grounds that her suspension was unconstitutional.

Waqanika said the President suspended her on the advice of the Prime Minister instead of consulting the Judicial Services Commission.

Government lawyers approached Waqanika offering a compensation deal the same day she lodged a judicial review in the High Court.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Three staffers from Papua New Guinea’s peak anti-corruption body are embroiled in a standoff that has brought into question the integrity of the organisation.

Police Commissioner David Manning has confirmed that he received a formal complaint.

Commissioner Manning said that initial inquiries were underway to inform the “sensitive investigation board’s” consideration of the referral.

That board itself is controversial, having been set up as a halfway point to decide if an investigation into a subject should proceed through the usual justice process.

Manning indicated if the board determined a criminal offence had occurred, the matter would be assigned to the National Fraud and Anti-Corruption Directorate for independent investigation.

Local news media reported PNG Prime Minister James Marape was being kept informed of the developments.

Marape has issued a statement acknowledging the internal tensions within ICAC and reaffirming his government’s commitment to the institution.

Long-standing goal
The establishment of ICAC in Papua New Guinea has been a long-standing national aspiration, dating back to 1984. The enabling legislation for ICAC was passed on 20 November 2020, bringing the body into legal existence.

Marape said it was a proud moment of his leadership having achieved this in just 18 months after he took office in May 2019.

The appointments process for ICAC officials was described as rigorous and internationally supervised, making the current internal disputes disheartening for many.

Marape has reacted strongly to the crisis, expressing disappointment over the allegations and differences between the three ICAC leaders. He affirmed his government’s “unwavering commitment” to ICAC.

These developments have significant implications for Papua New Guinea, particularly concerning its international commitments related to combating financial crime.

PNG has been working to address deficiencies in its anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing (AML/CTF) framework, with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) closely monitoring its progress.

Crucial for fighting corruption
An effective and credible ICAC is crucial for demonstrating the country’s commitment to fighting corruption, a key component of a robust AML/CTF regime.

Furthermore, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) often includes governance and anti-corruption measures as part of its conditionalities for financial assistance and programme support.

Any perception of instability or compromised integrity within ICAC could hinder Papua New Guinea’s efforts to meet these international requirements, potentially affecting its financial standing and access to crucial development funds.

The current situation lays bare the urgent need for swift and decisive action to restore confidence in ICAC and ensure it can effectively fulfill its mandate.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The Fiji government is backing the appointment of the country’s new anti-corruption chief who was under investigation by the office she now heads, which has left Fijians asking questions.

Barbara Malimali — who was also the Electoral Commission chairperson — was revealed as the new Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) commissioner last Wednesday.

Malimali’s appointment, confirmed by the nation’s president on the advice of the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) — who report to the Attorney-General — has been slammed as “unbelievable” by one opposition MP, while the opposition leader in Parliament has said it raises “numerous questions . . . that need answers”.

The announcement was causing a stir due to it being unclear if she held the Electoral Commission chairperson role at the time of her appointment — raising concerns about conflict of interest.

But the issue became more critical when Malimali was taken for questioning by FICAC officers on her first day in the job as its boss, sanctioned by the anti-corruption agency’s acting deputy commissioner Francis Puleiwai.

However, the saga became even more bizarre when the government’s chief legal officer and minister responsible for the anti-corruption office, Attorney-General Graham Leung, criticised Puleiwai for not updating him for detaining Malimali.

In a statement, Leung said Puleiwai — who resigned later on the same day Malimali was detained, stating that she would “not be able to work in that institution when we know that a suspect is there” — was “legally obliged” to advise him of the activities of FICAC.

“This matter is particularly sensitive since Ms Puleiwai was herself an applicant for the position of commissioner. She was unsuccessful,” Leung said in a statement.

“As acting deputy commissioner, Ms Puleiwai has no role in the appointment of the commissioner. If Ms Pulewai has a problem with the appointment then, like every other public official or citizen, she has the right of access to the courts,” said.

He said Malimali still “has the responsibilities and powers of Commissioner” despite the investigation and was “entitled to the presumption of innocence”.

“I am concerned with a worrying trend in this country of maligning people based on rumours and innuendo,” he said.

“Trial and conviction by whispers are wrong and must stop. They run against the very grain of decency and fairness, which is the foundation of a society ruled by law. This is not who we are.”

In his statement, Leung defended Malimali’s appointment, saying all five members of the Electoral Commission had written to the Judicial Services Commission “expressing full confidence in the integrity of Malimali and explaining the context of the complaint against her for abuse of office”.

“They say the complaint has no basis. The commissioners are persons of high repute and integrity,” he stated.

He said the issue was “particularly sensitive” because Puleiwai was an unsuccessful applicant for the position of FICAC commissioner, adding her actions were “severely open to question”.

Puleiwai has rejected the suggestion that she had a “vested interested”.

“The only interest that I have is for the rule of law to be upheld.”

On Friday, FICAC put out a statement saying Malimali was back in office and ready to lead FICAC.

“Malimali is back in office this morning, Friday, 6 September 2024 and is ready to lead the commission,” the statement said.

“Malimali stated that she would not let the events of yesterday [Thursday] deter her from performing her duties as prescribed under the law,” it added.

Meanwhile, Judicial Services Commission has condemned the new FICAC chief’s arrest on Thursday, who it says is “a distinguished member of Fiji’s legal community”.

It remains unclear whether the abuse of office investigation against Malimali has been closed.

It is also unclear when Malimali had resigned from her role as the Electoral Commission chairperson.

RNZ Pacific has contact FICAC and the Electoral Commission Secretariat for comment.

Timeline:

Wednesday, September 4:

• Barbara Malimali revealed as the new FICAC commissioner.
• FICAC confirms Malimali is under investigation for an allegation for abuse of office.
• A former Prime Minister and Labour Party leader, Mahndra Chaudhry denounces the appointment and calls Prime Minister Rabuka to intervene.

Thursday, September 5:

• Rabuka tells state broadcaster government has no input in Malimali’s appointment.
• Local media report Malimali is taken in for questioning under orders from FICAC’s acting deputy commissioner Francis Puleiwai.
• Attorney-General Graham Leung weighs in backing Malimali and slams Puleiwai, saying she “must respect that appointment”.
• Leung says Malimali remains in charge despite investigation, which he claims, “has no basis”, according to five Electoral Commissioners who are “persons of high repute and integrity”, and Pulewai’s actions are “severely open to question”.
• Puleiwai resigns, saying she is “not be able to work in that institution when we know that a suspect is there”, adding “I don’t have any vested interest.”
• Opposition leader in parliament Inia Seruiratu calls the turn of events ‘transparency and accountability under fire’, saying the Malimali appointment situation raises “numerous questions…that need answers”.

Friday, September 6:

• Malimali is back in office and tells state broadcaster she would not let the saga “deter her from performing her duties”.
• Judicial Services Commission condemns the new FICAC chief’s arrest on Thursday, who it says is “a distinguished member of Fiji’s legal community”.
• It remains unclear whether the abuse of office investigation against Malimali has been closed as well as when Malimali stepped down from her role as the Electoral Commission chairperson.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Journalists who report on environmental issues are encountering growing difficulties in many parts of the world, reports Reporters Without Borders.

According to the tally kept by RSF, 200 journalists have been subjected to threats and physical violence, including murder, in the past 10 years because they were working on stories linked to the environment.

Twenty four were murdered in Latin America and Asia — including the Pacific, which makes these two regions the most dangerous ones for environmental reporters.

From restrictions on access to information and gag suits to physical attacks, the work of environmental journalists and their safety are increasingly threatened.

RSF has denounced the obstacles to the right to information about ecological and climate issues and calls on all countries to recognise the vital nature of the work of environmental journalists, and to guarantee their safety.

Nearly half of the journalists killed in India in the past 10 years — 13 of 28 — were working on environmental stories that often also involved corruption and organised crime, especially the so-called “sand mafia,” which illegally excavates millions of tons of this precious resource for the construction industry.

Amazon deforestation
Journalists covering the challenges of deforestation in the Amazon are also constantly subjected to threats and harassment that prevent them from working freely.

The scale of the problem was highlighted in 2022 by the murder of Dom Phillips, a British reporter specialised in environmental issues.

“Regarding the environmental and climate challenges we face, the freedom to cover these issues is essential,” said RSF’s editorial director Anne Bocandé.

“RSF’s staff battles tirelessly to prevent economic and political interests from obstructing the right to information. Your generosity makes this fight possible.”

Pacific Media Watch collaborates with Reporters Without Borders.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Papua New Guinea’s government has appealed to the Australian Federal Police and the Singapore Police to assist PNG police to link money laundering trails.

Speaking in Parliament yesterday, Prime Minister James Marape said Australia and Singapore had been the major hub of transit for possible money laundering activities.

He wants help from police in the two countries to assist PNG police in their fight against corruption in the country.

“We are fighting corruption. For instance, we are following the footprints of the [A$1.2 billion Swiss bank] UBS money that has gone deeply rooted so our police are working on it,” he said.

“Therefore I want to encourage police in Singapore and police in Australia assist PNG police to deal with money laundered from PNG.

“I want to appeal again to the Australian police and Singaporean police to assist our police and I make this statement as the Prime Minister of this country.

“And in the case of UBS, we have made [a] deep incision, we are following the money trail, the entire loot that was looted from this country,” he said.

‘Prioritise law and order’
“I want to give commendation to the Police Commissioner, David Manning — he is not here to stop tribal fights; stopping tribal fights is the job of our members of Parliament.

“Governors you have PSIP (constituency development funds) funds so prioritise law and order using your funds, do not wait for police commissioners to come and stop tribal fights.

“PNG has been labelled a corrupt country so I don’t want to leave this label for the next 20 years so we have to make an example out of other existing corruption that has been documented and evidence are used.

“And the ICAC [Independent Commission Against Corruption] commission of inquiry has sufficient evidence for us to pursue our efforts to fight corruption.

“I will indicate to this House that we will bring to this floor of Parliament the Finance Inquiry again and other inquiries that are outstanding.

“We will revisit if they are not time bound but we will not limit the limited police capacity so that is why I appeal to Singapore police and Australia police to assist my policemen to link to the money trails,” the Prime Minister said.

“Monies do not hide, monies move from one bank account to another bank account, forensic auditors and investigators will follow the money trials and our police are working as part of the law and order conversation, focusing on our country like fighting corruption like never before,” he said.

Marape said the ICAC, Ombudsman Commission and police would work in partnership in the pursuit to address corruption in the country.

He said with the efforts to strengthening the work of the ICAC, three commissioners had been appointed while a third Ombudsman commissioner would be appointed this week.

Jeffrey Elapa is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Former MP for Madang Open and anti-corruption campaigner Bryan Kramer has filed a Supreme Court appeal against a National Court ruling dismissing his application for leave to review a Leadership Tribunal’s decision to dismiss him from office.

His appeal to the Supreme Court follows the refusal of a leave to review application in the National Court presided by Justice John Carey on August 18.

Kramer said in a statement that he had filed an application on the 23 May 2023 in the National Court to review the decision of the Leadership Tribunal.

He later withdrew this and refiled on June 30.

The refiled application raised nine primary grounds, including breach of natural justice, procedural unfairness, apprehension of bias in being denied a fair hearing, unreasonableness and being oppressive and harsh and not “reasonably justifiable in a democratic society”.

After waiting almost three months for a judge to hear his leave application, the matter was listed before Justice John Carey on August 18. However, straight after hearing detailed submission from counsels, Justice Carey delivered an oral judgement refusing Kramer’s application.

Justice Carey ruled that Kramer had not satisfied all the requirements, in particular an arguable case

Further nine grounds
Kramer is now appealing the judge’s ruling on a further nine grounds that include an allegation that the judge had failed to properly deliver a reasoned judicial decision.

He will submit that the judge had erred in directing Kramer’s counsel to narrow his submissions to the ground of apprehension of bias to the exclusion of the issues raised in the eight other grounds.

Further, the judge had failed to consider specific matters raised in each of nine grounds.

The judge had delivered two judgments, the first oral and the second published without indicating to parties, and that was altered and expounded on the reasons in the oral judgement.

He was dismissed in May this year by a a Leadership Tribunal comprising Justice Lawrence Kangwia and senior Magistrates Josephine Nidue and Edward Komia.

The Tribunal found him guilty on seven of thirteen allegations of misconduct in office

Five of the seven misconduct charges were in relation to decisions concerning the Madang District Development Authority (DDA) that he had failed to comply with legislative administrative requirements, and the misapplication of district funds to which they could not be lawfully applied.

Facebook publications
The remaining two misconduct charges were in relation to his Facebook publications that were found to have “scandalised the judiciary”.

The background of the two charges of him scandalising the judiciary were that in October 2019 he had published a three-part series of articles on Facebook concerning an arrest warrant against former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill.

The first charge was over part of his publication insinuating a conflict of interest by Chief Justice Sir Gibbs Salika in publishing the words “a relevant matter to note is that the Chief Justice was only recently appointed by O’Neill late last year”.

The second charge was over publishing the words “What was not anticipated was that O’Neill and his lawyers would solicit the assistance from the Chief Justice and desperate enough to submit fabricated documents to mislead the court that the warrant was defective as a means to obtain a stay order”.

The Tribunal had recommended by majority that Kramer pay a fine of K2000 (about NZ$922) for each for the five charges in relation to the Madang District Development Authority as they were decisions made by the DDA Board and not Kramer alone.

However, it recommended unanimously for his dismissal from office in relation to his Facebook publications in scandalising the judiciary.

Pacific Media Watch reports that in a profile by The Guardian in 2019, Bryan Kramer — BK as he is known — was described as a “rising star in PNG politics” and as an anti-corruption campaigner who was instrumental in bringing to light the UBS scandal that helped to bring down former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill’s leadership.

Republished from the PNG Post-Courier with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Dismissed Member of Madang Bryan Kramer says the dismissal notice by Papua New Guinea’s Governor-General Sir Bob Dadae does not affect his appeal.

“What I can confirm is that on the morning the notice was issued, I had filed my appeal before the National Court,” he said.

“My appeal is requesting the court to firstly review the decision of the Ombudsman Commission in refusing my request to be given the evidence in my right to be heard notice.

“Secondly, to review decisions of the Leadership Tribunal in finding me guilty of misconduct in office and its recommendation to the GG for my dismissal from office.”

Being dismissed from office did not stop him from inquiring into “unfinished matters concerning high-level corruption”, he added.

“Unlike in the past, I’m a lot more informed on the system and those behind it. It also doesn’t stop me from reporting to relevant authorities on those involved in corruption.”

Being a Member of Parliament and Minister of State imposed limitations on what could be done and now with those limitations set aside much could be achieved, he said.

”As far as I’m concerned, being dismissed from office as a Member of Parliament is by no means the end of the matter but just the beginning of things to come.”

Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Dissident Papua New Guinean politician and former cabinet minister Bryan Kramer has vowed to fight on in his campaign against corruption, saying the National Court ruling to dismiss him as an MP was “the calm before the storm”.

“The decision to dismiss me was expected and of course, it is certainly not the end of the issue as I have already been working on an appeal to challenge both the rulings on verdict and penalty in the National Court,” he told reporters in Port Moresby

Kramer, a former police minister then justice minister, was responding to the decision on recommendations for his dismissal and a fine of K10,000 (NZ$4600).

“Today’s decision in no way diminishes my resolve in the fight against corruption nor will it keep me from informing the public on issues of national importance or exposing high-level corruption,” he said.

“In my view it’s the calm before the storm.”

In a statement later in the day Kramer explained the court decision saying: “Today (1/5/23) the Leadership Tribunal handed down its ruling on the penalty in relation to the finding of guilt of the seven (7) counts of misconduct in office against me.

“The Tribunal categorised the seven counts of misconduct into two main categories in determining whether there is serious culpability (wrongdoing on my part) warranting my dismissal from office or recommending a lesser penalty of a fine or suspension of no more than three months without pay.

“Category 1 included counts 1 and 2 that related to my Facebook publications scandalising the judiciary.

Conflict of interest claim
“Count 1 being the publication insinuating a conflict of interest by the Chief Justice.

“Count 2 related to accusing [former prime minister] Peter O’Neill and his lawyer of soliciting the assistance of the Chief Justice and submitting a fabricated document to mislead the court that the warrant of arrest was defective.

“Category 2 included the remaining 5 counts that related to the decisions of the Madang District Development Authority Board in the application of the District Services Improvement Programme (DSIP) Funds in renting office space for the establishment of a project office to deliver district projects at the ward level, paying electoral staff who were involved in implementing the projects and establishing a ward project staff structure without obtaining approval from the Secretary of Personnel Management and engaging an associate company that was paid K3000 [NZ$1400] a fortnight.

“In short, the Tribunal recommended a penalty of dismissal from office in relation to counts 1 and 2 and a fine of K2000 for each of remaining 5 counts, a total fine of K10,000.

“Based on the Tribunal’s finding on guilt on seven counts handed down on 21 February 2023, today’s ruling for dismissal was expected.

“The decision recommending dismissal from office will be delivered to the Speaker who will then recommend to the Governor General (GG) to adopt the Tribunal’s recommendation to dismiss me from office.

“The decision of the GG will be gazetted and takes effect. At that point I will no longer be a Member of Parliament.”

Kramer Report publisher
Bryan Kramer, well known as a social media strategist and publisher of the anti-corruption Kramer Report, has been a cabinet minister in Prime Minister James Marape’s government since 2019, holding the police, justice and then immigration portfolios.

Leader of the Allegiance Party, Kramer was returned to Parliament at last year’s elections with sizable majority in the Madang Open seat.

Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Files submitted to the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) two years ago over alleged abuse of funds by a former Fiji Sugar Corporation (FSC) executive are believed to have “disappeared”, says Sugar Minister Charan Jeath Singh.

Singh said someone in FICAC would be held responsible for causing the disappearance of the files.

Singh said it was unacceptable that in a case of national importance involving taxpayers’ money, files had disappeared while FICAC found it easy to charge other people for abuse of office.

Speaking to FSC staff members in Labasa this week, Singh said evidence existed to prove allegations against the executive.

“We have sufficient evidence as a result of the investigation and every information points out at alleged corrupt dealing in the mill and at management level,” the minister said.

“The files were given to FICAC two years ago but someone may have deliberately dealt with it which is why it has disappeared,” he said.

“FICAC is good at charging other people in society but when it comes to big sharks, why can’t they be taken to task?”

Files to be resubmitted
Singh said someone in FICAC would be held responsible for losing the files.

“I will leave it with the minister responsible but we need to show the people and tell them what transpired.

“So we have resubmitted the files to FICAC and we want the investigations to be done right away so we can take the executive to task.

“This is to also warn people holding senior positions in state-owned companies that there is no room for corruption.”

Fiji Labour Party leader and National Farmers Union general secretary Mahendra Chaudhry, making submissions to the Standing Committee on Economic Affairs in Lautoka in May 2016, claimed two FSC directors had pocketed $2.4 million in directors’ remuneration between 2012 to 2014.

He claimed that the two directors had jointly picked up fees of $781,000 in 2012, $846,000 in 2013 and $791,000 in 2014, saying the figures he was quoting were lifted directly from FSC annual reports for those years.

In May 2017, Sugar Ministry Secretary Yogesh Karan told The Fiji Times that investigations into the executive were continuing.

He said he had done his part and had given the matter over to the relevant authorities — the Reserve Bank of Fiji and the Fiji Revenue and Customs Authority — to deal with.

Questions sent to FICAC on the comments made by Singh remained unanswered when this edition went to press.

Serafina Silaitoga is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Indonesian anti-curruption authorities have arrested Papua Governor Lukas Enembe on allegations of bribery.

The Jakarta Globe called the arrest by the Corruption Eradication Commission in a restaurant in the provincial capital Jayapura yesterday as “dramatic” saying it came four months after he had been named a suspect.

The arrest led to his supporters attacking a police Mobile Brigade Unit where he was being held prior to being flown to Jakarta on a chartered flight.

The newspaper said the two-term governor is accused of taking billions of rupiah in bribes from businessmen but has resisted arrest since the commission named him a suspect in September.

Indonesia’s Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre alleged Enembe made payments, amounting to US$39 million dollars, to overseas casinos.

Indonesia’s Chief Security Minister Mohammad Mahfud said in October that the central government had channelled billions of dollars in what was dubbed “autonomy funding” to Papua since 2001, with about half of that amount disbursed during Enembe’s term.

He claimed “nothing happened: the people remain poor and the officials continue their lavish lifestyle”.

• Pacific Media Watch reports that Papua province is at the heart of the indigenous self-determination struggle in West Papua.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

Fate of Papua’s Governor Enembe – the ‘son of Koteka’ – lies in balance amid allegations

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Sixteen years later, Fiji is about to go to the polls for the third time since Bainimarama took power. One question voters may well ask is: has the good governance coup delivered on its promise to address corruption?

In this article we argue that, while there have been some gains, political will towards anti-corruption efforts in Fiji appears to be running out of steam.

While the phrase “good governance coup” is an oxymoron, there are signs that the government’s subsequent anti-corruption efforts have borne fruit.

The Worldwide Governance Indicators find that Fiji’s Control of Corruption percentile ranking has improved, from 60 in 2007 to 67.3 in 2021. This is better than Papua New Guinea (25) but lower than Micronesia (70) and Tuvalu (73).

In 2021, the country scored 55 out of 100 (with a score of 100 equating to clean and 0 very corrupt) and ranked 45 out of 180 countries on its first appearance in over a decade on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index.

On this index Fiji ranks better than neighbours Solomon Islands (score: 43/100), Vanuatu (45/100) and PNG (31/100). Fiji’s score was slightly better than the east African island nation Mauritius (which scored 54/100).

Corruption concerns Fijians
Fiji’s citizens are concerned about corruption. In a recent Global Corruption Barometer survey, 68 percent of respondents across the country said that corruption is a big problem in government; 61 percent said it was a big problem in the private sector.

However, the same survey found that bribery rates are low — 5 percent of respondents said they paid a bribe to get a service in the previous 12 months, compared to 64 percent of respondents from Kiribati.

Still, our analysis suggests these relatively positive results could be undermined by dwindling political will towards key anti-corruption organisations. To understand the level of political will towards anti-corruption efforts, we calculate the relative amount of funding for key state-based anti-corruption organisations (we’ve written more about this approach in relation to PNG and Solomon Islands).

To do so, we draw on over a decade of publicly available budget documents.

In 2007, the Bainimarama regime established the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption, known as FICAC, which became a key symbol of the good governance coup. FICAC has been accused of being politically motivated — in the lead up to the 2022 election the agency questioned the leader of the People’s Alliance (PA) party, Sitiveni Rabuka, and charged PA deputy leaders Lynda Tabuya and Dan Lobendahn with vote buying and breach of campaign rules.

If it wins the election, the PA party has recently pledged to phase out FICAC within 100 days of forming office.

While complaints to FICAC have significantly increased since it was established, it only responds to a small fraction.

FICAC spending declining
Though budgeted to receive an increase of F$2.2 million in real terms in the 2022-23 budget, our analysis shows that the government’s actual spending on FICAC has been declining.

In 2010 the government spent 0.5 percent of its budget on FICAC, which had halved by 2020-21. (It is budgeted to bounce back slightly in 2022-23, rising to 0.28 percent.) In real terms, spending on FICAC dropped by F$2.6 million between 2010 and 2020-21.

Similarly, spending on the Attorney-General’s Chambers reduced from 0.26 percent of the budget in 2010 to 0.12 percent in 2020-21 (in real terms, spending reduced by F$1.7 million). It is budgeted to receive 0.14% by 2022-23, but given a history of underspending it is likely this agency will receive less than what has been promised.

On a somewhat brighter note, the Office of the Auditor-General received a slightly higher proportion of the budget over the past decade: the government spent 0.15 percent of the budget on this agency in 2010 and 0.16 percent in 2020-21 (an increase of F$1.8 million in real terms).

This is set to dip back down to 0.15 percent by 2022-23. Despite not losing financial ground, as one of us (Neelesh) argues, Fiji’s Auditor-General faces questions about the office’s independence and impact.

Diminishing political will towards key state-based anti-corruption organisations is also evidenced by what is not in the budget. Despite the 2013 constitution providing for the establishment of an Accountability and Transparency Commission — which is supported by civil society groups — the government has not provided the funding required to establish this agency. (In the 2022-23 budget it provides a paltry F$20,000 for this agency, which pales in comparison to the F$10.5 million budgeted for FICAC.)

In February 2021, Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum explained that the budgetary allocation for the Accountability and Transparency Commission would not be forthcoming as a bill outlining its responsibilities had not been approved by Parliament. This is still the case.

Financial backing for police
The government has increased financial support to the country’s police force. Spending on the police increased from 4.9 percent in the 2010 budget to 5.7 percent in 2020-21 — an increase of F$78 million in real terms.

In comparison, in its 2020 budget the Papua New Guinean government spent just over 2 percent on its police force, and this is budgeted to fall to 1.6 percent by 2022. Fiji’s police, however, have their own problems with corruption.

The Global Corruption Barometer survey found that, compared to other institutions, more people thought the police, along with members of Parliament, were involved with corruption. Cuts to key anti-corruption organisations may exacerbate this.

Further reforms are clearly needed. Beyond being well funded and staffed, anti-corruption agencies need to be independent and publicly accountable, which suggests the need for multi-stakeholder oversight involving politicians, the business community and civil society.

This could mean reforming — through greater oversight and the involvement of independent stakeholders — rather than abolishing FICAC. Establishing and funding an independent Accountability and Transparency Commission to investigate permanent secretaries and others holding public office could also help.

Whatever the outcome of the 14 December election, the next government will need to quickly establish (or re-establish) its anti-corruption credentials if Fiji is to build on any gains it has already made in the fight against corruption.

Grant Walton is a fellow at the Development Policy Centre and the author of Anti-Corruption and its Discontents: Local, National and International Perspectives on Corruption in Papua New Guinea; Husnia Hushang is school administrator at the ANU Research School of Economics, and a research assistant at the Development Policy Centre; and Neelesh Gounder is senior lecturer in economics and deputy head of school (research) in the School of Accounting Finance and Economics at the University of the South Pacific, Suva. This article is republished from the Devpolicy Blog under a Creative Commons licence.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

It took 20 years and just three votes to unshackle anti-corruption champion Dr Allan Marat’s grip on the Rabaul Open seat in East New Britain Province in Papua New Guinea’s general election.

His reign finally came to an end at 5pm yesterday when Rabaul Open Returning Officer Babel Umri announced Graham Piniau Rumet, son of legendary Mataungan leader late Daniel Rumet, was the new member-elect for Rabaul.

Dr Allan Marat calmly and graciously accepted his defeat and announced he would retire to his family home to take care of the family business.

It was a political race that went down to the wire and is the closest winning margin in the 47-year history of the PNG Parliament.

Dr Marat led the preliminary count all the way until box 20, which was the final box for the electorate, registering 4317 votes with Rumet at his heels on 2683 votes.

At the end of the preliminary count, none of the nine candidates met the absolute majority figure and the count went into the elimination round.

United Labour Party candidate Raymond Paulias was the kingmaker when the distribution of his second and third choice votes gave Rumet 5192 votes to Mara’s 5189.

Winning votes
His winning votes came from the preferential votes of Paulias who was eliminated in the seventh round.

Dr Marat, who was regarded as one of the Gazelle Peninsula’s robust, transparent, anti-corruption voices, lost by a mere three votes.

Rumet, who was in Kokopo, had to rush to the Sir Ronald ToVue Hall at the Malaguna Technical Secondary School to be declared by Umri in the presence of the Provincial Administrator and Chairman of the Provincial Election Steering Committee Wilson Matava.

The Matupit man was hoisted high on the shoulders of jubilant supporters and was carried into the hall with chants of “Graham! Graham! Graham”!

In his maiden speech, Rumet said he would stand for change in the Rabaul district.

He acknowledged his loyal supporters and also the people of Rabaul for having the confidence in him to be their leader for the next five years.

Bringing change
“We’ve prepared ourselves for 15 years for this victory today,” he said.

He assured the people of Rabaul that he would work closely with them to bring change to the district.

“I want to thank the previous member for being the captain of our vessel for the past 20 years,” he said.

Rumet’s declaration is the second for East New Britain Province with Pomio MP Elias Kapavore retaining his seat with an absolute majority win of 11,949 votes and 55 counts of ballot papers.

Kapavore is the first People’s National Congress (PNC) candidate in the country to win his seat.

Paul Bungtabu and Poreni Umau are PNG Post-Courier reporters. Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Protesting students have held demonstrations in several cities around Indonesia to mark seven years of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration, reports CNN Indonesia.

The protests came as President Widodo left Jakarta to officiate at the opening of a palm oil processing factory owned by the PT Jhonlin Group in South Kalimantan.

The largest demonstration was held in Jakarta on Thursday where protesters led by the National Association of University Student Executive Bodies (BEM SI) marched from the National Library to the State Palace in Central Jakarta.

The protesters were stopped at the Horse Statue because of a police blockade. However, there was no physical confrontation and the student took turns in giving speeches in front of the police blockade.

“Today, we are not here for existence, but to bring a clear substance,” said Boy, a representative from the Tanjung Karang Polytechnic during the action near the Horse Statue.

The demonstrators read out 12 demands after being prevented from approaching the State Palace.

One of the demands was that a regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) be issued to annul the revisions to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Law.

A similar action was also held in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar.

The difference was that the students in Makassar blockaded Jalan Sultan Alauddin street, detained two trucks and set fire to used tyres.

The field coordinator of the student action in Makassar, Razak Usman, criticised the government’s alleged bias in development and demanded that President Widodo make pro-people policies.

“We demand the upholding of legal supremacy, reject amendments to the constitution, reject the Omnibus Law, want Law Number 19/2019 revoked, reject simultaneous regional elections, reject the removal of fuel subsidies and urge Jokowi to resolve the handling of Covid-19,” said Usman.

Students in the Central Java provincial capital of Semarang held a long-march from the Old City area to the office of the Central Java Governor, Ganjar Pranowo.

Upon arriving at the governor’s office they took turns in giving speeches. A number of different issues were taken up, including resolving past human rights violations, the Omnibus Law on Job Creation and the weakening of the KPK.

“What has resulted from Jokowi so far? Where are his promises?,” asked action coordinator Fajar Sodiq.

“Resolving past human rights violations are not heard, the Omnibus Law oppresses the ordinary people, and now we are witnessing efforts to weaken the KPK. Where [are the results of] Jokowi’s work?”

As the students were protesting, President Widodo was visiting South Kalimantan where he officiated at the opening of a biodiesel factory, a bridge and monitored covid-19 vaccinations.

The biodiesel factory, which is located in Tanah Bumbu, is managed by the PT Jhonlin Group owned by Samsudin Andi Arsyad alias Haji Isam.

President Widodo said he appreciated the processing of palm oil into biodiesel and said he hoped that other countries would follow Jhonlin’s example in processing palm oil into biofuel.

“Downstreaming, industrialisation, must be done and we must force ourselves to do it. Because of this, I greatly respect what is being done by the PT Jhonlin Group in building a biodiesel factory”, said Widodo.

Meanwhile, Greenpeace Indonesia has published a damning new report about Indonesia’s palm oil industry and the devastation of rainforests.

Translated by James Balowski for Indoleft News. The original title of the article was “Demo di Sejumlah Kota, Jokowi Resmikan Pabrik di Kalsel”.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz